FORUM at the dawn of Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski’s South African engagements, 1919–1934

Isak Niehaus

Abstract: In this article, I focus on diff erent strategies of anthropological engage- ment with government and potential funders. I do so by considering the diverse nature of Alfred Radcliff e-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski’s encounters with South African authorities, between 1919 and 1934. I suggest that Radcliff e-Brown saw as an integrated in which segregation was impossible, and advocated the sympathetic scientifi c understanding of cultural diff erence within this context. By contrast, Malinowski was committed to a romantic vision of holis- tic , collaborated directly with colonial authorities, and argued for a policy of eff ective cultural and territorial segregation. Th e strategies had important long- term consequences and costs, calculable only from the privileged vantage point of history. Keywords: ethics, , Malinowski, Radcliff e-Brown, South Africa

A host of ethical obligations pertain to the con- Recent changes in the academic landscape duct of anthropologists toward research par- threaten to disrupt this balance of obligations. ticipants, funders, government, the broader Th e British government previously funded uni- discipline, and the wider public. Existing ethi- versity departments through a system of block cal guidelines posit that anthropologists should grants. Currently, anthropologists depend upon strive to uphold the principle of informed con- student fees and grants based on impact assess- sent, meet all obligations toward funders, be ments for salaries, and upon the priorities of pri- honest and candid in our relations with col- vate corporations and public bodies, such as the leagues and government, and communicate our Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), fi ndings to the benefi t of the widest possible for research funds (Fardon 2011). H. Guther- community. Where there are confl icts of inter- son warns that for a discipline that has “recon- est, the concerns of research participants should structed itself around critical theory” the eff ects carry the greatest weight (ASA 2013).1 could be “intellectually deadly.” He argues that

Focaal—Journal of Global and Historical Anthropology 77 (2017): 103–117 © Stichting Focaal and Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/fcl.2017.770109 104 | Isak Niehaus few classical texts would have been of interest ment over the employment of cheaper African to funders such as BAE Systems or Bristol-My- laborers. During the national elections of 1924, ers Squibb (2011: 2) It would also be erroneous J. B. M Hertzog’s National Party defeated Jan to assume that the interests of potential funders Smuts’s South African Party. Hertzog entrenched neatly align with those of research participants the “color bar” and ensured favorable employ- and the broader public. Under these conditions, ment for whites in all state-run enterprises. He doing ethical anthropology requires strategic also sought to counter urbanization by retribal- navigation and negotiating a nearly impossible izing Africans, bolstering chieft aincy, and devel- balance between the competing interests of dif- oping the reserves. In 1933, during the Great De- ferent stakeholders (Meskell and Pels 2005). pression, Hertzog and Smuts’s parties merged to In this article, I contemplate how experiences form a “fusion” government. Th is government during the early 1900s can inform present-day removed Africans from the voter’s roll and still dilemmas. At the time, as H. Kuklik (1991) pursued segregationist policies. Elements within shows, anthropology lacked any clear institu- government were, nonetheless, receptive of lib- tional base, and demonstrations of the disci- eral opinion. pline’s utility assumed overriding importance. I look beyond the theories for which Radcliff e- I focus specifi cally on Alfred Radcliff e-Brown’s Brown and Malinowski are best remembered, and Bronislaw Malinowski’s engagements with toward the complex political and institutional South Africa from 1919 to 1934.2 Th ese are in- engagement of their work. As cosmopolitan Eu- sightful because of the preeminent status of these ropean intellectuals, they were united in their anthropologists, and because of the high stakes rejection of social evolutionist dogma. Yet they involved. As (1975) points out, diff ered vastly in their political commitments, arguments about human diff erence possess spe- their understandings of the South African land- cial salience in a country where government has scape, and in the way they engaged with gov- pursued harsh racial and ethnic discrimination. ernment. During his tenure at the University of During this time the “native question” as- Cape Town, from 1921 to 1925, Radcliff e-Brown sumed cardinal importance in the country. Th e sought to promote scientifi c, sympathetic under- Union of South Africa was constituted in 1910, standing of cultural diff erence within an inte- following colonial conquest and the South Af- grated society. His strategy was akin to contem- rican war. Very few Africans held voting rights, porary attempts to “popularize anthropology” and land alienation was extreme. By 1919, Afri- (Erikson 2006), and speak truth to power, from a cans were legally prohibited from acquiring land position of analytical independence. Since 1926 outside native reserves, which comprised only 8 Malinowski mentored several South African an- percent of the country’s land surface. Yet more thropologists, and in 1934 he visited the country than a million African labor tenants resided on to address an important educational conference. white-owned farms, and over 200,000 African Malinowski’s utilitarian vision of science led men worked in the Witwatersrand mines, which him to collaborate more closely with colonial produced 40 percent of the world’s gold (Bein- authorities in policy formation, and his roman- hart 1994: 98). Even larger numbers of African tic, holistic vision of diff erent cultures led him factory workers resided in the rapidly growing to propagate segregationist polices. urban slum yards and locations. Popular discon- From the privileged vantage point of history, tent about land and labor issues oft en culminated it is possible to ascertain the diff erent long-term in violence. In 1921 police killed 200 members impacts of these strategies. I suggest that Ma- of a religious sect who refused to pay taxes and linowski’s strategy of collaborative engagement vacate state land at Bulhoek (Edgar 1988). Th e off ered greater immediate advantages than Rad- next year, 230 people died during violent con- cliff e-Brown’s one of analytical independence, frontations between white miners and govern- but it also bore long-term costs. In retrospect, Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 105 it is apparent that Radcliff e-Brown’s work in- of his mentors. He explicitly rejected the doc- formed liberal activism against racial segrega- trine that certain customs were survivals from tion, whereas Malinowski’s arguments provided earlier times, without contemporary signifi - intellectual legitimacy to the discriminatory sys- cance. Th e doctrine, he argued, prejudges the tems of the Bantu Education Act and, ultimately, utility of customs and does not explain people’s to apartheid. conservatism (Radcliff e-Brown [1913a] 1976). Drawing on philosophies of the Enlightenment (Barnard 1992) and on Durkheim’s sociology, Alfred Radcliff e-Brown, 1920–1926 Radcliff e-Brown developed an alternative ap- proach, focused on the synchronic analysis of Radcliff e-Brown’s intellectual biography pro- social structure. Th is is apparent in his attempt vides evidence of a critical, independent mind- to correlate totemic beliefs with diff erent mar- set. Born in Birmingham in 1881, his upbring- riage systems (Radcliff e-Brown 1913b). ing was far from privileged. Aft er his father’s In 1914 Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski death in 1886, his maternal grandparents took both attended a meeting of the British Associ- care of him, while his mother worked as a com- ation for the Advancement of Science in Aus- panion (A. Kuper 1983: 37). As a young man, tralia, where they seemed to form an alliance Radcliff e-Brown was infl uenced by the social against historical diff usionist theories. Th e out- reformer Havelock Ellis, and by the Russian an- break of World War I prevented their return to archist thinker Pyotr Kropotkin. He met Kro- Europe. For the next fi ve years, Radcliff e-Brown potkin in Kent to discuss the ills of England. taught English at a prestigious Sydney grammar Kropotkin reportedly advised him fi rst to try school, and became director of education in the to understand social life before attempting to Kingdom of Tonga. In 1918 he also served as change it, and to begin by studying “primitive” a volunteer in Fiji, where British ships had in- before investigating more complex ones, troduced a ravaging infl uenza epidemic. Th ese such as England (Langham 1981: 371). experiences reinforced his critical views of colo- Radcliff e-Brown proceeded to read moral and nial authorities (Campbell 2014: 98, 108). mental sciences at Cambridge, and then com- Radcliff e-Brown contracted tuberculosis in pleted a postgraduate diploma in anthropol- the Pacifi c and, on medical advice, decided to ogy under Alfred Haddon and W. H. R. Rivers join his brother, Herbert, in South Africa, where (Stocking 1995: 307). As student, he earned the the latter worked as a mining engineer (Stocking nickname “Anarchy Brown.” His fi eldwork in 1995: 305). Here Radcliff e-Brown taught English the Andaman Islands (1906–1908) and in West- and psychology at diff erent colleges in Johan- ern Australia (1910–1911) was modeled on the nesburg, and worked as curator at the Transvaal approaches that his mentors had devised during Museum in Pretoria. On his request, Haddon the Torres Straits expedition. He aimed to recon- wrote to South Africa’s then prime minister, struct precolonial ways of life, and relied greatly Jan Smuts, to plead for the establishment of an on the memories of his informants (A. Kuper ethnological bureau, and to draw his attention 1983: 44). His conduct in Australia, nonetheless, to Radcliff e-Brown’s presence in the country.3 sparked controversy. While his party collected Smuts informed Radcliff e-Brown that the gov- information on marriage systems near Sand- ernment had established a School of African stone, Radcliff e-Brown hid two Aboriginal men, Life and Languages at the University of Cape fl eeing from a police posse, in his tent (45). Town. Following rigorous selection procedures, In his subsequent lectures at Cambridge, Radcliff e-Brown was appointed as a professor at Birmingham, and at the London School of Eco- the school (Schapera 1990). Th e school was cre- nomics (LSE), and in his writings, Radcliff e- ated to study the languages and customs of the Brown broke from the evolutionary concerns largest section of the country’s population, and 106 | Isak Niehaus to assist administrators in overcoming barriers sorts of fi eldwork in geology can a man carry to linguistic and cultural understanding (Phil- out who had no special interest as a geologist.”5 lips 1993: 22). But there was much opposition He also collaborated with Winifred Hoernlé, to the school in parliament, and the government lecturer in at the University of the cut its annual grant from £3,000 to £1,500 in Witwatersrand, to establish a joint framework 1921 (Gordon 1990: 40). for social anthropological studies. As a professor of , Rad- In “Th e Methods of Ethnology and Social An- cliff e-Brown sought to promote rigorous scien- thropology,” argues that a historical approach, tifi c understanding of the lives of indigenous called ethnology, has thus far dominated the people, but maintain critical distance from gov- study of . Ethnology aims to explain in- ernment. In his inaugural lecture, he said, it is stitutions, such as government, by tracing their now possible to study “the South African na- stages of development from the earliest times tive” scientifi cally. Social anthropology, he ar- to the present: “Whenever we have adequate gued, concerns “the characteristics of man in historical data, we may study culture this way” society” and investigates the languages, eco- ([1923a] 1958: 4). But in the case of “uncivilized nomic systems, moral laws, and beliefs that peo- people,” where such data is absent, scholars rely ple owe to their social environments. Th rough on hypothetical reconstructions of the past. systematic comparisons, it seeks to discover laws Ethnologists are prone to make unsubstantiated of coordination between elements of social sys- conjectures about the origins of institutions. For tems. Radcliff e-Brown warned his audience that example, Fraser postulated that totemism arose segregation was impossible in South Africa. from the mistaken belief that women were im- Th e country was profoundly integrated: contact pregnated by the food they ate (Radcliff e-Brown with Europeans had modifi ed “lower types,” and 1922: 17). Such claims cannot explain its con- the existence of a “vast body of cheap labour” tinuous existence. Social anthropology, by con- had changed “the European type.” In such a trast, seeks to formulate general laws underly- context, anthropology was vital to future guid- ing culture, based on well-authenticated facts. ance. “We cannot trust government,” he said, to Unlike ethnological hypotheses, we can verify “people who … had but the slightest knowledge social anthropological observations. Radcliff e- of the knowledge which regulated the growth Brown’s own theory, that animal species signifi - and change of the human spirit.” Natives did not cant in the social lives of hunters become objects obey government laws because they appealed to of totemic observation, can be confi rmed, re- their consciousness; they obeyed the laws sim- jected, or modifi ed by further observations, and ply because they feared the power of the white by comparisons with material from elsewhere. man. Th e solution, he argued, was the careful, For progress to be made, fi eldwork should be “long, strenuous and diffi cult scientifi c study” of conducted by trained persons, able to test a hy- changes in human life.4 pothesis in the fi eld. Radcliff e-Brown’s tenure was highly produc- He demonstrates this approach by means tive. In Cape Town, he published Th e Andaman of an analysis of classifi catory systems Islanders; several essays on Australia; and arti- (1922b) and the status of the mother’s brother cles in which he spelled out his vision for the ([1924a] 1958). Among the Tsonga, who are discipline (1922a, 1922b, [1923a] 1958, 1923b, patrilineal, a close relation exists between a boy [1924a] 1958, [1924b] 1986, 1926). He felt that and his mother’s brother. Th e boy was permit- he could do more for research by teaching stu- ted special privileges: he ate food prepared for dents about scientifi c theory than by doing the mother’s brother and claimed some of the fi eldwork himself. In a letter to his colleague mother’s brother’s property as inheritance. H. William Norton, Radcliff e-Brown asked, “what Junod ([1917] 1966) had postulated that these Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 107 relations were a survival from an earlier matri- “with graduate studies he did not know what to lineal stage. But Radcliff e-Brown saw them as talk about. He said it all already” (quoted in A. part of a wider system. He observes that relations Kuper 2001: 4). Student enrollment in anthro- with the mother’s brother contrasts sharply to pology grew from 11 students in 1922 to 45 those with the father’s sister, whom boys treated students in 1925 (Phillips 1993: 27). Schapera, with reverence and respect. For Radcliff e-Brown the only student to proceed to graduate studies, these relations exemplify the principles of “equiv- later produced an enormous corpus of work on alence of siblings” and an “extension of sen- the Tswana. However, William Norton’s courses timents.” Boys extended sentiments from the in Bantu philology seldom attracted more than mother onto her brother, and treated him as a a single student. Th is frequently brought him in sort of “male mother”—with tenderness, love, confl ict with Radcliff e-Brown (22). and indulgence. By contrast, they perceived the Radcliff e-Brown did not use science as a father’s sister as an authoritative “female father.”6 cloak to avoid engagement with an increasingly Because greater familiarity existed in relations repressive South African regime. In correspon- between persons of the same sex, boys treated dence with Norton, he emphasized the School the mother’s brother with greater closeness than of African Life and Language’s insecure fi nan- would be possible toward their own mother. cial situation, and wrote: “Th e trouble is that we Th is contrasted with the situation in matrilin- have to make a show. Once we have succeeded eal societies, where the mother’s brother was far we shall be more free to choose our own work more authoritative. without reference to outside considerations.”7 Radcliff e-Brown supervised Hoernlé’s fi eld- He nonetheless questioned the direct utility of work on the Nama in urban locations of Wind- anthropology in policy formation. In his opin- hoek, South West Africa (now Namibia). Based ion science should be separated from policy, on this research, she wrote a report to the gov- and the anthropologist “must avoid prejudice ernment, which told a tragic story of disposses- and bias” and keep himself “free from concern sion and poverty and bemoaned the imposition with the practical applications of the laws that of prohibitive taxes and the withdrawal of state it is his business to discover” (1922b: 37). But rations (Bank 2016: 23). She also used his con- anthropology did off er comprehension of “a cepts of “social value,” the “sib,” and “joking rela- diff erent set of human beings, who acted and tionships” to analyze the material she collected thought in a diff erent way” (38). A sympathetic on ritual, social organization, and marriage understanding of social laws and customs could (Hoernlé 1923, 1925a, 1925b). With Hoernlé, “assist eff orts to deal with the maladies of civ- Radcliff e-Brown was elected to the editorial ilization” and help avoid friction arising from board of Bantu (later African) Studies. Radcliff e- the “government of native races.” Future welfare, Brown also served as external examiner of Ho- he argued, “depends upon fi nding some way in ernlé’s students—Eileen and Jack Krige, Max which two diff erent races, with very diff erent Gluckman, Ellen Hellman, and forms of civilisation, may live together in one (née Beemer)—who subsequently made an im- society, politically, morally and socially in close portant mark on the discipline. contact, without the loss to the white race of Former students recalled that Radcliff e- things in its civilisation that are of greatest value, Brown’s lectures at the and without increasing unrest and disturbance” were both lively and stimulating. , (31; emphasis added). who switched from law to anthropology, de- Radcliff e-Brown deployed various means to scribed him as “a bloody good undergraduate promote anthropological knowledge to a broader teacher.” “He never lectured from notes, but he audience. He gave public lectures on topics such was so lucid you wrote everything down.” But as “How Natives Should Be Treated,”8 “A r t a n d 108 | Isak Niehaus

Civilization,”9 “Th e Functions of Universities,”10 Brown’s] services by the university is nothing “Th e Mind of the Savage (A Critique of Levy- less than a piece of good fortune.” He praised Bruhl),”11 and “Th e Ascend of Man.”12 Radcliff e- Radcliff e-Brown’s “unbiased racial outlook,” and Brown also established an ethnological museum he urged the government to “provide more lib- at the University of Cape Town, to which Ho- eral support for this cause.”13 Radcliff e-Brown ernlé donated 32 objects, purchased from the found a constituency among more liberal mag- Nama (Bank 2016: 17). (Th e collection was later istrates in the Transkei, whom he twice ad- transferred to the South African Museum.) dressed on aspects of native law. In a letter, W. T. Under his direction, the School of African Welsch, the Transkei’s chief magistrate, who was Life and Languages organized vacation courses an anti-segregationist, wrote to Radcliff e-Brown for missionaries and civil servants. Th e Native that “[h]earing you … opened up new avenues Aff airs Department did not grant employees of thought” and stimulated “more intelligent in- special leave for attending the courses, but it terest in the problems which so frequently con- paid those who gained the school’s diploma front us in our work.”14 a bonus of £50 per annum (Phillips 1993: 26). Radcliff e-Brown’s support for the aspirations Radcliff e-Brown did not shy away from criti- of South Africa’s majority was also apparent in cism. In a lecture off ered to the vacation school, his work as vice chairman of the Cape Penin- he criticized offi cials for the harm they were sula Native Welfare Society. In this capacity, he causing. He argued that during the Bambata re- told journalists of the plight of the 7,000 natives bellion, objected, not only to taxes, living in Cape Town who were charged with va- but also to the form they took. By leveling a poll grancy upon being found outside the borders tax on young men, the government undermined of native townships.15 Th e society supported a the authority of their fathers, who administered popular request to name a new settlement Langa household property. Radcliff e-Brown urged aft er Chief Langalibalele, who was banished to missionaries, who “take it upon themselves to Robben Island for leading a rebellion by the change a civilization of a people,” to make a Hlubi in 1873. It had no reservations about “hon- sincere attempt to understand the functions ouring a rebel,” and argued that outsiders might and meanings of native customs. For example, mispronounce the alternative name, Nqubele should missionaries succeed in abolishing sac- (“success” in Xhosa) (Coetzer 2009: 7). rifi ces to the ancestors, they would most likely In 1925 Radcliff e-Brown testifi ed to the na- weaken native families. Before offi cials could tional Economic and Wage Commission. In the eliminate the belief in witchcraft , they had to wake of the 1922 revolt, J. B. M. Hertzog advo- understand the forces that sustained it. Conver- cated a “civilized labor policy” that would serve sion to Christianity, Radcliff e-Brown argued, the interests of white workers, and established would not suppress these beliefs. Th e church the commission to investigate the feasibility of itself had conducted witch trials, and teachings diff erent policies. Th e commissioners failed to of miracles reinforced the belief in magic. Other reach unanimity, and issued two separate re- means of explaining misfortune and of relieving ports. Mills and colleagues found that skilled unrest—such as blaming the government and (white) laborers earned far higher wages than voting for the opposition in the next election— their international counterparts, but that un- are more likely to have the desired eff ect (Rad- skilled (black) laborers were underpaid (Union cliff e-Brown 1924b: 17–21). of South Africa 1926: 7–252). Andrews and col- Insecure offi cials might well have felt threat- leagues were more supportive of Hertzog. Th ey ened by his pronouncements. But Africans and found that the wages of white workers, who white liberals were oft en complementary. J. D. were more skilled than their British counter- Jabavu, South Africa’s leading black intellectual, parts, had not risen in relation to national in- commented. “Th e acquisition of his [Radcliff e- come. “To maintain a white civilization in South Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 109

Africa,” they argued, “white workers had to re- attracting funding to build up a department and ceive a civilized wage” (255). Industries should to support fi eld research. hire white workers instead of Africans. Radcliff e-Brown opposed segregation and re- tribalization. He stated that it was neither pos- Bronislaw Malinowski, 1909–1934 sible nor desirable to exclude “the native” from European areas “and leave him to develop an Bronislaw Malinowski came of age in a context economy of his own.” He said that European- colored by romantic nationalist sentiments. Born owned industries depended on native laborers, in Kraków, Poland, in 1884, he was the son of Lu- and that 300,000 natives lived in urban areas, jan Malinowski, a Slavic philologist and folklorist with no connections to the reserves. He also at Jangellonian University. Lujan descended from cautioned: “Anything you say about the native the , who had lost their status as individually could not apply generally.” “Some the governing class under Russian rule. Many had changed materially and they approximate szlachta, like Lujan, abandoned the countryside to the European both in mode of life, economic and joined the urban intelligentsia, where they occupations, and their outlook on life generally took it upon themselves to carry “the torch of and in their individualism” (Union of South Af- learning,” and to preserve Polish culture (Young rica 1926: 356). “Th is process,” he argued, “can- 2004: 9, 11). not be reversed and must be controlled in the In 1902, four years aft er his father’s death, interests of the native.” “No limit can be placed Malinowski entered the same university to study on the development of native capacity” and “the physics, mathematics, and philosophy. In his range of occupations available to natives should thesis, Malinowski defended the principle of an be widened” (357). He also pleaded for more “economy” of thought. Ideas, he argued, formu- land to safeguard against exploitation, and criti- lated what people instinctively knew, were re- cized the 1913 Natives Land Act for undermin- fi ned through the process of trial and error, ing the native economy, and for weakening the and ultimately aimed at self-preservation of the family system on which life is organized. More- individual and the species (Malinowski [1908] over, Radcliff e-Brown condemned the criminal 1993). Th is theory informed his subsequent prosecution of African workers who broke ser- utilitarian vision of culture, and commitment vice contracts. He argued that European law- to the direct application of scientifi c knowledge. yers had devised this provision “with a singular From Poland, Malinowski moved to Leipzig to lack of logic.” Africans treat debt seriously, but study philosophy and psychology. Here, Wil- “no such thing as contract exists in native law.” helm Wundt’s argument for interdependence of ‘Th e native looks at the contract as a mysterious “mental expressions”—such as language, myth, device on the part of the white man for getting and religion—laid the groundwork for a holistic the best out of him.” “Th e native has the highest conception of culture (A. Kuper 1983: 11). respect for his own law,” but “attracts no stigma Malinowski’s infatuation with Annie Brun- for undergoing a term of imprisonment for ton, a South African pianist, brought him to breach of contract” (329). London, where he enrolled to study anthropol- In 1926 Radcliff e-Brown resigned to take up ogy at the LSE. It is through her, he claimed, that a chair in social anthropology in Sydney. In a he developed a fascination with England, where, letter to Haddon,16 he explained that he had suc- he believed, “culture had reached its highest stan- cessfully advertised anthropology, and that the dards” (Young 2004: 129). In 1912 Brunton left discipline was by now well established in South London to take up a position as music teacher in Africa. Sydney provided a more suitable base Cape Town. But Malinowski remained to com- from which to pursue his interests in Australia plete a library-based PhD on the family among and in Asia. Th ere were also better prospects for Australian Aborigines. 110 | Isak Niehaus

In 1914, he accompanied Radcliff e-Brown to ensured the preservation of indigenous cul- a meeting of the British Association for the Ad- tures, which gave richness to life. vancement of Science in Australia. Malinowski, In 1929 Malinowski helped the International too, did not return to Europe aft er the outbreak Africa Institute (IAI) secure a fi ve-year grant of World War I, but instead arranged to do fi eld- for ethnological research from the Rockefeller work in the Mailu and Trobriand Islands. He Foundation. Th e grant was used to launch the quickly attained fl uency in the vernacular and journal Africa, and to fund the work of research collected extremely detailed ethnographic in- fellows. Th e fellows were to receive a year’s train- formation on diff erent layers of social life (A. ing in research methods at the LSE, before do- Kuper 1983: 16). His fi eld diary, nonetheless, ing fi eldwork in diff erent African locations. In shows outbursts of anger at the Trobrianders this capacity, he came to mentor several South (Malinowski 1967). Malinowski developed far African graduate students: some as IAI fellows, greater antipathy toward missionaries, whom others as independent scholars. Th ey included he wrote “destroy the native’s joy in life,” than Meyer Fortes, Isaac Schapera, Eileen Krige, Jack toward the paternalistic administrators of the Krige, Ellen Hellmann, Max Gluckman, and islands (Young 2004: 341, 382–390). Hilda Kuper (students of Radcliff e-Brown and At the LSE, where he took up a teaching po- Hoernlé); P. J. Schoeman (from Stellenbosch), sition in 1922, Malinowski built a reputation as Monica Wilson, and Zacharias Matthews (from a renowned scholar, largely based on his famous the Eastern Cape); Jack Simons (a specialist in Trobriand monographs. In these monographs, native law); Tim Mtimkulu (a church leader); he sought to demonstrate that, when viewed in and O. E. Emanuelson (an inspector of schools an appropriate context, the beliefs and customs from Natal). of “primitives” appeared entirely rational. Ma- While these fellows did research, Malinowski linowski also distinguished himself as an excep- made the case for practically relevant anthro- tionally skilled politician of the academe, who pology. For him, contra Radcliff e-Brown, an- constructed a large cosmopolitan network of thropology off ered more than a simple “habit of students and successfully advertised anthropol- mind.” Th e discipline could and should contrib- ogy to the university management and broader ute directly to solving problems of governance colonial establishment (see Goody 1995: 26–41, (Malinowski 1929, 1930b). He argued that eth- 68–78). nographic knowledge was vital for supervising He maintained far closer relations with gov- any system of indirect rule, and that anthropol- ernment than Radcliff e-Brown might have ad- ogists were better equipped than district offi cers vised, and vocally supported Lord Frederick Lu- to study “the actual way in which tribal practice gard’s policy of “indirect rule,” in which Britain and tribal laws work” (Malinowski 1929: 28). sought to control natives through their own in- Only in-depth studies of actual land use by na- stitutions. Malinowski (1929: 23) wrote, “direct tives can reveal the “indispensable minimum rule incorrectly assumed that we can transform that must be reserved for them” (33). Knowl- Africans into semi-civilized pseudo-European edge of incentives that drive men “to strenuous, citizens within a few years.” Undoing the “old prolonged and oft en unpleasant eff ort” was es- system of traditions,” he warned, might result sential to keeping natives satisfi ed while work- in “black bolshevism” (25). Gellner (1987: 558) ing for white men (36). suggests that Malinowski might well have asso- Malinowski was outspoken on South African ciated indirect rule with the situation of Poland issues. Unlike Radcliff e-Brown, he did not see under the Hapsburg Empire, for which he had integration as inevitable. In a talk on the BBC, “undistinguished admiration.” Th e empire kept he argued that Britain would “yield to compet- central European nations from fi ghting each itive political pressures” if she did not fully ex- other, protected them from the Russians, and ploit the colonies (1930a: 4). But Britain should Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 111 also defend the long-term interests of natives, either race” (1,000). Malinowski advocates that on whose labor colonial developments depend. whites should be deported from East Africa, to Malinowski deplored the fact that natives cur- “give the coloured races elbow room,” and con- rently work under conditions resembling slavery. tinues to suggest that it was possible “to preserve Th e imposition of taxes induced men to leave a country for its own race” (1,001). the reserves, and adverse conditions in the com- Malinowski’s arguments for cultural auton- pounds seriously impinged upon their liberty. omy placed him at odds with his more liberal Th ese measures were not a corrective to native South African students, who were committed laziness. Natives objected to forced labor, but to improving the lot of black people within worked energetically in their own reserves. “Th e the framework of a common society. Th ey ap- real evil [is that] we force the native to labour preciated his focus on current aff airs and his on products which he does not wish to produce seminar-based teaching, but complained about so that he must satisfy needs which he does not aspects of his personality, his functionalism, need to satisfy. Th e money he is being paid is and his political views. Schapera twice resigned useless to him” (13). as Malinowski’s research assistant (A. Kuper Malinowski criticizes Smuts for opening up 2001: 7); Fortes felt insulted by Malinowski in Africa for more investment and white settlement. seminars and refused to submit fi eld reports to Th is, he warns, would lead to the formation of him from Ghana for more than six months;17 a rigid, caste-like system. “Th e existence of two Matthews (1981: 104) described his functional- racial stocks, side by side is inevitably a source ist arguments as “overdone”; Wilson was irked of serious dangers, and the starting point of a by his dismissal of history (Morrow and Saun- long series of troubles” (1930a: 28). Th e “steam- ders 2013: 291); and Hilda Kuper recalled that roller of universal western culture” would also he disapproved of her interests in Marxism (H. provoke fi erce resistance. It was preferable to Kuper 1984: 196). More conservative students, slow down the pace of development, limit Eu- such as Eileen and Jack Krige and the Afrikaner ropean settlement and African labor migration, nationalist P. J. Schoeman, were more accepting and maintain large tribal reserves where natives of his approach. To Malinowski’s credit, he re- can be “developed along indigenous lines” (29). mained fi ercely loyal to all his students. In a polemical essay, Malinowski accuses pro- During July and August 1934, the Rockefel- ponents of racial equality of hypocrisy. “To pro- ler Foundation sponsored Malinowski to visit fess that racial diff erences do not exist and that South Africa to tour the country, meet students black and white should be equally treated, may in the fi eld, and address conferences of the well be enough for a personal pious wish, but New Education Fellowship. In Johannesburg, every honest European knows that he never acts Malinowski stayed with Winifred and Alfred up to such protestations.” Racial diff erences and Hoernlé, who arranged for him to visit min- prejudices were real. “Members of non-European ing compounds, locations, and townships.18 He races feel race prejudice as strongly as we do” and accompanied Hilda Kuper to Swaziland, where “would welcome a colour bar protecting them she was starting to do fi eldwork. Here King from Europeans” (1931: 999). “Half-castes,” he Sobuza II, the Swazi monarch whom Malinow- continues, “are a burden to their parents as a rule ski described as “keen on keeping up with old and a cause of serious maladjustment in every institutions,”19 hosted them. Malinowski also community.” Instead, we should “allow either spent a day with Smuts, at his home outside race to lead its own life, free from interference.” Pretoria. In South Africa, he writes, “a strong case has been Th e three papers that Malinowski presented made by the natives themselves and by their real to the New Education Fellowship conferences— friends for complete segregation” and for “ter- convened by the South African government ritorial, cultural and economic autonomy for to discuss trends toward the secularization of 112 | Isak Niehaus knowledge (Krige 1997)—were exceptionally between spouses, and the father’s interests in his well attended. To his wife, Elsie Masson, Ma- wife’s off spring (Malherbe 1937: 346–351). linowski wrote, “I am taking matters as seriously In Johannesburg, nearly two thousand lis- as possible, for the Native question is a rather teners attended Malinowski’s third talk, which tragic thing here.”20 On 9 July, his fi rst talk, was chaired by Jan Smuts, then minister of “Sex and Modern Life,” provoked much inter- justice. Malinowski made a passionate plea for est: “scores of listeners could only fi nd seats on native autonomy. He argued that under the the fl oor.”21 Malinowski suggested that changing present system natives were compelled to make conditions, such as the emergence of economi- themselves useful to Europeans, and even to cally independent women, brought about new fi ght the white men’s battles. “Just as the Afri- opportunities to practice sex in undesirable kaans-speaking Afrikaner wanted his own. So, ways. Contraception, he observed, made love- the native too would ask for home-rule, polit- making easy and aff orded a means to regulate ical and economic independence, and the right parenthood wisely. “I do not sympathize with to self-determination.” “As a white man,” Ma- repressive policeman methods. I do not approve linowski said, “he considered the white man’s of pushing the woman back into the kitchen. interests to be paramount, but did not object to If I had to choose between contraception and natives claiming the right to develop along their Hitler, I would always punt for contraception.” own lines.”24 Under these conditions, sex education was es- Turning to education, Malinowski deplored sential. Pupils need to be taught the beauty of the imposition of European-style schooling sex in relationships between two partners, and “upon people in simple tribal conditions of Af- that its fullest expression is to be found in par- rica” (1936: 3). Africans do possess the mental enthood (Malherbe 1937: 193–198). Malinowski capacity for European-style education, but such criticized the law by which a woman teacher schooling estranged them from “traditions still should relinquish her position upon marriage.22 controlling the tribe” (4). Mission schools taught “If we expect women teachers to give sex and so- children contempt for the ways of their parents, ciological instruction, is it sound that we leave and raised dangerous political ambitions. Th e it to spinsters without experience of love and white community, he observed, is “not prepared motherhood?”23 to grant a native, however educated and intelli- In his second talk, Malinowski underlined the gent, that place to which he is entitled by training.” signifi cance of the family as agent in the trans- But rather than blame government for limiting mission of culture. Contra notions of “prim- native opportunities, he argues: “It [schooling] itive promiscuity,” he argued that monogamous ought also to give him a clear idea from the out- marriages existed in all primitive societies. Only set of his artifi cially imposed disabilities, so as with a wife can a man set up a household and not to develop in him the hope that through ed- cultivate fi elds, and only as a father can he attain ucation he can become the white man’s ‘brother’ adult status. In the past, the family had over- and his economic and political equal” (25). come disintegrating forces such as extortions African children “must acquire some ele- by chiefs, slavery, and compulsory labor. But in ments of the invading culture” that are useful contemporary times, it faced new challenges. for the capacities in which they are employed by Th e family had ceased to be a unit of production Europeans. Th ese should include the languages and consumption, and contraception as well of government, arithmetic, technical subjects, as nurseries threatened its continued viability. natural history, and an “inverted anthropology” Malinowski urged government to ensure real of European laws and customs to counter “ma- advantages to those who enter marriage and licious gossip” about whites. Children should be produce families. Cold scientifi c planning can taught by fellow tribesmen in a manner congru- never supersede maternal love, the attachments ent with traditional pedagogy, and their school- Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 113 ing should be harmonized with the education ers during the South African war, and that as a they receive at home. “Th e vast majority of Af- Pole, who had also experienced oppression, he ricans still live in an African world from which empathized with their situation in South Africa. they have to emerge, but partially and occasion- “I understand that your traditional encounter ally” (21). But education alone does not guar- with the native generated racial hatred. As an antee progress. “Th ey need more land than we anthropologist, I know that this is unavoidable have left them, more economic opportunities in any society where two races live next to each than we have opened up for them, and greater other. I do not blame Afrikaner people where political autonomy” (36). they refuse to acknowledge the native as abso- None of the other anthropologists who spoke lute equal—the native is possibly very diff erent” at the conference questioned the value of Euro- (author’s translation). pean schooling for Africans. Winifred Hoernlé Serious debate followed Malinowski’s de- ([1936] 2015) argued that the “old tribal sys- parture from South Africa. Proponents of seg- tem” could not be maintained in its original regated education urged the government to state. Rather than stimulate the development of transfer African education to the Native Aff airs a race consciousness, she suggested, “our aim Department. Following the electoral victory by should, surely, be a sound and healthy spirit of D. F. Malan’s National Party in 1948, the segre- South African citizenship, which can animate gated system of the Bantu Education Act be- both blacks and whites.” She also bemoaned the came a hallmark of the South African apartheid fact that Africans were not taught the univer- policies. sal principles of science, which could benefi t them no less than their “white masters.” Al- fred Hoernlé argued that Africans did not ask Conclusions “for development along their own lines,” and that advocates of this policy had failed “to tell Th rough their South African engagements, us what those lines are” (Malherbe 1937: 417). Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski both sought to Th ere was also criticism from other sources. A secure a more visible presence for the emerging black listener asked Malinowski whether na- anthropological discipline. Th ere were, nonethe- tive education should be “based on bread-and- less, stark diff erences in the manner in which butter lines, instead of purely African or Euro- they understood the South African situation and pean lines.”25 in the respective approaches they advocated. Malinowski’s talks on sex education might Radcliff e-Brown underlined the importance of well have upset the prudish and patriarchal comprehending cultural diff erences within the proclivities of Afrikaner nationalists. But his context of an integrated and rapidly changing so- position on education accorded with Hertzog’s cial system. He used diverse means—including emphasis on segregation and the retribalization museum exhibits, vacation courses, and public of Africans. It also resonated with the recom- lectures—to promote the sympathetic, scientifi c mendations of the Native Economic Commis- understanding of indigenous people. Yet, even sion of 1932 that social education focused on though he testifi ed to offi cial commissions and developing the reserves should replace mission sought to promote the interests of the disenfran- schooling. It is telling that the rectors of all Afri- chised, he maintained a position of analytical in- kaans-medium universities invited Malinowski dependence. In London, Malinowski advocated to address their students, who were beset by direct collaboration with the colonial establish- fears of racial integration.26 Malinowski de- ment. Malinowski’s interventions transcended clined, owing to a demanding schedule. But he advocating a scientifi c outlook, and oft en took did tell a reporter of the Afrikaans newspaper the form of specifi c contributions to problems Die Volksblad that he had sided with Afrikan- of governance. Th ese ranged from recommen- 114 | Isak Niehaus dations about the greater fairness in the main- action (Gluckman 1940, 1947). Despite the tenance of a color bar to the creation of native greater immediate gain of Malinowski’s inter- reserves and school curricula. His broader ideo- ventions, they bore prohibitive long-term costs. logical commitment to protecting autonomous His commitment to the preservation of cultures cultures put him in league with powerful po- aligned himself with later apologists for apart- litical actors, including proponents of indirect heid (Gordon 2007), and provided a language rule such as Lord Lugard, African traditionalists to legitimate the exclusion of Africans from such as King Sobuza II, and emerging Afrikaner centers of wealth and power. In South Africa nationalist thinkers such as P. J. Schoeman. separation was never equal. By the mid-1970s, Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski’s engage- Africans still owned no more than 13 percent ments with South Africa show the complexities of the country’s land, and the government spent involved in negotiating a balance in obligations only R 71 per capita on the schooling of an Af- toward diff erent constituencies, who hold contra- rican child, but R 724 on a white child (SAIRR dictory interests. Radcliff e-Brown’s more schol- 1980: 450). arly interventions helped secure a fragile insti- tutional base for anthropological pursuits in a hostile environment. But there is little doubt Acknowledgments that Malinowski’s strategy of collaborative en- gagement was eminently more successful in I thank Andrew Bank, Florence Bernault, Rob negotiating the intricacies of funding regimes Gordon, Jonathan Parry, Michael Young, and of the time. It helped secure funding from the the late Patrick Harries for their kind assistance. Rockefeller Foundation, which paved the way I also acknowledge the help of staff members in for what Goody (1995) calls “the expansive mo- the manuscript sections of the Cambridge Uni- ment” in Africanist anthropology. My reading versity, London School of Economics, and Uni- of archival and documentary sources suggests versity of Cape Town libraries. that Malinowski’s strategic engagements did not simply amount to opportunistic salesmanship, Isak Niehaus teaches social anthropology at but were based on deeply rooted and sincerely Brunel University London. He has conducted held views. extensive research on the topics of witchcraft , Th e moral and ethical judgments implicit cosmology, politics, and on experiences of the in their respective positions (Meskell and Pels HIV/AIDS pandemic in South African rural ar- 2005) are also evident from the legacies they eas. His most recent book is Witchcraft and a left in a country where the political stakes of Life in the New South Africa (Cambridge Uni- arguments about culture were high. Th e argu- versity Press, 2013). ments that Radcliff e-Brown, Hoernlé, and their E-mail: [email protected] students advanced laid the foundations for an anthropological critique of apartheid. Th ey re- jected the kind of analysis proposed in Malin- owski’s posthumously published work, Th e Dy- Notes namics of Culture Change (1945). Malinowski 1. Th is ethical guideline is contentious, especially argues that Africa comprises three orders of cul- when anthropologists study wealthy and pow- tural reality—the African, Western, and transi- erful social actors. Not all scholars are content tional—that are related, yet subject to their own with protecting the interests of actors such determinisms. Radcliff e-Brown and Hoernlé’s as landlords or police engaged in exploitative students preferred to see southern Africa as an and/or coercive practices. Th e ethical guide- integral part of the modern world, comprising lines do not specify which concerns of which a single, socially interdependent fi eld of inter- participants. Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 115

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