Lesson Four______Single Party Governance: Early Benefit and Long-Term Costs
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2013-JCIE-Annual-Report.Pdf
Table of Contents 2011–2013 in Retrospect .................................................................................................................................3 Remembering Tadashi Yamamoto ............................................................................................................6 JCIE Activities: April 2011–March 2013 ........................................................................................................9 Global ThinkNet 13 Policy Studies and Dialogue .................................................................................................................... 14 Strengthening Nongovernmental Contributions to Regional Security Cooperation The Vacuum of Political Leadership in Japan and Its Future Trajectory ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership and Regional Community Building An Enhanced Agenda for US-Japan Partnership East Asia Insights Forums for Policy Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 19 Trilateral Commission UK-Japan 21st Century Group Japanese-German Forum Korea-Japan Forum Preparing Future Leaders .............................................................................................................................. 23 Azabu Tanaka Juku Seminar Series for Emerging Leaders Facilitation for the Jefferson Fellowship Program Political Exchange Programs 25 US-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program ......................................................................................26 -
Measures Taken by the Government of Japan on the Comfort Women Issue
Fact Sheet: Measures Taken by the Government of Japan on the Comfort Women Issue 1. The Government of Japan has sincerely dealt with issues of reparations, property and claims pertaining to the Second World War under the San Francisco Peace Treaty, which the Government of Japan concluded with 45 countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom and France, and through other bilateral treaties, agreements and instruments. These issues including those of claims of individuals, have already been legally settled with the parties to these treaties, agreements and instruments. (With regard to the ROK, it was confirmed in the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Cooperation between Japan and the Republic of Korea that the issues concerning property and claims “have been settled completely and finally.” The Government of Japan, in accordance with the said Agreement, provided 500 million US dollars to the ROK as economic cooperation.) 2. Additionally, since the 1990s, the Government of Japan has extended its utmost cooperation to the projects of the Asian Women’s Fund (AWF), which carried out “medical and welfare support projects” and provided “atonement money” (for a total of 5 million yen per person in the ROK and Taiwan as well as 3.2 million yen per person in the Philippines) to offer realistic relief to former comfort women. When the atonement money as well as the medical and welfare support were provided, the then-Prime Ministers (namely, PM Ryutaro Hashimoto, PM Keizo Obuchi, PM Yoshiro Mori and PM Junichiro Koizumi), sent a signed letter expressing apologies and remorse directly to each former comfort woman. -
The Making of China's Peace with Japan
The Making of China’s Peace with Japan Mayumi Itoh The Making of China’s Peace with Japan What Xi Jinping Should Learn from Zhou Enlai Mayumi Itoh Princeton New Jersey, USA ISBN 978-981-10-4007-8 ISBN 978-981-10-4008-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-4008-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017939730 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu- tional affiliations. -
REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University
REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University The Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute of Columbia University were inaugu rated in 1962 to bring to a wider public the results of significant new research on modern and contemporary East Asia. REVOLUTION GOES EAST Imperial Japan and Soviet Communism Tatiana Linkhoeva CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem)—a collaboration of the Association of American Universities, the Association of University Presses, and the Association of Research Libraries—and the generous support of New York University. Learn more at the TOME website, which can be found at the following web address: openmono graphs.org. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International: https://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress. cornell.edu. Copyright © 2020 by Cornell University First published 2020 by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Linkhoeva, Tatiana, 1979– author. Title: Revolution goes east : imperial Japan and Soviet communism / Tatiana Linkhoeva. Description: Ithaca [New York] : Cornell University Press, 2020. | Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019020874 (print) | LCCN 2019980700 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501748080 (pbk) | ISBN 9781501748097 (epub) | ISBN 9781501748103 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Communism—Japan—History—20th century. -
JICA-RI Working Paper No.72
An Interdisciplinary Study of Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) Political Origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers, 1960–1965: Why the State Sends Young Volunteers Abroad Yasunobu Okabe No. 72 March 2014 0 Use and dissemination of this working paper is encouraged; however, the JICA Research Institute requests due acknowledgement and a copy of any publication for which this working paper has provided input. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official positions of either the JICA Research Institute or JICA. JICA Research Institute 10-5 Ichigaya Honmura-cho Shinjuku-ku Tokyo 162-8433 JAPAN TEL: +81-3-3269-3374 FAX: +81-3-3269-2054 Copyright ©2014 Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute All rights reserved. Political Origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers, 1960–1965: Why the State Sends Young Volunteers Abroad Yasunobu Okabe * Abstract This paper examines the political origins of the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) through the lens of two research questions: (1) Why did the Japanese government undertake the JOCV project in 1965? and (2) Why did the project pursue multifaceted objectives – technical assistance, international friendship, and youth development? These questions are important for two reasons. First, as the country was struggling economically, experiencing domestic turmoil, and vulnerable to international conflict, it is surprising that the government would begin sending young volunteers to developing countries. Second, the JOCV’s objectives are inconsistent with each other, and therefore their coexistence requires further examination. Using a multi-level analysis strategy, we explore international and domestic factors. -
Japan and the United States in the Asian Financial Crisis Management
CHAPTER 8 Japan and the United States in the Asian Financial Crisis Management Not even the Asian countries, with their “miracle econo- mies,”could escape the µnancial turmoil of the twenty-µrst century.1 In 1997, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Korea all experienced attacks on their currencies and stock markets, and their gov- ernments could not, on their own, manage these attacks or stabilize their economies. In response, the IMF, with the participation of Japan, the United States, and other governments, assembled international µnancial rescue packages in an effort to stabilize the international µnancial market. The com- bined total of aid committed through multilateral and bilateral channels reached more than $110 billion by the end of 1997. Japan’s involvement in the management of the Asian µnancial crisis2 presents a much more complex picture than its involvement in the series of Latin American crises analyzed in chapters 5 and 6. First, the Japanese gov- ernment’s actions and the style of leadership in managing the Asian crisis shifted over time from active and independent (early summer through fall 1997), to passive but cooperative (fall 1997 to mid-1998), to active with cau- tious independence (mid-1998 through 1999). Second, the Japanese govern- ment demonstrated ambivalence in cooperating with the United States and the IMF, by sometimes fully supporting their initiatives (e.g., in the second phase) and sometimes providing (or attempting to provide) alternative solu- tions to the crisis. This chapter analyzes the reasons for the variance in the Japanese government’s actions in Asian crisis management by applying the same theoretical framework as chapters 5 and 6: the importance of joint prod- uct and transnational linkages. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Japon Des Samouraïs Au XXI E Siècle
Japon Des samouraïs au XXIe siècle À de nombreux égards, le Japon demeure une énigme pour les Occidentaux, une terre lointaine porteuse d’une altérité radicale qui suscite à la fois admiration, envie et inquiétude. Ne disposant que d’un espace utile minuscule pour ses 127 millions d’habitants, confronté à des conditions naturelles exceptionnellement difficiles du fait d’une nature hostile, l’archipel nippon a su réussir de manière inattendue son passage à la modernité occidentale tout en préservant son identité profonde. Premier pays asiatique à s’être engagé, près d’un siècle avant les autres, dans l’aventure industrielle, il en a tiré une puissance politique et militaire qui n’aurait pu être que passagère mais a su montrer ensuite des capacités d’adaptation et d’efficacité surprenantes pour réaliser une reconstruction et une expansion qui en ont fait la deuxième puissance économique du monde. Longtemps demeuré à la périphérie de l’espace culturel chinois, c’est à une époque relativement récente au regard de la longue durée historique, c’est-à-dire vers la fin de notre premier millénaire, que le Japon entre véritablement dans l’histoire de l’Asie orientale pour construire une société profondément originale même si elle est largement influencée par les apports en provenance de l’empire du Milieu et de la Corée voisine. Les périodes de Nara et d’Heian correspondent à un premier apogée de la civilisation nippone avant que le temps du shogunat ne voit s’imposer un pouvoir central toujours plus fort. Renonçant rapidement à l’ouverture engagée par l’arrivée sur les côtes nippones des marchands et des missionnaires portugais, le Japon des Tokugawa se referme totalement sur lui-même à partir du XVIIe siècle mais, à l’inverse de la Chine des Mandchous incapable d’affronter au XIXe siècle les ambitions des puissances impérialistes européennes, le Japon, fort de sa tradition guerrière bien différente de celle des mandarins chinois, réagit vigoureusement aux empiétements étrangers et se donne, en l’espace d’une génération, les moyens d’y faire face. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context
Washington International Law Journal Volume 26 Number 1 Special Issue on the Japanese Constitution 1-1-2017 Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context John O. Haley University of Washington School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation John O. Haley, Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context, 26 Wash. L. Rev. 1 (2017). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol26/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2016 Washington International Law Journal Association ARTICLE 9 IN THE POST-SUNAKAWA WORLD: CONTINUITY AND DETERRENCE WITHIN A TRANSFORMING GLOBAL CONTEXT John O. Haley∗ Abstract: The 1959 Supreme Court Grand Bench (en banc) decision in Sakata v. Japan1 (the Sunakawa case) was the first Supreme Court decision on Article 9 and the constitutionality of Japan's defense policies. In the precedent-setting decision, all fifteen justices endorsed the view that under Article 9 Japan retained a fundamental right of self-defense and could enter into treaties for mutual security. In the absence of an apparent or "clear" violation, the courts, Sunakawa held, must defer to the judgment of the political branches on the issue of constitutionality. -
The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan
Hitotsubashi Bulletin of Social Sciences. Vol.5., 2013. The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan Hajime Sebata The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the restructuring of the organization of Japan's Imperial Household Ministry in 1945-1949. The Emperor was the absolute sovereign and the supreme commander under the Meiji Constitution. The Imperial Household Ministry was independent from the government, authorized by imperial law and separate from the constitution. After WWII, General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Forces wanted to reform the government of Japan. They took over the Emperor's authority and the property of the Imperial House, and set the Emperor as a "symbol" in the new constitution. Thereafter, all acts of the Emperor in matters of state would require the advice and approval of the Cabinet. The Imperial Household Ministry (Kunai-sho) lost much of its authority and was reorganized as the Imperial Household Offi ce (Kunai-fu). However, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida strove to maintain the independence of the Imperial Household Offi ce. He believed its offi ce should be under the "jurisdiction" (not "management") of the Prime Minister. In Emperor Hirohito's "Postwar Tour," the officers in the Government Section of GHQ criticized the Imperial Household Offi ce as a violation of their policies. They believed that the views of the offi cers in the Imperial Household Offi ce were unchanging and therefore decided to introduce further reforms. Then Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama and Hitoshi Ashida had the same idea. Ashida reorganized the Imperial Household Offi ce as the Imperial Household Agency (Kunai-cho) under the "management" of the Prime Minister. -
The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications
The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications Hiroki Takeuchi Southern Methodist University [email protected] ABSTRACT Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. For a long time, the relationship with the United States, especially attitudes toward the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, determined the division between “right” and “left” in Japanese politics. However, this division has become meaningless during the last two decades since the Cold War ended, and a new division has emerged in Japanese politics over the attitudes toward domestic economic reforms and state- market relations. On the one hand, “conservatives” (hoshu-ha) try to protect the vested interests (kitoku keneki) that were created during the dominant rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). On the other hand, “reformists” (kaikaku-ha) try to advance economic reforms that would severely undermine those vested interests. This paper discusses the implications of this new trend in Japanese politics. Paper prepared for the Ostrom Workshop, Indiana University April 18, 2016 The paper is work in progress in the fullest sense. Please do not quote without the author’s permission. Comments and criticisms are welcome. 1 Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. After World War II was over, Japan immediately became a U.S. partner in preserving the postwar international economic and political system.