LIIIIIIIN- Itthe Fitas IA "(Liv SOCIETY MEDIA BRIEFING

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

LIIIIIIIN- Itthe Fitas IA DOCUMENT RESUME ED 292 702 SO 018 615 AUTHOR Krauss, EllisS. TITLE Selecting Japan's New Prime Minister. Prepared as Background for the Liberal Democratic Party PresidentialElections. INSTITUTION ASIA Society, New York, N.Y. PUB DATE Oct 87 NOTE 39p.; Written for the Asia Society Media Relations Program. PUB TYPE Reports -Descriptive (141) EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Asian History; Asian Studies; Elections; Foreign Countries; Government Role; *International Relations; Political Influences; Political Issues; Political Power; Politics; Social Studies; Social Systems; Voting; World Affairs IDENTIFIERS *Japan ABSTRACT Divided into four major parts, this document explains the significance of the Liberal :)emocratic Party (LDP) in Japan. Part 1 indicates that the LDP has governed Japan since 19b5 and controls 445 seats in the 764 seat parliament. The selection of the prime minister, chosen from within the ruling party, is seen as vital to U.S. interests. For example U.S. - Japanese trade totaled 109 billion dollars in 1986. The last prime minister, Yesuhiro Nakasone, presided over major changes in both politics and Japanese society. The primary concern for the United States is whether the new prime minister can reduce the current tension in U.S.--Japanese relations. Part 2 of the report describes the selection process for the prime ministers by the party members. Part 3 provides profiles of the four candidates and describes the legacy of Nakasone. Part 4 outlines the key issues and implications of the election for the United States. The new prime minister will face several key tasks that include restructuring the economy, stabilizing the yen, and maintaining a base of support. Party support comes from farmers and rural residents, and the electoral process is candidate centered rather than party centered. LDP is the most conservative party but is perceived as flexible and responsive to public pressure. Party power is limited, and the bureaucracy plays a greater role in drafting legislation than in the United States. Appended are an economic fact sheet, a genealogy chart of LPD's fiv' major factions from 1965-87, and a list of Japan's prime ministers from 1946-1987. (NL) *********************************************************************** * Reproductions supp1ied by EDRS are the best that can be made * * from the original document. * *********************************************************************** LIIIIIIIN- itTHE fitAS IA "(liv SOCIETY MEDIA BRIEFING SELECTING JAPAN'S NEW PRIME MINISTER Prepared as Background for the Liberal Democratic Party Presidential Elections U S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CE NTF1 (ERIC) This document has teen reproduced u received from the person or organization originating it r Minor changes have been made to improve October ' 987 reproduction quality Points of view or opinions stated in thdocu- ment do not necessarily represent official OERI position or policy by "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MATERIAL HA:' BEEN G NTED BY Ellis S. Krauss /6d &EM!6 (7760/266 TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURC' INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC Produced and Distributed by the Media Relations Program of The Asia Society A%IA Soviets is a nonprofit and nonpartisan .rational educational organization dedicated to increasing Americanass areness and undcratanding 4. Asia. ';,e Society's Meuia Relations Program ssorks ssith print and broadcast journalists to facilitatemore accurate and in-depth media coscrage of Asian affair: and IJ.S.-Asia relations. 2 BEST COPY AVAILABLE SELECTING JAPAN'S NEW PRIME MINISTER Prepared as Background for the Liberal Democratic Party Presidential Elections October 1987 by Ellis S. Krauss* Written for The Asia Society's Media Relations Program 'Ellis S. Krause is Professor of Political Scienceat the University of Pittsburgh and has been a visiting researcher at Tokyo,Kyoto, Keio, and Sophia universities in Japan.He has published four books, including Conflict in Japan (Honolulu: University of HawaiiPress, 1984; co-edited with Thomas Rohlen and Patricia Steinhoff) and theforthcoming Democracy la Japan (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press; co-editedwith Takeshi Ishida). His current research projects focuson television news and politica in postwar Japan, political elites and policymaking,and local industrial policy in Japan and Sweden. The views expressed it this paperare the author's and donot necessarily represent the views of The Asia Society. This Media Briefing is the most recentin a series of publications that The Asia Society prepares as backgroundto newsworthy issues and events related to Asia and U.S.-Asia relations. Other briefing packets in this series include: The Thirteenth Chinese Communist PartyCongress (forthcoming) *Recent Developments in the Philippines *Rising Trade Tensions: Asian Perspectives *South Korea and the United States *U.S.-Asia Trade and the American Economy Additionally, The Asia Society stands readyto provide briefings, additional background materials, and assistancein identifying specialists on Asia for consultationor broadcast appearances. This background paper should not be reproducedin full without the written permission of The Asia Society. Otherwise there are no restrictions on its use. When materials fromthis packet are quoted or cited, please cite the author and The AsiaSociety. For additional information, callor write Terrence R. George, The Asia Society, 725 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10021; (212)288-6400. 4 CONTENTS I. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ThE LDP ELECTIONS 1 II. THE MAKING OF JAPAN'S PRIME MINISTER 4 Parliament and the Prime Minister 4 The Support Base and Policies of the LDP 5 Limitations on the Prime Minister's Power.. 7 Factions: Determinants of Political Leadership 9 Factional Coalitions and Semi-CollectiveLeadership 11 III. FILLING NAKASONE'S SHOES: THE CANDIDATES FORSUCCESSOR 13 Nakasone's Legacy 13 Nakasone's Innovative Tactics 14 Profiles of the Candidates 17 Noboru Takeshita 17 Shintaro Abe 18 Miyazawa 18 Susumu Nikaido 19 Comparing the Candidates 20 IV. PITY THE WINNER: THE CHALLENGES AHEAD 22 The Japanese Response to Trade Frictions 22 Six Key Tasks for the New Prime Minister 24 Implications for the United States 26 App radix I: Economic Fact Sheet 28 Appendix II: Postwar LDP Factions and Prime Ministers 30 Appendix III:Selected Further Reading 32 Appendix IV: List of Specialists on Japanese Politics and U.S.-Japan Relations 33 5 I. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LDP ELFCTIOKS Prime Minister Yaauhiro Nakasone, whoformed his first cabineton November 27, 1982, plans to retireon October 30 both as prime minister of Japan and as president of the LiberalDemocratic Party (LDP), the conservative party that has governed Japanfor the past 32 years. Because the LDP has some 445 seats in Japan'stwo-house, 764-seat parliament (the Diet), the person selectedas LDP party president for the next two-year term will be elected primeminister by majority vote in the Diet. The LDP will inaugurate its new president ina convention scheduled for Octobar 31. Selection of the LDP leader, and thus theprime minister, is almost exclusively determined bypower politics of the party's personal leadership factions. The LDP, although with milltons of *members,' technically on the books,is controlled and led by its parliamentary representatives. LDP Diet members belong to factions, whose main purpose is to get their leader electedparty president. In this election, three major LDP faction leaders--LDPExecutive Council Chairman Shintaro Abe, Finance MinisterKiichi Miyazawa, and LDP Secretary General Noboru Takeshita- -and possibly former LDP Vice President Susumu Nikaido are vying to succeedNakasone. Takeshita, leader of the largest faction, is thecurrent favorite. Abe and Miyazawa bring to the race greater foreign policyexpertise, but their ability to win will depend more on politicalmaneuvering and deals with other faction leaders than on any specific qualificationfor office. With his small faction of under twenty members,Nikaido has little -1- 6 chance of winning, but if he can musterthe necessary 50 supporters among the Diet's LDP members, he can forcea nationwide party primary on October 28 that will weed out the weakestcandidate before the convention. If that happens, LDP Diet membersare to meet on October 30 to select a party president among the remainingthree contenders. If Nikaido fails, there would be only threecandidates, and the race would be decided only by Diet members at theconvention or perhaps by a deal among the three leading candidates prior to the convention. The outcome of this election is crucial both forJapan and the United States. Short of a nuclear war, no other country isas important to the United States and has as much impacton the daily lives of Americans as Japan. Yet the new prime minister will assume hispost at a time of tremendous strain in the U.S.-Japan relationship,largely due to economic issues. .'span's economic significance to the UnitedStates has increased phenomenally in the last few years. U.S.-Japan trade totaled $109 billion in 1986. In 1986 the net flow of Japanesecapital abroad reached $113 billion, a 66 percent increaseover 1985. Japan's direct foreign investment in 1986 totaled $22.3 billion, of which $10.2billion went to the United States. One-third of Japan's total directforeign investment is in the United States. Much of this capital comes from Japan'ssuccess as an exporting nation. Japan's overall world trade surplus in fiscalyear 1986 (ending
Recommended publications
  • Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R
    The original documents are located in Box 27, folder “State Visits - Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Ron Nessen donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 27 of The Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN ~ . .,1. THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN A Profile On the Occasion of The Visit by The Emperor and Empress to the United States September 30th to October 13th, 1975 by Edwin 0. Reischauer The Emperor and Empress of japan on a quiet stroll in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Few events in the long history of international relations carry the significance of the first visit to the United States of the Em­ peror and Empress of Japan. Only once before has the reigning Emperor of Japan ventured forth from his beautiful island realm to travel abroad. On that occasion, his visit to a number of Euro­ pean countries resulted in an immediate strengthening of the bonds linking Japan and Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki of Japan
    Digitized from Box 65 of the Gerald R. Ford Vice Presidential Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT WASHINGTON January 21, 1974 MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION PLACE: OEOB TIME: 9: 00 a. m.. DATE: January 10, 1974 SUBJECT: Meeting with Deputy Prim.e Minis ter Takeo Miki of Japan ~"""." PAR TICIPANTS: The Vice President ~ Major General Dunn Am.bassador Robert . I ersoll Manabu Fukuda, Interpreter Deputy Prim.e Minister Takeo Miki Am.bassador Takeshi Yasukawa Yoshio Okawara, Director of Am.erican Affairs Bureau M. Kunihiro, Interpreter After an exchange of pleasantries, Deputy Prim.e Minis ter Miki opened his rem.arks with a discussion of the significance of his three-week m.ission to eight Middle East nations expressing his hope that his m.eetings with the leaders of the United States m.ay produce som.e m.utual benefit as regards the global energy crisis. Mr. Miki was encouraged by the discussions with the leaders of the Arab nations who recognize now an opportunity to resolve the problem.s of the Middle East. The Arab leaders welcom.e present negotiations to achieve disengagem.ent and hope that peace will com.e soon. Miki believes that the United States is the only country that can take a peace initiative and asked the Vice President for a continued strong effort on the part of the United States to achieve this goal. Miki then touched on the subject of the Arab leaders I thoughts on the present energy situation. He believes that reduction in oil export supply and raising the price of crude oil is not based solely on nationalistic tendencies.
    [Show full text]
  • JICA-RI Working Paper No.72
    An Interdisciplinary Study of Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) Political Origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers, 1960–1965: Why the State Sends Young Volunteers Abroad Yasunobu Okabe No. 72 March 2014 0 Use and dissemination of this working paper is encouraged; however, the JICA Research Institute requests due acknowledgement and a copy of any publication for which this working paper has provided input. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official positions of either the JICA Research Institute or JICA. JICA Research Institute 10-5 Ichigaya Honmura-cho Shinjuku-ku Tokyo 162-8433 JAPAN TEL: +81-3-3269-3374 FAX: +81-3-3269-2054 Copyright ©2014 Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute All rights reserved. Political Origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers, 1960–1965: Why the State Sends Young Volunteers Abroad Yasunobu Okabe * Abstract This paper examines the political origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) through the lens of two research questions: (1) Why did the Japanese government undertake the JOCV project in 1965? and (2) Why did the project pursue multifaceted objectives – technical assistance, international friendship, and youth development? These questions are important for two reasons. First, as the country was struggling economically, experiencing domestic turmoil, and vulnerable to international conflict, it is surprising that the government would begin sending young volunteers to developing countries. Second, the JOCV’s objectives are inconsistent with each other, and therefore their coexistence requires further examination. Using a multi-level analysis strategy, we explore international and domestic factors.
    [Show full text]
  • Japon Des Samouraïs Au XXI E Siècle
    Japon Des samouraïs au XXIe siècle À de nombreux égards, le Japon demeure une énigme pour les Occidentaux, une terre lointaine porteuse d’une altérité radicale qui suscite à la fois admiration, envie et inquiétude. Ne disposant que d’un espace utile minuscule pour ses 127 millions d’habitants, confronté à des conditions naturelles exceptionnellement difficiles du fait d’une nature hostile, l’archipel nippon a su réussir de manière inattendue son passage à la modernité occidentale tout en préservant son identité profonde. Premier pays asiatique à s’être engagé, près d’un siècle avant les autres, dans l’aventure industrielle, il en a tiré une puissance politique et militaire qui n’aurait pu être que passagère mais a su montrer ensuite des capacités d’adaptation et d’efficacité surprenantes pour réaliser une reconstruction et une expansion qui en ont fait la deuxième puissance économique du monde. Longtemps demeuré à la périphérie de l’espace culturel chinois, c’est à une époque relativement récente au regard de la longue durée historique, c’est-à-dire vers la fin de notre premier millénaire, que le Japon entre véritablement dans l’histoire de l’Asie orientale pour construire une société profondément originale même si elle est largement influencée par les apports en provenance de l’empire du Milieu et de la Corée voisine. Les périodes de Nara et d’Heian correspondent à un premier apogée de la civilisation nippone avant que le temps du shogunat ne voit s’imposer un pouvoir central toujours plus fort. Renonçant rapidement à l’ouverture engagée par l’arrivée sur les côtes nippones des marchands et des missionnaires portugais, le Japon des Tokugawa se referme totalement sur lui-même à partir du XVIIe siècle mais, à l’inverse de la Chine des Mandchous incapable d’affronter au XIXe siècle les ambitions des puissances impérialistes européennes, le Japon, fort de sa tradition guerrière bien différente de celle des mandarins chinois, réagit vigoureusement aux empiétements étrangers et se donne, en l’espace d’une génération, les moyens d’y faire face.
    [Show full text]
  • Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context
    Washington International Law Journal Volume 26 Number 1 Special Issue on the Japanese Constitution 1-1-2017 Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context John O. Haley University of Washington School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation John O. Haley, Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context, 26 Wash. L. Rev. 1 (2017). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol26/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2016 Washington International Law Journal Association ARTICLE 9 IN THE POST-SUNAKAWA WORLD: CONTINUITY AND DETERRENCE WITHIN A TRANSFORMING GLOBAL CONTEXT John O. Haley∗ Abstract: The 1959 Supreme Court Grand Bench (en banc) decision in Sakata v. Japan1 (the Sunakawa case) was the first Supreme Court decision on Article 9 and the constitutionality of Japan's defense policies. In the precedent-setting decision, all fifteen justices endorsed the view that under Article 9 Japan retained a fundamental right of self-defense and could enter into treaties for mutual security. In the absence of an apparent or "clear" violation, the courts, Sunakawa held, must defer to the judgment of the political branches on the issue of constitutionality.
    [Show full text]
  • The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan
    Hitotsubashi Bulletin of Social Sciences. Vol.5., 2013. The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan Hajime Sebata The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the restructuring of the organization of Japan's Imperial Household Ministry in 1945-1949. The Emperor was the absolute sovereign and the supreme commander under the Meiji Constitution. The Imperial Household Ministry was independent from the government, authorized by imperial law and separate from the constitution. After WWII, General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Forces wanted to reform the government of Japan. They took over the Emperor's authority and the property of the Imperial House, and set the Emperor as a "symbol" in the new constitution. Thereafter, all acts of the Emperor in matters of state would require the advice and approval of the Cabinet. The Imperial Household Ministry (Kunai-sho) lost much of its authority and was reorganized as the Imperial Household Offi ce (Kunai-fu). However, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida strove to maintain the independence of the Imperial Household Offi ce. He believed its offi ce should be under the "jurisdiction" (not "management") of the Prime Minister. In Emperor Hirohito's "Postwar Tour," the officers in the Government Section of GHQ criticized the Imperial Household Offi ce as a violation of their policies. They believed that the views of the offi cers in the Imperial Household Offi ce were unchanging and therefore decided to introduce further reforms. Then Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama and Hitoshi Ashida had the same idea. Ashida reorganized the Imperial Household Offi ce as the Imperial Household Agency (Kunai-cho) under the "management" of the Prime Minister.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan and the United Nations (PDF)
    Japan and the United Nations Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan Japan's Contribution to the International Community at the UN Foundation of the UN and Japan's Accession to the UN The United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945 under the pledge to prevent the recurrence of war. Eleven years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN as its 80th member. Since its accession, Japan has contributed to a diversity of fields in UN settings. For example, as of 2014, Japan had served ten times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Also, as the only country that has ever suffered from the devastation of atomic bombings, Japan has taken every opportunity to call the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation to the attention of the international community, gaining appreciation and trust from many countries. Today, the international community faces a number of new challenges to be addressed, such as a rash of regional and ethnic conflicts, poverty, sustainable development, climate change, and human rights issues. These global challenges should be addressed by the United Nations with its universal character. For nearly three decades, Japan has been the second largest contributor to the UN's finances after the United States, and Japan is an indispensable partner in the management of the UN. ⓒUN Photo/Mark Garten 1 Japan's Contributions at the UN In cooperation with the UN, Japan contributes to international peace and stability through exercising leadership in its areas of expertise, such as agenda-setting and rule-making for the international community. A case in point is human security.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Economist Martin Bronfenbrenner (1914-1997) and the Reconstruction of the Japanese Economy (1947-1952): (A Version for Presentation in East Asia)
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Ikeo, Aiko Working Paper The American economist Martin Bronfenbrenner (1914-1997) and the reconstruction of the Japanese economy (1947-1952): (a version for presentation in East Asia) CHOPE Working Paper, No. 2011-11 Provided in Cooperation with: Center for the History of Political Economy at Duke University Suggested Citation: Ikeo, Aiko (2011) : The American economist Martin Bronfenbrenner (1914-1997) and the reconstruction of the Japanese economy (1947-1952): (a version for presentation in East Asia), CHOPE Working Paper, No. 2011-11, Duke University, Center for the History of Political Economy (CHOPE), Durham, NC This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/155446 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.
    [Show full text]
  • Issues for Congress
    Order Code RL33436 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Updated October 5, 2006 Emma Chanlett-Avery (Coordinator) Analyst in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division William H. Cooper Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Summary The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the “hardline” U.S. position in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea’s nuclear program. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • UPMC Physician Receives Japanese Bilateral Friendship Award
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Amy Boots 412-856-8608 [email protected] UPMC Physician Receives Japanese Bilateral Friendship Award September 6, 2018 – The America-Japan Society Inc. has named Dr. Jeanette South-Paul as a recipient of its second annual Kentaro Kaneko Award. The awards will be presented at the International House in Tokyo on October 23. The Kaneko Award is named after the AJS’s first president, Count Kentaro Kaneko, who persuaded his fellow Harvard alumnus Theodore Roosevelt to help broker the treaty to end the Russo-Japanese war. The award was created in 2017 as part of the America-Japan Society's centennial celebration to honor individuals who have promoted grassroots, people-to-people exchanges between Japan and the United States. The award is given to one American and one Japanese each year. Candidates were recommended by Japan-America Societies in Japan as well as in the United States and other exchange-related organizations. An AJS selection committee in Tokyo selected the winners. Dr. South-Paul serves as the Chair for the Department of Family Medicine at UPMC in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and Professor for the University of Pittsburgh Department of Family Medicine. She has led UPMC’s collaboration with Aso Iizuka Hospital (AIH) in Iizuka, Japan since 2006. Dr. South-Paul and her physician colleagues have spent more than ten years working with physicians at AIH, led initially by CEO Dr. Jiro Tanaka and the Aso Corporation CEO Yutaka Aso, and later by the current AIH CEO, Akihide Masumoto. Working with the Department of General Internal Medicine, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Multilateralism Recalibrated
    Multilateralism Recalibrated: Japan’s Engagement in Institution Building in the Past 70 Years and Beyond Akiko Fukushima1 Introduction In the 1980s, the international community criticized Japan for free riding on the international order without paying its dues. But did Japan actually undermine institution building in the 70 years after the end of World War II? No—on the contrary, Japan never opposed multilateral institutions either at the global level, such as the United Nations (UN), or at the regional level in the Asia-Pacific. Emerging from the ashes of the war, Japan did not engage in visible leadership in building multilateral institutions, nor was it expected to take such leadership by the international community. Instead, Japan was expected to be on the receiving side of the international order created by the victors of the war. Japan, however, has consistently been an active supporter of institutions throughout the past 70 years. On the global front, although Japan was not a party in establishing institutions, particularly in the earlier decades after the war, Japan sought ways to contribute as a loyal member. On the regional front, after the end of World War II the Asia-Pacific region was infertile ground for institution building, in sharp contrast to Europe, as demonstrated by the failure of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). The only exception was the sub-regional Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and track two and three institutions such as the Pacific Basin Economic Conference (PBEC) and the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference (PECC). Since the 1990s, however, the Asia-Pacific region has witnessed budding regional institutions with varying geographical footprints in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific more broadly.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Modern Japanese Diplomacy Lecture Two (October 21, 2011
    Modern Japanese Diplomacy Lecture two (October 21, 2011) Chronology 1946 (Showa21) 0222 George Kennan’s “long telegram” 0305 Winston Churchill’s speech in Fulton, MO. 1947 (Showa 22) 0201 General strikes are halted on the previous day 0312 The Truman Doctrine is proclaimed 0331 The establishment of Democratic Party mainly on the basis of the Progressive Party 0425 General election ( Socialist 143, Liberal 131, Democratic 126, National Cooperative 31) 0520 Resignation of Yoshida Cabinet 0601 The establishment of Tetsu Katayama Cabinet 0605 Marshall Plan is announced 0700 Mr. X article on “Foreign Affairs” 1948 (Showa 23) 0106 Speech of the Secretary of the Army Kenneth C. Royall “ We make Japan a fort for anti-communism…” 0310 The establishment of Hitoshi Ashida Cabinet 0401 Soviet Union starts blockade of Berlin 0623 The Showa Denko Scandal, the arrested include Suehiro Nishio (Sep-Oct) 0813 The Republic of Korea is established 0909 The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is established 1007 U.S. National Security Council (NSC) adopts NSC13-2 (Recommendations with respect to U.S. Policy towards Japan) 1019 The establishment of the second Yoshida Cabinet 1 1949(Showa24) 0123 24th General election (Democratic Liberal 264, Democratic 69, Socialist 48, Communist 35, National Cooperative and others 14) 1001 The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is established 1950 (Showa 25) 0101 McArthur writes in his New Year’s statement that the Constitution of Japan cannot be interpreted as complete negation of the right of self-defense 0209 Senator
    [Show full text]