NUMBER 29Report NOVEMBER • 2003 CENTER for the PACIFIC RIM

THE CENTER FOR THE PACIFIC RIM PROMOTES “Nourishing the Spirit: understanding, communica- tion, and cooperation The Search for Meaning in Contemporary China” among the cultures and economies of the Pacific Rim and provides leader- ship in strengthening the position of the San Francisco Bay Area as a pre-eminent American In 1999 the Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western gateway to the Pacific. It Cultural History at the Center for the Pacific Rim, fulfills its mission through interdisciplinary academic University of San Francisco, inaugurated an on- programs, research, print going cross-disciplinary initiative—“Nourishing and online publications, the Spirit: Social Change and Spiritual Develop- scholarly exchanges, conferences, and other ment in China Today.” Complementing the Ricci outreach activities. Institute’s continuing support of research on the historical interactions of China with Christianity, Two Distinguished Fellows of the Ricci Institute’s EDS-Stewart Chair—historian of THE RICCI INSTITUTE IS this new initiative explores the contemporary part of the Center for the resources that Chinese people find to support their religion James D. Whitehead and social Pacific Rim. It is a leading spiritual search in this time of profound personal psychologist Evelyn Eaton Whitehead—are interdisciplinary research working closely with Dr. Fan in the work of and social dislocation. center that promotes, in the analysis and interpretation of her research. spirit of Matteo Ricci, the They offer here an overview of the initial encounter of Chinese Sociologist FAN Lizhu of culture and Christian faith findings of this joint effort. Fudan University in by conducting research projects, organizing confer- Shanghai, a Fellow of the ences and producing schol- Ricci Institute’s EDS- arly publications. With its Stewart Chair, has studied 80,000-volume Chinese the shape of this spiritual Library and The Ricci 21st hunger and the sources of Century Roundtable, the N N N Institute offers premier spiritual nourishment in contemporary WE GRATEFULLY ACKNOWLEDGE the EDS-Stewart Chair for resources in the study of Shenzhen. Through a series of in-depth inter- Chinese-Western Cultural History at the USF Ricci Christianity in China. views she examined the resurgence of spiritual Institute and the Kiriyama Chair for Pacific Rim Studies at the USF Center for the Pacific Rim for funding this beliefs and practices among the commercial issue of Pacific Rim Report. workers and small business owners who make up this city’s emerging middle-class. Spiritual Needs, Spiritual globalization cast here in such sharp relief, Shenzhen presents a compelling site for examin- Nourishment in Shenzhen ing the impact of social change on spiritual consciousness. James D. Whitehead and Evelyn Eaton Whitehead The Shekou Incident Ricci Institute, University of San Francisco, USA In January of 1988 two Chinese political repre- sentatives arrived in the Shekou district of the he city of Shenzhen, an hour’s train ride burgeoning new free economic zone of Shenzhen. from Hong Kong, was not long ago a sleepy Sponsored by the Communist League, they came Tfishing village. In 1979 as part of his pro- to lecture an assembly of young workers, all gram of Reform and Opening, Deng Xiaoping recent migrants to Shenzhen from towns and vil- declared this village and a vast track of surround- lages throughout China. Their instruction carried a ing territory as a special economic zone. With familiar message: the revolutionary ideals of party generous tax incentives in place for foreign invest- and state must continue to guide the Chinese ment, the city has exploded into a rough-edged worker. The lecture was routine, but the response metropolis of seven million, of whom several mil- it generated was not. lion are temporary workers or ‘floating residents’ In the midst of the instruction, a young work- “Shenzhen who work various jobs without the benefits of er arose in protest. In tone and terms that were legal residency. presents a startlingly direct, he challenged their message as First-time visitors are often bewildered by the empty propaganda, words that no longer carried compelling site pace and energy of Shenzhen. But what appears weight in Shenzhen. “We have come to for examining to many foreigners as lawlessness and disorder, Shenzhen to make money,” he boldly asserted. the impact of appeals to workers here as opportunity. Here workers do not need to depend on the Ian Buruma captures these contrasts: “The state-controlled work unit (danwei ) for social change atmosphere is young and brash. A raw, even their jobs. Here workers are able to find employ- on spiritual primitive, vitality—life reduced to food, sex and ment on their own; fired from a factory one day, a laborer can easily find work by the next. In this consciousness.” money flows through these new streets like a muddy river.” But, Baruma continues, “For many exploding economic arena, he announced, party young Chinese that is precisely its attraction. To ideals and government directives are irrelevant. be relieved of the burdens of home, history, and And the gathered workers cheered his audacious tradition is a form of liberation. Opportunities announcement. await at the frontiers of the wild south— Reports of this act of public defiance—the opportunities to make money, but also to carve ‘Shekou Incident’—spread quickly. The workers out a modicum of personal freedom.”1 in this economic free zone were embarked on a In many ways the city of Shenzhen is unique new adventure. The laissez-faire atmosphere of in China: more than 90% of its inhabitants were Shenzhen’s economic frontier offered job options born elsewhere; the average age of current that released them from dependence on the all- residents is less than thirty years. Social and providing, all-controlling institution of the psychological forces here differ dramatically from danwei. those that still prevail in the interior regions Opportunities for individual choice quickly where most Chinese live. The speed of change in expanded beyond the economic realm. With the Shenzhen has outpaced even the rapidly mod- wider range of options came an increased aware- ernizing urban metropolises along China’s ness of personal responsibility. Where to live, eastern coast. what life-style to pursue, what values to adopt— But while this free economic zone is not typi- now these decisions had to be made on one’s cal of China today, it may hold significant clues own. Among these industrial migrants—no to this country’s future. With the dynamics of longer embedded in the values of family and

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2 N The Ricci Institute at the USF Center for the Pacific Rim village life, no longer limited by the directives of role of a distinct group of professionally trained the work unit—a taste of personal responsibility leaders, heightened concern for orthodoxy in developed into an appetite for personal freedom. belief and practice. And, in ways that contradicted predictions of Responding to these western connotations, both Marxist orthodoxy and western seculariza- many early observers insisted that China had no tion theory, this expanding economic freedom religion. Later scholars both in China and the released spiritual hungers as well. west distinguished sharply between the multiple The Spiritual Search in Shenzhen ‘superstitious’ beliefs adhered to by the masses and the ‘great traditions’ of , The metropolis of Shenzhen boasts new and , and . Researchers today speak refurbished worship sites of each of the five reli- more appreciatively of the spiritual significance gions officially recognized by Chinese law— of China’s local traditions. Recently Daniel Taoism, Buddhism, Islam, Protestant and Overmyer reviewed over fifty books on Chinese Catholic Christianity. And while accurate num- popular religion written since 1990 by Chinese bers are difficult to determine, membership in scholars. In nearly all these works a surprisingly these registered religious groups is on the rise positive tone has replaced the more convention- here as well as elsewhere throughout mainland al view of local practices and beliefs as mere China. But our research reveals another dynamic superstition. He concludes, “What we see here of Chinese modernization. Confronted by new “ is not only a new direction in scholarship, but Instead they questions of meaning and purpose, these respon- also a great and historic culture finally trying to dents did not turn to the now-approved religious gave very recognize and come to terms with the religious institutions of Buddhism or Christianity. Instead personal traditions of the great majority of its people.”3 they gave very personal expression to their expression to spiritual search, in the age-old idiom of China’s We have adopted the phrase ‘common spiri- common spiritual heritage. tual heritage’ to characterize these cultural their spiritual This tradition, often dismissed by scholars as resources. This spiritual heritage is centered in search, in the ‘folk religion’ or ‘popular belief’, has long been the family and pivots on a recognition of the age-old idiom of overlooked and undervalued. Even as the vital energy of ( ) animating all reality. Its Chinese government softened its view of the beliefs and practices, as Overmyer explains, are China’s common legally recognized institutional religions such as rooted in a particular vision: “the world itself is a spiritual sacred place of power and mystery and…to Buddhism and Christianity, the customary heritage.” beliefs and practices of ordinary Chinese were human beings belongs the important task of still considered ‘feudal superstition’ and—as cooperating with this power and making it oper- ative in society.” And, in a significant departure such—without legal status.2 Significantly, it is from the religious sensitivity of the west, “what this lack of government recognition and control we call the sacred and profane are here blended that makes these spiritual practices attractive to 4 many in Shenzhen. together.” China’s Common Spiritual Heritage In China, this common spiritual heritage exists symbiotically with the more institutional- Scholars today are cautious about using ized traditions of Confucianism, Buddhism, and the abstract term ‘religion’ to describe China’s Taoism. John Lagerwey helps clarify what is for spiritual heritage. The translated term the western observer a mystifying relationship: (zongjiao ), first introduced in China “While the intellectual observer—or even the only in the 1890s, is essentially a western concept local participant—may be able to distinguish grafted onto Chinese experience. In both English Confucian, Buddhist, Taoist, or mediumistic fea- and Chinese, the word continues to imply ele- tures of local religion, in local society these are all ments that are foreign to Chinese sensibilities: a aspects of the larger whole… Local society seems sharp dichotomy between sacred and secular, for- always and everywhere to contain all four ritual mal and exclusive group membership, the central traditions.”5

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November 2003 N 3 The common spiritual tradition has devel- responsibility.”7 Brokaw could be describing the oped with no need to create its own distinct scene in contemporary Shenzhen. rituals, elaborate doctrines, or full-time profes- For many whom Dr. Fan interviewed, height- sional leaders such as monks or priests. As the ed awareness of personal responsibility raised occasion arises, Chinese will borrow beliefs and questions they experienced as entirely new: Is ceremonies originally developed within the there a plot or purpose that guides my life? Does ‘great traditions’, adopting these to suit local my experience have larger significance or mean- conditions. And when the religious texts or ing? In an effort to make sense of the new rituals associated with Taoism or Confucianism direction of their lives, her respondents found or Buddhism “enter the gravitational field of support in deeply traditional notions of (local) religion, their meanings are changed to fit ‘destiny’ (mingyun ) and ‘coincidence’ 6 what the people need.” (yuanfen ). The people in Shenzhen today vividly illus- Fate: Fixed and Flexible trate this interpenetration of traditions, as they prepare home altars incorporating Taoist sym- Mr. Zhou worked as a teacher before moving to Shenzhen. Initially he found only bols and adapt Buddhist ceremonies for use in menial jobs available. Three years later he their communal devotions. But rather than sim- had saved enough to start his own small ply a nostalgic return to familiar practices of the printing business, producing mailing “In this new past, the modern residents are undertaking a envelopes, deposit slips and receipt books. urban setting, personal re-appropriation of these spiritual The business grew rapidly, in pace with resources. In their beliefs and practices today, Shenzhen’s expanding economy. To his sur- with its freedom the cultural heritage of Chinese spirituality is prise, Mr. Zhou found himself suddenly and despite its being both actively and selectively embraced. wealthy, able to purchase a new home and even a private automobile. chaos, these Social Change and Personal Responsibility Mr. Zhou recalls years of poverty and residents crossed Among Dr. Fan’s respondents, economic struggle during which he was untroubled by the threshold of opportunities provoked changes in conscious- larger questions of meaning or purpose. Only ness. Unprecedented experiences of individual recently has he begun to wonder about his a new level of choice generated new awareness of personal life: Why me? Why has this good fortune responsibility. been his, while others—equally hardwork- consciousness.” ing—continues to struggle with little success? But while this link between economic trans- Now for the first time, Mr. Zhou reports, he formation and spiritual opportunity was new to must confront the question of his own des- the people of Shenzhen, it has been a recurrent tiny: perhaps some unrecognized power or pattern in China’s history. In her instructive unseen force favors him, guiding his fate. If analysis of the moral handbooks of 17th century so, what responsibility is his? What must he China, historian Cynthia Brokaw observes that do to respond to this good fortune? these immensely popular works served “as Mrs. Wang was born in Tianjin just prior guidelines for proper (and profitable) behavior to the Cultural Revolution. Neither her fami- during a time of high mobility, shifting values ly upbringing nor her formal education and uncertain beliefs.” Brokaw further elabo- exposed her to religious beliefs or practices. rates the impact of economic upheavals of that As an adult, after a series of crises and set- time, citing “the extraordinary moral pressures backs, Mrs. Wang took a job at an account- their expanded sense of human control created ing firm in Shenzhen. She was frequently promoted and soon reached a senior position for the individual. If the belief that a man could with a very good salary. This financial create his own moral and material fate gave the success prompted questions similar to Mr. individual a power and a freedom he had not Zhou’s. Why has her life turned out this possessed before, it imposed as well a crushing way? What is the purpose of making money? What does life ask of her now?

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The Chinese term mingyun describes fate as Fateful Coincidence both fixed and flexible. Fixed: one’s destiny orig- In every life, apparently chance events give inates beyond the individual in the ‘command distinct direction to one’s fate—meeting the per- (ming) of heaven’. Yet flexible: it is also shaped son one later marries, or losing a job only to find by the particular ‘movements (yun)’ of an indi- a better position. Reflecting on their experiences vidual’s life. Each person’s journey is shaped by in Shenzhen, Dr. Fan’s respondents referred often genetic inheritance and family background that to such fateful coincidences (yuanfen), those lie outside personal control. And yet within this unplanned occurrences that decisively influenced fixed pattern, Chinese wisdom recognizes that the eventual shape of their lives. all is not simply ‘given’. It is the life-long disci- pline of self-cultivation that prepares one to Mrs. Wang’s early dream to study abroad was dashed when her belongings–including embrace the opportunities that arise in and alter her money, visa and airplane ticket–were the course of a life. Echoing this insight, a stolen. This chance event forced a change in respondent remarked, “in Shenzhen I have plans; now without funds, she risked moving learned that we must grasp our fate.” to Shenzhen where she had heard jobs were Prior to their arrival in Shenzhen, many plentiful. And in Shenzhen fate has favored respondents had inhabited a world circum- her. In retrospect, Mrs. Wang now sees this event as more than mere chance. The earlier scribed by the danwei. This work unit not only apparent misfortune became a positive turn- determined their current salary, housing and ing point in her life. health care, but kept possession of the personal “In the realm of Mr. Zhou notes the intervention of a sim- files without which job change, travel, and fur- ilar event: the abrupt failure of a youthful spirit, as in ther education were not possible. Such an envi- motivated him to leave his home much of the rest ronment co-opted all questioning. There was village. Mysteriously, this early loss con- neither need nor opportunity to wonder about tributed to his present good fortune. Surely, of their life in personal destiny. Options were limited; fate Mr. Zhou insists, more than chance was Shenzhen, seemed fully fixed. But in this new urban set- involved in this experience of yuanfen. personal choice ting, with its freedom and despite its chaos, While destiny (mingyun) has its deepest roots these workers cross the threshold of a new level in the Confucian understanding of ‘heaven’s will’ has become of consciousness. Questions of meaning and (tianming), coincidence (yuanfen) is more inti- standard...” purpose provoke wonder about personal respon- mately linked to the Buddhist worldview. sibility and determination to cultivate their lives. Buddhist understandings of describe a In the midst of social and economic dislocation, moral universe in which apparently chance they begin to grasp their fate. events are the residue of moral actions in the Fate fixed and flexible has been an honored past. In such a world there are no chance events. and constant theme throughout Chinese history. These traditional notions of destiny and The influential ancient Confucian text, Doctrine coincidence helped Dr. Fan’s respondents, all of the Mean, made a sharp distinction between persons with little previous religious experience, the mature person who ‘lives peacefully and at enter into a deeper reflection on their lives. ease, awaiting his fate’, and the immature indi- Rooted in Chinese daily life and ordinary con- vidual who ‘follows dangerous courses and sciousness, these familiar resources served as hopes for good luck’.8 The great Confucian thresholds to a richer spiritual appreciation. philosopher Mencius likewise invoked this call Cross-cultural Differences to ‘await one’s fate’, but also emphasized the continual self-cultivation that would allow a per- Western consciousness carries the conviction son actively to ‘establish his fate’.9 Mencius that adults are masters of their fate. Unexpected added that while pursuing one’s destiny it was events and mysterious coincidences challenge wise to avoid tempting fate by standing next to a this cultural bias. For westerners, this challenge wall about to collapse.10 can evoke a spiritual response of receptivity— abbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbc

November 2003 N 5 greater openness to dimensions of life that lie Personal Practices beyond autonomous personal control. Ms. Shi is a news commentator at a local But Shenzhen residents responded different- television station in Shenzhen. Growing up ly. Long accustomed to a dependence on their in a revolutionary family, she had no direct families and the government, they now reported experience of religious practice. Now in her a heightened sense of personal agency. As they apartment in one of the modern housing became more sensitive to the dynamics of complexes that surround the city, she has set up a small altar. A statue of Guanyin, the personal destiny, these urban migrants assumed Buddhist goddess widely venerated among greater responsibility for the direction of their Chinese, stands prominently here. Ms. Shi own lives. places fresh fruit on the altar for a time, and Spiritual Practices in Shenzhen then offers this as a gift to friends. Her sense is that this fruit now carries with it special In modern Shenzhen, as has been typical power that will promote healing and a throughout much of China’s history, most people peaceful heart. While Ms. Shi insists that do not join an established religious group or iden- she is not a Buddhist, she finds the prayerful tify with the doctrines of a single sect or master. reading of Buddhist texts to be especially Dr. Fan’s respondents gave personal reasons to consoling. explain why. Some suspected that the officially Ms. Shi admits to being embarrassed registered religions remain too close to the state, sometimes when she reflects on these activi- too susceptible to party control. Having only ties, since they include behaviors she herself “Opening a recently escaped the all-encompassing control of earlier identified as superstition. And she is the danwei, they resist affiliating with another reluctant to let her broadcasting colleagues society to new know of her practices, since many are com- institution that seems to depend on government styles of work munist party members. But she embraces approval. As one respondent asserted, “What I these activities as significant in her life and also exposes it believe is nobody’s business but my own.” necessary for her spiritual well-being. to questions of But most offered another perspective to In Shenzhen, some people’s practice involves explain their eclectic approach. In the realm of simply the regular repetition of prayer formulas. meaning and spirit, as in much of the rest of their life in Others seek deeper understanding by reading purpose” Shenzhen, personal choice has become the texts or commentaries on religious classics (Taoist standard. Shenzhen offers many options for tales, Buddhist sutras, the Christian bible) or belief and practice. Bookstores abound with morally up-lifting contemporary books. titles providing alternative life perspective and Several respondents listed personal honesty moral advice. A steady stream of Buddhist and as a chosen spiritual practice. In Shenzhen the Christian television and Internet programming dynamics of unfettered capitalism generate arrives from Taiwan, Korea, and North America. momentum for graft and greed. For some here, a Local and international religious entrepreneurs new sensitivity to traditional themes of moral promote programs for health and healing and reciprocity (baoying ) prompts different peace of mind, even as state propaganda urges a behavior. That the universe is essentially moral, return to now-discredited communist ideals and that both good actions and bad have enduring values. And images and icons of western popu- significance, that personal rectitude contributes lar culture flood the local media. Confronted by to improving the world—these convictions this vast array of possibilities, Shenzhen resi- support a more exacting commitment to fairness dents need to—and want to—find for themselves and honesty in their business dealings. the sources of spiritual nourishment that are appropriate for their own circumstance and tem- Communal Practices perament. While most resist formal identification with any particular religious institutions, many

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6 N The Ricci Institute at the USF Center for the Pacific Rim Shenzhen respondents assemble regularly with appropriate sutras and to guide the ritual activi- fellow searchers. These gatherings function as a ties releasing the birds and small turtles from loosely organized network, more than a formally cages. But the ordinary people are clearly the ini- constituted membership group. Vegetarian restau- tiators and the hosts of this gathering. rants are frequent settings for these gatherings. These respondents often remarked on their One example: a small storefront restaurant heightened concern for the plight of suffering nestled in a downtown high-rise building com- people. Working in Shenzhen had brought them fortably accommodates perhaps thirty people at increased material comfort and financial securi- its several round tables. Open to the general ty. Now, in accord with their new spiritual public, the restaurant welcomes passers-by awareness, they make generous donations to along with more regular customers. A video support people throughout China and even else- screen at one end of the room continuously dis- where whose lives are disrupted by major disas- plays a series of calming nature scenes, inter- ters—drought, earthquakes, floods. But there is spersed with brief readings and recitations from little discussion of issues of social justice or inspirational texts. A small altar occupies one action for social change. corner, and many patrons stop on their way in Many factors—personal and political—help or out of the shop to offer a gesture of respect. explain this apparent absence of a ‘prophetic’ The restaurant was not established by a reli- response to injustice among these spiritually gious organization and exists without benefit of sensitive persons. Dr. Fan points to China’s cul- outside investment. The owner, a lay man with tural memory: through the centuries the moral no formal religious training or membership, indi- dilemma for most Chinese has not been ‘how cates that operating this restaurant is part of his should I be just’ or ‘how can I make the world “Shifting the own spiritual practice. He regularly purchases more just’. Instead they faced the challenge: boundaries of an spiritual books, which he makes available freely ‘how shall I live and find peace in this unjust to frequent patrons and casual customers alike. world’. economy alters Several of Dr. Fan’s respondents gather here For many, this question has been resolved in the horizon of regularly to share a vegetarian meal and to dis- part by looking beyond the present injustice. In the spirit.” cuss details of their lives and insights from their traditional Chinese understanding, experiencing spiritual reading. Occasionally one of the regular injustice and poverty came as one’s fate. But participants will bring along a newcomer. The this understanding is not always fatalistic, since motives for these gatherings seem to include a a person can influence fate through moral need for mutual support and encouragement— actions. Present behavior has impact beyond both in life’s daily struggles and in spiritual the present: through self-cultivation one can practice, a hunger to experience the sense of alter the current situation and positively affect transcendence that comes from the fellowship the future. Thus personal honesty and compas- and the rituals that are frequently part of the sion toward others become the route to social group’s gathering, and a desire to improve the change. world by spreading information about spiritual Conclusion awareness to others. The metropolis of Shenzhen, as we have said, Social Practices is not a typical Chinese city. Most residents, hav- The loose network associated with this restau- ing left behind the network of extended family, rant has adopted a Buddhist ritual as part of live without the economic and emotional safety- their wider social concern. Annually they net these relationships provide. They work out- undertake a symbolic ‘freeing of animals’ side the traditional structures that still shape the (fangsheng ) to express and cultivate mercy labor of most people in China. Urban life con- and compassion in the world. A monk from the fronts them with new decisions, about work and nearby registered monastery is hired to read the leisure, about values and goals. But while it is not

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November 2003 N 7 typical, the Shenzhen experience may well be 4. Daniel Overmyer, Religions of China (San predictive. Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986), pp. 7 and 13. Evidence in Shenzhen shows that a politi- 5. John Lagerwey, “The Structure and Dynamics of Chinese Rural Society” (unpublished manuscript), cal initiative meant primarily as an economic p. 4. For Lagerwey’s and Overmyer’s comments on reform does not easily stay within these recent research in Chinese popular religion see bounds. Shifting the boundaries of an econo- Ethnography in China Today, edited by Daniel my alters the horizon of the spirit. Opening a Overmyer with the assistance of Shin-Yi Chao (Taipei: society to new styles of work also exposes it to Yuan-Liou Publishers Company, 2002). new questions of meaning and purpose. 6. Daniel Overmyer, “Gods, Saints, Shamans, and Processions: Comparative Religion From the Bottom To deal with these concerns, respondents Up” in Criterion, no. 34, Autumn 2002, p. 7 (Chicago: in Shenzhen turn not to state-recognized reli- Divinity School of the University of Chicago). gious institutions, but to resources within their 7. Cynthia Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit: common cultural heritage. They embrace these Social Change and Moral Order in Later Imperial China traditional resources not as revival or regres- (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), sion, but as a means of moving forward. pp. 3 and 119. Rather than simply repeating past patterns, 8. The Doctrine of the Mean, XIV:4. they select particular beliefs and practices that 9. Mencius, VII:A1. resonate with present experience. And in an 10. Mencius, VII:A2. ac authentic spiritual response, they adapt these themes to their current circumstances. Observers both Chinese and western have This paper expands an earlier discussion that assumed that this common spiritual heritage appeared in the America magazine, September 1, would not survive the dislocations of global- 2003, the Jesuit weekly journal of news and ideas. ization. But in this highly secular city, China’s spiritual tradition is being reaffirmed in the lives of modern Chinese. The view from Shenzhen suggests that knowledge and respect of this deep current in Chinese culture will be “My destiny is within me not in heaven.” essential to understanding social change and Ge Hong, 4th century Taoist author spiritual development in China’s future. The spiritual practices in Shenzhen may also hold CENTER for the clues to the continuing inculturation of N N N PACIFIC RIM ac Christianity in China. and Its For other issues of Pacific Rim Reports, RICCI INSTITUTE ENDNOTES please visit our website at: http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/pacrimreport/ 1. Ian Buruma, Bad Elements: Chinese Rebels From USF CENTER FOR THE Los Angeles To Beijing (New York: Random House, PACIFIC RIM © 2003 2001), p. 250. University of San Francisco 2. Daniel Overmyer, “From ‘Feudal Superstition’ to 2130 Fulton Street ‘Popular Religion’: New Directions in Mainland San Francisco, CA Chinese Studies of Popular Religion” in Cahiers 94117-1080 d’Extreme-Asie, no. 12 (2001), p.104. CENTER FOR THE PACIFIC RIM 3. Ibid., p.125. 415 422-6357 FAX 415 422-5933 www.pacificrim.usfca.edu

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