DOCSLIB.ORG

Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki of Japan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki of Japan Digitized from Box 65 of the Gerald R. Ford Vice Presidential Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT WASHINGTON January 21, 1974 MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION PLACE: OEOB TIME: 9: 00 a. m.. DATE: January 10, 1974 SUBJECT: Meeting with Deputy Prim.e Minis ter Takeo Miki of Japan ~"""." PAR TICIPANTS: The Vice President ~ Major General Dunn Am.bassador Robert . I ersoll Manabu Fukuda, Interpreter Deputy Prim.e Minister Takeo Miki Am.bassador Takeshi Yasukawa Yoshio Okawara, Director of Am.erican Affairs Bureau M. Kunihiro, Interpreter After an exchange of pleasantries, Deputy Prim.e Minis ter Miki opened his rem.arks with a discussion of the significance of his three-week m.ission to eight Middle East nations expressing his hope that his m.eetings with the leaders of the United States m.ay produce som.e m.utual benefit as regards the global energy crisis. Mr. Miki was encouraged by the discussions with the leaders of the Arab nations who recognize now an opportunity to resolve the problem.s of the Middle East. The Arab leaders welcom.e present negotiations to achieve disengagem.ent and hope that peace will com.e soon. Miki believes that the United States is the only country that can take a peace initiative and asked the Vice President for a continued strong effort on the part of the United States to achieve this goal. Miki then touched on the subject of the Arab leaders I thoughts on the present energy situation. He believes that reduction in oil export supply and raising the price of crude oil is not based solely on nationalistic tendencies. They contend that Arab nations are predominantly desert areas and that their sole natural resource is oil deposits. They see a need to conserve this valuable resource. There is a need to cooperate with the Arabs by aiding them in their efforts to industrialize and modernize. He emphasized Japan's role in extending economic and technical assistance for this area of the world which supplies more than 80% of Japanl s petroleum needs. Miki expressed the thought that the Arab leaders are not only interested in the present supply of oil resources but they are also quite concerned about the development of an alternate energy resource because eventually the fossil fuel supply will be exhausted. He again emphasized that the influence of the United States is vital in the settlement of the Middle East problems. He believes that stability must be achieved in the Middle East before energy problems can be solved and depends upon United States leadership to use its influence to resolve the differences existing between the Arab nations and Israel. He asked that the President, Vice President, Dr. Kissinger and other American leaders continue to exert efforts to achieve this end. The Vice President spoke of the need for strong support of UN Resolution 242. Words will be more meaningful if we can end the Middle East war, His extensive travel in the United States has indicated overwhelming support for Kissinger's efforts to find a solution to the Middle East problems. Whatever solution Dr. Kissinger proposes the American people will support. Miki stated that the United States is the only nation with sufficient influence and strength to achieve succes s in this task. He injected a personal note by saying that he had supported UN Resolution 242 in a speech at the United Nations General Assembly while he was Foreign Minister of Japan. He regrets that nothing has been accomplished during the past six years. He looks forward to an initiative by the United States to correct this situation. "r.:." ...1 < " 2 ., The Vice President spoke of the departure of Dr. Kissinger to the Middle East tonight to continue negotiations and expressed his belief that action will be forthcoming. The Vice President said that an energy crisis does exist in the United States but is less severe than in other nations, such as Japan. President Nixon will propose a program which should make the United States self-sufficient by 1980. Miki replied that producing and consuming nations have mutual interests and should complement each other. The producing nations want to industrialize, and this is one area where the industrialized consumer nations can aid them. The Vice President then touched on his visit to the People's Republic of China during June and July of 1972. Senators Mansfield and Scott preceded him by about two months. His trip to China was concentrated mainly in the North. He was unable to stop over in Japan at that time but expressed his hope of a visit to Japan again soon since his last trip was in August of 1953. Miki promptly invited the Vice President to visit Japan as soon as pos sible. The meeting ended with an exchange of pleasantries. 3 January 21, 1974 Mr. Gerald R. Ford Vice President of the United States of America Dear Vice President Ford: I should like to express to you my sincere gratitude for the cordial welcome you and the Government of the United States kindly extended to me during my visit to Washington, D.C. I was particularly glad to have the opportunity of meeting with you to encharge our thoughts on the problems of our mutual concern. It is in the full realization of the tremendous responsibilities our countries have to shoulder in the face of manifold and difficult tasks both domestic and international that I offer you my very best wishes for your health and the success of your Vice Presidency. Thanking you again for your hospitality and looking forward to seeing you again, I am, Sincerely yours, / Briefing Memorandum Visit of Deputy Prime Minister Miki Takeo Miki completed his nineteen-day mission to eight Middle East countries on December 30. The OAPEC member countries have since designated Japan as a "friendly" country, and Miki is receiving the credit. Analysis and Background Although head of a large faction within the ruling LDP, Miki's political strength has been on the decline. His post as Deputy Prime Minister has an impressive title but little real power. With no position on the Arab­ Israeli dispute on the record, Miki was untainted from the point of view of either side, had the requisite rank, and was selected to make the trip at a time when Japanese public opinion was demanding dramatic action. The lifting of the embargo against Japan just as Miki returned to Tokyo crowned his trip with apparent triumph. Our purpose in receiving Miki is to encourage Japan to resist domestic pressures for an expedient, short-term solution which would please public opinion, but complicate our own efforts to bring about a lasting settlement in the Middle East. We also want to hear Miki's own impressions on the situation. Miki is coming to Washington to balance his trip to the Middle East. He will want to show that Japanese ties with the US have not been weakened, and he will seek our understanding and acquiescence, if not our overt support, for Japan's overtures to the Arabs. Japanese concern about oil exports is entirely genuine. The Japanese feared that the Arabs would press Miki for more specific actions against Israel, such as a break in diplomatic relations. Fortunately the Arabs did not apply new pressures, and were glad to discuss closer economic ties with Japan. Miki took with him a list of major projects which Japan is prepared to carry out in the Middle East. The Japanese are increasingly worried about oil price DECLft,SSIFIf:O E.O. ~;... '. .'\ ":; '\ 3 GDS By .J~_"-=.~~_'>:;", ....~.::jqJ-1IJ.~. <SFCP:iT 2. increases. That concern is the reason for Japan's willingness (expressed privately) to join in meetings with other major consumers without Arab participation. That is a complete reversal of their past policy of avoiding con­ frontation with the Arabs. They have also solidly supported the establishment of the Energy Action Group proposed by Secretary Kissinger in his London speech. Should the opportunity arise, you may wish to emphasize the following US positions, some of which may be touched upon by Secretary Kissinger. Issues and Talking Points 1. Miki Mission to the Middle East Japanese Position: The mission was necessary to explain Japan's position on the Arab-Israeli dispute and to win Arab cooperation in assuring stable oil supplies to Japan. To get that cooperation Japan offered technical and industrial development assistance, but not submission to Arab blackmail. Japan wants to hasten, not delay, a peace settlement. US Position: We appreciate Japan's interest, which we obviously share, in promoting a peaceful settlement, but take no stand either way on the Miki mission. We believe a strong, united position in the face of Arab pressures offers the best prospect for success. Suggested Talking Points: -- We understand and sympathize with Japan's posi­ tion of heavy reliance on oil imports. -- There is no short-term solution to Japan's problem, nor can it be resolved bilaterally. The oil consuming countries must work together and with the producers to achieve a lasting settlement. -- We appreciate Miki's repeated assurances that his mission was not to be interpreted as an effort to solve Japan's problem in isolation. 2. Energy Action Group (EAG) Japanese Position: The Japanese are "basically in agreement with the EAG proposal and would like to deal positively with it so that its objectives are achieved." •) 3. us Position: We propose the establishment of an EAG to develop an action program for collaboration in all areas of the energy problem. Suggested Talking Points: -- We are glad to have Japanese support for the EAG proposal.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
    Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor
    [Show full text]
  • The Anatomy of Japan's Shifting Security Orientation
    Tsuyoshi Sunohara The Anatomy of Japan’s Shifting Security Orientation On June 2, 2010, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama’s farewell address included the parting shot that ‘‘I do not believe it is a good idea for Japan to depend on the United States for her security over the next 50 or 100 years.’’1 One could dismiss this as typical Hatoyama, who has repeatedly insisted that Japan should try to establish an ‘‘equal relationship’’ with the United States. Yet, it is not just one leader, but Japan itself that has been asking: can we survive as a responsible stakeholder in the twenty-first century given the status quo? A Twenty-Year Debate At the end of World War II, Japan adopted the so-called ‘‘Yoshida Doctrine’’ under which it would focus more on economic growth and rebuilding its infrastructure while effectively relying on the United States for its security. Japan’s first postwar prime minister, Shigeru Yoshida (1946—1947, 1948—1954), believed Japan needed to enshrine the new security arrangement through a formal pact. The U.S.—Japan Security Treaty was subsequently signed in 1960.2 Under the treaty’s framework, Japan was required to provide bases on its soil (Article VI) and later agreed to provide extensive financial host-nation support for U.S. forces. In return, the United States agreed to come to the defense of Japan if she was attacked (Article V). Unlike NATO, which treats an attack Tsuyoshi Sunohara is a senior writer with the Japanese newspaper Nikkei, and covers U.S.—Japan relations in Tokyo.
    [Show full text]
  • RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos E Desafios No Século XXI
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL INSTITUTO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Porto Alegre – RS 2010 LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política. Orientador: Marco Aurélio Chaves Cepik Porto Alegre – RS 2010 2 Dedico esta Dissertação à minha mãe, Lícia Peres, cujo amor e estímulos diários me motivam a superar cada desafio. 3 AGRADECIMENTOS À Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) que financiou esta pesquisa. Ao programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da UFRGS por todo suporte acadêmico e técnico, possibilitando um ambiente propício para a elaboração do presente trabalho. Ao meu orientador e professor, Marco Cepik, pelo auxílio e rigor acadêmico, sempre buscando desenvolver meu senso crítico. Ao professor e amigo José Miguel Quedi Martins, que me estimulou a pesquisar este tema e sempre se dispôs a debatê-lo. Aos professores do Mestrado em Ciência Política, pelos ensinamentos e pela busca constante da excelência. Aos colegas e amigos Igor Castellano da Silva, Fernando Sebben, Julio Rodriguez, Rodrigo Cardoso, Gustavo Dullius, Luiza Schneider, Lucas Kerr, Fabrício Ávila, Nilo de Castro, Márcio Guimarães, Eduardo Bueno e João Chiarelli, que sempre se colocaram à disposição para debater assuntos relacionados às Relações Internacionais e à Ciência Política.
    [Show full text]
  • Dull Bull/ Philosopher Prime Minster and Intellectuals Looking at the Prime Minster Ohira Policy Research Council
    Dull Bull/ Philosopher Prime Minster and Intellectuals Looking at the Prime Minster Ohira Policy Research Council UNO Shigeki, Professor, Institute of Social Science, the University of Tokyo Introduction The first Ohira Masayoshi Cabinet was established in December 1978. At the beginning of his policy address to the Diet on 25 January 25 1979, Prime Minister Ohira made the following statement: In the more than 30 years that have passed since the end of World War II, Japan has focused single-mindedly on achieving economic affluence, and as a nation we have produced remarkable results. This represents the positive outcome of efforts that have continued for the 100 years since the Meiji period to modernize and model our country after Western nations. (Snip) However, we cannot really say that we have given our full attention to the harmony between man and nature, the balance between freedom and responsibility, and the purpose of life deeply rooted in our spirit. Today, people are quickly beginning to reflect more on these things. I believe this trend indicates that material civilization itself, UNO Shigeki, Professor, Institute of Social Science, the University of Tokyo based on urbanization and modern rationalism which originally brought about rapid economic growth, has reached its limit. We should accept that the days of modernization are behind us and that we have now entered a post-modern era. This era is one focused on culture, and represents a shift away from an era centered on the economy. The shift from modernization to post-modern, and from an economic-oriented era to one of culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Tentative Workshop Program
    Session Schedule (*tentative ed. as of February 20, 2020) Kaiulani I Kaiulani II Kaiulani III Molokai [Special Session] Human Attributes Estimation from Nonlinear Circuits and Wireless Communications 09:00 Behavior and Its Applica- Systems 1 1 | tion 10:30 Chair: Yoko Uwate Chair: Yusuke Kozawa Chair: Takayuki Nagai <29AM1-2: Page 1> <29AM1-3: Page 2> <29AM1-1: Page 1> Coffee break Nonlinear Circuits and Wireless Communications Estimation 1 Medical Applications 10:50 Systems 2 2 | Chair: Hiroto Saito Chair: Yasue Mitsukura 12:20 Chair: Tadashi Tsubone Chair: Shigeki Shiokawa Feb. 29 <29AM2-1: Page 2> <29AM2-4: Page 4> <29AM2-2: Page 3> <29AM2-3: Page 3> Neural and Bio-Inspired Speech Processing and Estimation 2 Optimization 13:40 Networks 1 Recognition 1 | Chair: Hiroshi Suzuki Chair: Kazuo Komatsu Chair: Kuniyasu Shimizu Chair: Yosuke Sugiura 15:10 <29PM1-1: Page 4> <29PM1-4: Page 6> <29PM1-2: Page 5> <29PM1-3: Page 5> Coffee break Neural and Bio-Inspired Speech Processing and Estimation 3 Detection 15:30 Networks 2 Recognition 2 | Chair: Yoshifumi Ukita Chair: Hiroaki Hashiura Chair: Katsumi Tateno Chair: Masato Akagi 17:00 <29PM2-1: Page 6> <29PM2-4: Page 8> <29PM2-2: Page 7> <29PM2-3: Page 7> [Special Session] Machine Learning for IoT and Su- Speech Processing and Complex Networks 1 09:00 perconductivity Recognition 3 | Chair: Takafumi Matsuura Chairs: Masakatsu Ogawa, Chair: Masashi Unoki 10:30 <1AM1-2: Page 9> Tomoaki Takao <1AM1-3: Page 10> <1AM1-1: Page 8> Coffee break Wireless Communications 10:50 Adaptive System Complex Networks
    [Show full text]
  • Japan, Asian-Paciªc Security, and the Case for Analytical Eclecticism
    Japan and Asian-Paciªc Security Japan, Asian-Paciªc Peter J. Katzenstein Security, and the Case and Nobuo Okawara for Analytical Eclecticism In recent years Interna- tional Security has published a large number of articles and exchanges articulat- ing the advantages and shortcomings of different analytical perspectives in 1 international relations. Controversies about the merits of neoliberalism, con- structivism, rationalism, and realism have become an accepted part of both scholarly debate and graduate teaching. Peter J. Katzenstein is the Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. Professor of International Studies at Cornell University. Nobuo Okawara is Professor of Political Studies at Kyushu University. Without saddling them for any of the remaining errors of omission or commission, we would like to thank for their criticisms, comments, and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article: Amitav Acharya, Thomas Berger, Robert Bullock, Thomas Christensen, Susanne Feske, Michael Green, Walter Hatch, Brian Job, Chalmers Johnson, Alastair Iain Johnston, Kozo Kato, Robert Keohane, Stephen Krasner, Ellis Krauss, David Leheny, T.J. Pempel, Richard Samuels, Keiichi Tsunekawa, and Robert Uriu, as well as members of seminars at the University of California, San Diego, Cornell University, and Aoyama Gakuin University. We are also very much indebted to two anon- ymous reviewers for their criticisms and suggestions and to a large number of Japanese and Chinese government ofªcials and policy advisers for generously sharing their time with us. 1. On neoliberalism, see John J. Mearsheimer, “The False Promise of International Institutions,” In- ternational Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. 5–49; Robert O. Keohane and Lisa L. Mar- tin, “The Promise of Institutionalist Theory,” International Security, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Whpr19760625-009
    Digitized from Box 28 of the White House Press Releases at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library INTERNATIONAL PRESS CENTER The International Press Center will be- located in the Sala de Convenciones, Condado Beach Hotel and Convention Center, Ashford Avenue, San Juan. This Center will be equipped with complete press facilities for the use of all accredited press. The International Press Center will contain a large open area with tables and typewriters. There will be a stage for any briefings that might take place during the conference.• There will be a direct audio line connection with the Dorado Beach conference site so that any statements, comments or briefings made available to the International Press Pool at Dorado Beach will be heard simultaneously at the International Press Center. The audio line will terminate in a "mult" so that radio and television cor­ respondents can record broadcast quality sound if they wish. In addition, the International Press Center will be equipped with long distance telephones an~ telex. All telephone calls must be placed "collect" or charged to an international communications credit card number. Each of the seven participating countries will be provided a separate booth to serve each press contingent any background information and materials relative to their delegation at the conference. The United States press booth will be staffed and operated by the United States Department of State and the United States Information Agency's Foreign Press Center and will be equipped to handle the needs of all press covering the conference. There will be background information on the conference, copies of daily releases and state­ ments, copies of United States daily newspapers, and Associated Press and United Press International teletype machines.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Political Thought As Seen from Prime Minister's Speech
    ｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐｐ Japanese Political Thought as Seen from Prime Minister’s Speech : Koizumi’s Singularity Monika REINEM ▍ Introduction When taking office as the Prime Minister┼ Junichiro Koizumi was very often introduced and characterised in media as being the ┣maverick─ in the Japanese politics┻ Besides hint- ing at some minor things like his hairstyle┼ this term was meant to express Koizumi's ideas on the political situation in Japan as well as his not very common behaviour as a Ja- panese politician┻ Now┼ after more than four years in office┼ it is interesting to take a closer look at his and his team's political ideas and way of thinking┻ This encouraged me to study more about and do a research on the political thought of Japanese prime ministers over the whole post┳war period┻ There is an impressive long term research on Japanese political thought done by a group of scientists led currently by Ikuo Kabashima⑴┼ which concentrates on Japanese voters' be- haviour┼ their perception of political parties and actual policies of the Japanese political parties (明るい選挙推進協会調査)┻ According to Kabashima┼ Japanese voters have an accu- rate understanding of the ideological differences of the political parties and their position on the conservative (保守)Жreform (革新) scale┻ Compared to 1960sand1970s┼ where the opposition between these two was clearly distinguishable (concerning defence policy/atti- tude towards the old system and welfare/participation/equality questions)┼ by the 1990sa strong trend towards de┳ideologisation
    [Show full text]
  • Takeshita's Aid Kills Himself Mixed Views on Co-Ed Housing Teacher
    VOL. XXII, NO. 128 THURSDAY, APRIL 27, 1989 THE INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER SERVING NOTRE PAME AND SAINT MARY'S CO·ED HOUSING Mixed views on co-ed housing By KELLEY TUTHILL at Notre Dame. "I'm not and JOHN ZALLER sure that, right now, we have Staff Reporters the physical facilities to ac­ comodate co-ed housing." Editors note: This is the Firth said. "Any type of co­ third in a three part series ed housing must be under­ on coeducational housing. taken within context of the While many students are guidelines of the Univer­ in favor of co-ed housing, sity," added Firth. many rectors, Administra­ Pat Doran, associate tors and alumni approach director of residence life, the idea more cautiously. said student involvement Dr. Ann Firth, director of might be important to the fu­ residence life, believes the ture of co-ed housing. "If issue of co-ed housing "is not there were sufficient student a simple issue. There needs demand, further investiga­ to be much discussion tion would be made, but among students, adminis­ there wouldn't automati­ Frocking ceremony The Observer/Heleni Korwek trators, faculty, parents, cally be co-ed housing. The and alumni." administration would have Col. Hanson and Cadet Col. Chellie Cameron award Cadet Eric Fick during the 1989 spring Air Force "This is an issue that to look deeper into it," said awards ceremony. The ceremony occurs before every change of command. needs to be weighed very Doran. carefully," added Firth. Sister Maureen Minihane, Last year, Firth chaired a rector of Siegfried Hall said, task force set up to investi­ "I don't have a problem with Takeshita's aid kills himself gate the possibilities of the idea." She believes that coresidential housing at coresidential housing would Associated Press 6 "Golden Week" holidays end.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesson Four______Single Party Governance: Early Benefit and Long-Term Costs
    Lesson Four_________________________________________ SINGLE PARTY GOVERNANCE: EARLY BENEFIT AND LONG-TERM COSTS Organizing • What are some distinctive aspects of Japan’s political system? Questions • What have the early benefits and long-term costs of Japan’s political system been? • How does Japan’s political system compare to those of other countries? Introduction On Day One, students answer questions on an anticipation guide prior to viewing a lecture on the Japanese government and politics. During the lecture, students take notes and complete a handout of discussion questions in class and as homework. On Day Two, students review the handout of discussion questions. Then, the teacher assigns each student a Japanese prime minister to research. Students begin their research in class and complete their assignment as homework. On Day Three, students present their assigned prime ministers to the class and discuss their findings. Students then participate in an activity through which they compare and contrast political issues in Japan with issues in other countries. For homework, they create cartoons depicting one of these issues. On Day Four, students display their cartoon strips around the room, observe their classmates’ work, and discuss. Students then revisit their anticipation guide from the beginning of the lesson. Objectives In this lesson, students will • learn about distinctive aspects of Japan’s political system; • analyze the positive and negative aspects of Japan’s political system; • compare and contrast Japan’s political system to those of other countries; • learn about Japan’s prime ministers; and • theorize what Japan’s government should or should not do to make sure it is serving the common good.
    [Show full text]
  • Twentieth-Century Japanese Diplomacy＊
    Twentieth-Century Japanese Diplomacy ＊ Hiroshi Nakanishi (Assistant Professor, Kyoto University) Introduction It is fair to say that Japan in the twentieth century, looked at objectively, followed a dynamic trajectory of a kind that has rarely been seen in world history. After being incorporated into the modern international system in the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan implemented a series of political, military, economic, and social reforms and became one of the few countries in the non-Western world to maintain its independence. In the early years of the twentieth century, Japan ranked as the only non-Western state to successfully implement an imperial policy and achieve a position of strength alongside the world powers. Following these early achievements, however, the country failed to respond to a changing international environment. Disarray in the country’s domestic politics contributed to an unstoppable expansionist policy that led the country into a reckless war, as a result of which Japan not only lost all of its colonies but also suffered from catastrophic war damage and occupation and for a time even lost its sovereignty. In the second half of the twentieth century, Japan swapped swords for spades. Through economy recovery and development, it worked to recover its lost international position. This policy was hugely successful in the postwar international environment and, by the 1970s Japan had regained its position as one of the world’s leading countries. It went on from there to achieve a position as an economic powerhouse second only to the United States, and became one of the major poles within the Western alliance alongside the United States and Europe.
    [Show full text]