Anthropology at the Dawn of Apartheid Radcliff E-Brown and Malinowski’S South African Engagements, 1919–1934
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FORUM Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski’s South African engagements, 1919–1934 Isak Niehaus Abstract: In this article, I focus on diff erent strategies of anthropological engage- ment with government and potential funders. I do so by considering the diverse nature of Alfred Radcliff e-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski’s encounters with South African authorities, between 1919 and 1934. I suggest that Radcliff e-Brown saw South Africa as an integrated society in which segregation was impossible, and advocated the sympathetic scientifi c understanding of cultural diff erence within this context. By contrast, Malinowski was committed to a romantic vision of holis- tic cultures, collaborated directly with colonial authorities, and argued for a policy of eff ective cultural and territorial segregation. Th e strategies had important long- term consequences and costs, calculable only from the privileged vantage point of history. Keywords: ethics, history of anthropology, Malinowski, Radcliff e-Brown, South Africa A host of ethical obligations pertain to the con- Recent changes in the academic landscape duct of anthropologists toward research par- threaten to disrupt this balance of obligations. ticipants, funders, government, the broader Th e British government previously funded uni- discipline, and the wider public. Existing ethi- versity departments through a system of block cal guidelines posit that anthropologists should grants. Currently, anthropologists depend upon strive to uphold the principle of informed con- student fees and grants based on impact assess- sent, meet all obligations toward funders, be ments for salaries, and upon the priorities of pri- honest and candid in our relations with col- vate corporations and public bodies, such as the leagues and government, and communicate our Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), fi ndings to the benefi t of the widest possible for research funds (Fardon 2011). H. Guther- community. Where there are confl icts of inter- son warns that for a discipline that has “recon- est, the concerns of research participants should structed itself around critical theory” the eff ects carry the greatest weight (ASA 2013).1 could be “intellectually deadly.” He argues that Focaal—Journal of Global and Historical Anthropology 77 (2017): 103–117 © Stichting Focaal and Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/fcl.2017.770109 104 | Isak Niehaus few classical texts would have been of interest ment over the employment of cheaper African to funders such as BAE Systems or Bristol-My- laborers. During the national elections of 1924, ers Squibb (2011: 2) It would also be erroneous J. B. M Hertzog’s National Party defeated Jan to assume that the interests of potential funders Smuts’s South African Party. Hertzog entrenched neatly align with those of research participants the “color bar” and ensured favorable employ- and the broader public. Under these conditions, ment for whites in all state-run enterprises. He doing ethical anthropology requires strategic also sought to counter urbanization by retribal- navigation and negotiating a nearly impossible izing Africans, bolstering chieft aincy, and devel- balance between the competing interests of dif- oping the reserves. In 1933, during the Great De- ferent stakeholders (Meskell and Pels 2005). pression, Hertzog and Smuts’s parties merged to In this article, I contemplate how experiences form a “fusion” government. Th is government during the early 1900s can inform present-day removed Africans from the voter’s roll and still dilemmas. At the time, as H. Kuklik (1991) pursued segregationist policies. Elements within shows, anthropology lacked any clear institu- government were, nonetheless, receptive of lib- tional base, and demonstrations of the disci- eral opinion. pline’s utility assumed overriding importance. I look beyond the theories for which Radcliff e- I focus specifi cally on Alfred Radcliff e-Brown’s Brown and Malinowski are best remembered, and Bronislaw Malinowski’s engagements with toward the complex political and institutional South Africa from 1919 to 1934.2 Th ese are in- engagement of their work. As cosmopolitan Eu- sightful because of the preeminent status of these ropean intellectuals, they were united in their anthropologists, and because of the high stakes rejection of social evolutionist dogma. Yet they involved. As Max Gluckman (1975) points out, diff ered vastly in their political commitments, arguments about human diff erence possess spe- their understandings of the South African land- cial salience in a country where government has scape, and in the way they engaged with gov- pursued harsh racial and ethnic discrimination. ernment. During his tenure at the University of During this time the “native question” as- Cape Town, from 1921 to 1925, Radcliff e-Brown sumed cardinal importance in the country. Th e sought to promote scientifi c, sympathetic under- Union of South Africa was constituted in 1910, standing of cultural diff erence within an inte- following colonial conquest and the South Af- grated society. His strategy was akin to contem- rican war. Very few Africans held voting rights, porary attempts to “popularize anthropology” and land alienation was extreme. By 1919, Afri- (Erikson 2006), and speak truth to power, from a cans were legally prohibited from acquiring land position of analytical independence. Since 1926 outside native reserves, which comprised only 8 Malinowski mentored several South African an- percent of the country’s land surface. Yet more thropologists, and in 1934 he visited the country than a million African labor tenants resided on to address an important educational conference. white-owned farms, and over 200,000 African Malinowski’s utilitarian vision of science led men worked in the Witwatersrand mines, which him to collaborate more closely with colonial produced 40 percent of the world’s gold (Bein- authorities in policy formation, and his roman- hart 1994: 98). Even larger numbers of African tic, holistic vision of diff erent cultures led him factory workers resided in the rapidly growing to propagate segregationist polices. urban slum yards and locations. Popular discon- From the privileged vantage point of history, tent about land and labor issues oft en culminated it is possible to ascertain the diff erent long-term in violence. In 1921 police killed 200 members impacts of these strategies. I suggest that Ma- of a religious sect who refused to pay taxes and linowski’s strategy of collaborative engagement vacate state land at Bulhoek (Edgar 1988). Th e off ered greater immediate advantages than Rad- next year, 230 people died during violent con- cliff e-Brown’s one of analytical independence, frontations between white miners and govern- but it also bore long-term costs. In retrospect, Anthropology at the dawn of apartheid | 105 it is apparent that Radcliff e-Brown’s work in- of his mentors. He explicitly rejected the doc- formed liberal activism against racial segrega- trine that certain customs were survivals from tion, whereas Malinowski’s arguments provided earlier times, without contemporary signifi - intellectual legitimacy to the discriminatory sys- cance. Th e doctrine, he argued, prejudges the tems of the Bantu Education Act and, ultimately, utility of customs and does not explain people’s to apartheid. conservatism (Radcliff e-Brown [1913a] 1976). Drawing on philosophies of the Enlightenment (Barnard 1992) and on Durkheim’s sociology, Alfred Radcliff e-Brown, 1920–1926 Radcliff e-Brown developed an alternative ap- proach, focused on the synchronic analysis of Radcliff e-Brown’s intellectual biography pro- social structure. Th is is apparent in his attempt vides evidence of a critical, independent mind- to correlate totemic beliefs with diff erent mar- set. Born in Birmingham in 1881, his upbring- riage systems (Radcliff e-Brown 1913b). ing was far from privileged. Aft er his father’s In 1914 Radcliff e-Brown and Malinowski death in 1886, his maternal grandparents took both attended a meeting of the British Associ- care of him, while his mother worked as a com- ation for the Advancement of Science in Aus- panion (A. Kuper 1983: 37). As a young man, tralia, where they seemed to form an alliance Radcliff e-Brown was infl uenced by the social against historical diff usionist theories. Th e out- reformer Havelock Ellis, and by the Russian an- break of World War I prevented their return to archist thinker Pyotr Kropotkin. He met Kro- Europe. For the next fi ve years, Radcliff e-Brown potkin in Kent to discuss the ills of England. taught English at a prestigious Sydney grammar Kropotkin reportedly advised him fi rst to try school, and became director of education in the to understand social life before attempting to Kingdom of Tonga. In 1918 he also served as change it, and to begin by studying “primitive” a volunteer in Fiji, where British ships had in- societies before investigating more complex ones, troduced a ravaging infl uenza epidemic. Th ese such as England (Langham 1981: 371). experiences reinforced his critical views of colo- Radcliff e-Brown proceeded to read moral and nial authorities (Campbell 2014: 98, 108). mental sciences at Cambridge, and then com- Radcliff e-Brown contracted tuberculosis in pleted a postgraduate diploma in anthropol- the Pacifi c and, on medical advice, decided to ogy under Alfred Haddon and W. H. R. Rivers join his brother, Herbert, in South Africa, where (Stocking 1995: 307). As student, he earned the the latter worked as a mining engineer (Stocking nickname “Anarchy Brown.” His fi eldwork in 1995: 305). Here Radcliff e-Brown taught English the Andaman Islands (1906–1908) and in West- and psychology at diff erent colleges in Johan- ern Australia (1910–1911) was modeled on the nesburg, and worked as curator at the Transvaal approaches that his mentors had devised during Museum in Pretoria. On his request, Haddon the Torres Straits expedition. He aimed to recon- wrote to South Africa’s then prime minister, struct precolonial ways of life, and relied greatly Jan Smuts, to plead for the establishment of an on the memories of his informants (A.