Women in Socialist Cuba

Lois M. Smith, Alfred Padula. Sex and Revolution: Women in Socialist Cuba. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ix + 247 pp. $22.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-509490-9.

Reviewed by Juan C. Santamarina

Published on H-LatAm (September, 1996)

As the authors note, Sex and Revolution: Cuban revolution. It is also an important part of Women in Socialist Cuba was conceived in 1983 the surge in the felds of gender, sexuality, and so‐ when the Women's Studies Committee at the Uni‐ cial relationships that promises to reconceptual‐ versity of Southern Maine asked Alfred Padula [1] ize and enrich our understanding of the past and "... to give a brief presentation on Cuban women" present. More specifcally, this well-written and (p. vii). He and co-author Lois Smith [2] soon dis‐ thoughtful study of women in Cuba enriches the covered that, "... there was no comprehensive his‐ dynamic and growing scholarship on the contours tory of women in revolutionary Cuba...." As the and meaning of the Cuban past by examining "... authors state, they attempted to remedy the void the way three decades of social revolution trans‐ by "naively" deciding to write one (p. vii). Indeed, formed the lives of women in Cuba" (p. 3). It also the void consisted of not only an unknown history contributes a great deal to the growing scholar‐ of one-half of the Cuban population, but also of a ship on women through the "... examination of history of Cuba largely devoid of an analysis of one nation's efort to conceptualize, prioritize, gender and its impact on Cuban development. and implement sexual equality," and provides an During the 1980s and into the 1990s, howev‐ "...assessment of the successes, failures, and er, the research and literature on women in Cuba dilemmas of that process" (p. 3). has expanded signifcantly. Moreover, the histori‐ It is fascinating to place this book within the ographical felds on which this book touches, context of the sheer numerical surge in scholar‐ Cuban history in general, the Cuban revolution, ship on Cuba, the Cuban revolution, and women. and the vastly expanding body of work on wom‐ A simple statistical analysis of the dissertations in‐ en, has ballooned since 1983 when this book was dexed by UMI's Dissertation Abstracts dramatical‐ conceived. Sex and Revolution: Women in Social‐ ly illustrates the explosion of interest in these ist Cuba, therefore, is an important part of the felds in recent years. [3] Dissertation Abstracts surge in interest and scholarship on Cuba and the currently contains a total of 1,444,415 records. Of H-Net Reviews those, Dissertation Abstracts currently indexes clusion and not a reconceptualization of the com‐ 664 records which contained the keyword "Cuba." plete history itself--that is, a standard history of Of the 664 total, 475 were completed between the revolution with women inserted in various 1983 and 1995, or 72 percent. The keyword "wom‐ points, what some could justifably call a "'wallpa‐ en" yielded 37,145 records. Of those, 28,855 were per theory' of history: a piece is missing, so let's completed between 1983 and 1995, or 78 percent. fll it in." However, there are occasions where that The keywords "women and Cuba" yielded 37 en‐ missing piece is also an important key to the en‐ tries alone. Of those, an astounding 33 were com‐ tire pattern, and this book certainly fts in that pleted between 1983 and 1995, or 89 percent. category. But this book also goes well beyond "fll‐ Even more signifcantly, 19 of those 37, or 51 per‐ ing in" that missing piece of history and argues, cent, were completed between 1990 and 1995. Fi‐ implicitly and explicitly, that a balanced reevalua‐ nally, the keywords "Cuba and revolution" yielded tion of the Cuban revolution's successes and fail‐ a total of 101 records, of which 84, or 83 percent, ures at this critical juncture must include an un‐ were completed from 1983 to 1995. Undoubtedly, derstanding of women's changing roles in Cuban these are topics that are enjoying a tremendous society. Likewise, the book argues that an evalua‐ surge in scholarship and reevaluation. tion of the changing roles of women in Cuba must This project, therefore, emerged in the midst include an analysis of the revolution's impact. As of the massive parallel expansion of the scholar‐ the authors point out, both "...approached the ship on the history of women and the revived ex‐ question of women and the Cuban revolution as amination of the Cuban revolution, its sources, feminists interested in exploring the complex in‐ meaning, and future. Consequently, Sex and Revo‐ terplay between culture, on the one hand, and lution: Women in Socialist Cuba is part of a much economic, political, and social institutions, on the larger trend that is placing women at the center of other, in the determination and manifestation of the analysis of a society in an attempt to enrich or gender roles and values in society" (p. vii). at least to question and reevaluate our under‐ Sex and Revolution: Women in Socialist Cuba standing of a dynamic, engendered past. But the is a thoughtful, careful, well-written, concise, and trend is also an explicit melding of history and ac‐ very balanced work. Its sources range from peri‐ tivism: "For social historian Padula the basic ques‐ odicals such as Granma, Bohemia, Mujeres, and tion was: How did three decades of socialist revo‐ Muchacha to interviews, biographies, autobiogra‐ lution change the lives of Cuban women? Social phies, secondary works, and information from the scientist and activist Smith asked: What lessons Federacion de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC). As its au‐ did the Cuban experience ofer regarding the rev‐ thors note, however, the study of women in Cuba olutionary model and sexual equality?" (p. vii). is problematic for a number of reasons: sources The result is the authors' analysis of what are scant; it is a politically sensitive topic in Cuba; women were doing, not being allowed to do, and Cuban statistics are contradictory and vague; and trying to do, during the course of Cuban history. It the enduring hostility between the United States argues for the centrality of women and their and Cuba makes research extremely difcult and changing roles in Cuban society as a central ele‐ surrounded by suspicion (pp. vii-viii). In addition, ment in explaining the Cuban revolution, its the lack of resources in Cuba after the withdrawal sources and goals, achievements and failures. But of Soviet support also makes research extremely it is precisely that approach which, according to difcult because of scarce electricity, running wa‐ some of the debates, simply turns a history of the ter, photocopying, and other facilities. role of women in a society into an exercise of in‐

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In terms of organization, the book is well Chapters two through seven form the second written, concise, and easy to read.[4] It consists of part of the internal logic of Sex and Revolution: an introduction which provides a summary of women in the revolution through the Federation each chapter, fourteen succinct chapters which of Cuban Women (FMC). In chapters two and tend to be topical, and a brief conclusion which three, the authors argue that without women, "... evaluates the success, failures, and future of the Castro would never have succeeded" (p. 22), and Cuban revolution and the changing role of Cuban that because of the important but often ignored women. Each chapter has clear objectives and the role women played during the revolution, they remainder of the text fows logically. Because of were able to infuence the revolutionary agenda its clarity, brevity, and lively text, it would be a after Castro's victory. The authors argue that after welcome addition to any undergraduate course the armed phase of the revolution ended, "Wom‐ on Cuba or modern Latin America. en were expected to be loyal implementers or The internal logic of the book can be divided grateful recipients of the male-determined revolu‐ into three parts: the role of women before 1959, tionary program. Women's concerns were viewed women in the revolution and power through the as peripheral" (p. 23), but that "The signifcance of Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), and women women's participation in the Cuban insurrection attempting to participate in and infuence the rev‐ was not lost on its male leaders. In 1960 Castro olutionary agenda. In chapter one the authors de‐ created the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) to fne historical trends in the role of women in harness the political enthusiasm, talents, and en‐ Cuba, which were both challenged and carried ergy of Cuban women for the revolution" (p. 32). forward by the revolution. In essence, the chapter Consequently, the FMC was created as the umbrel‐ forms a baseline for comparison on the changing la organization that represented all women and role of women before 1959 and argues that wom‐ their interests in an attempt to institutionalize en were increasingly participants in the making women as a force within the male-directed revo‐ of modern Cuba, from the nineteenth century to lution, not as a separate or competing power. This the 1959 revolution. The authors also argue that idea is central to the rest of the book, which ar‐ the situation of Cuban women before the revolu‐ gues that although women achieved much in the tion is much more complex than critics and sup‐ revolution, their achievements were always insti‐ porters of the revolution contend. It argues that tuted and directed by the patriarchal power struc‐ between the extremes, "the ladies of the country ture, which yielded just enough to keep women in club set" and "Yina the prostitute," there was "... a line with the revolution. substantial middle class which included a grow‐ Chapters three through seven, therefore, ex‐ ing number of professional women: business‐ amine the FMC and argues that the organization's women, lawyers, doctors, journalists, teachers, activities were essential elements used by the rev‐ and university professors, poets, and musicians. olutionary government to destroy the old social There were women who fought for and achieved order and establish a new revolutionary society. feminist legislation; there were women holding Women's issues as promoted and defended by the political ofce and women arrested for their polit‐ FMC were promoted by the male-directed revolu‐ ical views" (p. 8). The book argues that it was a tionary leadership in order to break the old sys‐ complex, mixed situation that defes a stereotype tem and replace it with a new one in which wom‐ because the varied roles of women depended on en played a more prominent role in the economy their demographic qualities: race, economic class, and society. But the use of the FMC as a political locale of birth, and religion. tool had more to do with achieving the male revo‐ lutionary agenda than with making real progress

3 H-Net Reviews in women's issues. That is, the FMC's agenda and port in 1989. They argue that "To a large degree activities were a tool incorporated and institution‐ women in Cuba were lucky in that women's ad‐ alized as part of the revolution which weakened vancement was of interest to the patriarch" (p. its position as a forceful advocate for women. 183), but when other interests perceived more im‐ However, in the process the FMC was able to use portant arose, women's issues assumed a highly and manipulate its infuence, and indeed have an peripheral status. In essence, the revolution was impact, in achieving important advances in eco‐ never about improving women's lives. As a result, nomic opportunities dependent on expanded "The Federation of Cuban Women expressed an health and education systems. As the authors increasingly vocal frustration with formal and in‐ state, the FMC's activities closely paralleled the formal bias against women until the hour of crisis revolution: in the 1960s the FMC's activities were provoked by the collapse of the Soviet Union, frenetic and innovative; in the 1970s, as the revo‐ when ranks closed, loyalty to the chief was re‐ lution stabilized, the FMC's activities became rou‐ asserted, and the only powerful advocative tool tine, bureaucratic, and contained "... a certain available to the FMC, its magazines Mujeres and measure of boredom" (p. 56); by the 1980s, "The Muchacha, ceased publication in the paper FMC was becoming moribund and irrelevant be‐ drought of the early 1990s. In the end the serious cause it had neither the freedom to fnd its own systemic faws of Cuba's male-dominated state im‐ voice and explore varied interests and policies peded eforts to understand better the circum‐ nor sufcient power to pursue them" (p. 56). stance of women workers, and they rendered un‐ Chapters eight through fourteen form the likely the possibility of resources being allocated third part of the book's logic: women participating to better address their needs" (p. 143). While the in and infuencing the revolutionary agenda. The revolutionary agenda accomplished much, the authors explain how the institutionalization of goals and methods of the male-directed agenda women's issues led to women's changing roles in were always modest and usually an attempt at the Cuban economy and in social relations. These modifcations in both attitudes and support ser‐ chapters form perhaps the most interesting and vices for women from contraception to day care detailed part of the book. They detail the barriers to education. That is, women could work outside women faced in the society and economy and the the home as long as they kept making dinner, FMC's and the revolution's attempts to remedy cleaning the house, and taking care of the chil‐ them. The authors closely examine education, em‐ dren. While "... the revolution's banner was ployment, sexual discrimination, day care and 'equality,' the revolution clearly used women as a other family services, the role of women in the reserve labor force.... By not giving organizations family, women's reproductive policies, and chang‐ such as the union or any of the other employ‐ ing sexuality. They trace how pre-revolutionary ment-related bureaucracies institutional indepen‐ ideals and forms were transferred to post-revolu‐ dence and clear powers, these groups nestled into tionary Cuba, were eliminated, or were trans‐ disinterest and unresponsiveness" (p. 143). formed in order to improve the condition of wom‐ Changes in society to improve women's roles were en in society. instituted and enforced only to the extent that they alleviated the major problems and provided However, the authors conclude that what had a glimmer of hope for change in the future. started as a peripheral interest and ideal at the beginning of the revolution remained unchanged As the authors argue, though eforts were during the course of the revolution and was large‐ made to integrate women into the heart of the ly discarded after the withdrawal of Soviet sup‐ economy and society, the eforts were often inade‐ quate, half-hearted, or serving ulterior purposes.

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Women's issues were only a peripheral element of of Southern Maine. He has been a student of Cuba the revolution which sought to advance its male- since his dissertation at the University of New dominated agenda. Patriarchy survived well into Mexico. Some of his past work includes: "Gender, the revolution and constitutes an essential con‐ Sexuality, and Revolution in Cuba," in Latin Amer‐ tour of the revolution. Women's roles in society ican Research Review 31 no. 2 (1996), 226-35; changed and improved, but only insofar as they "Cuban Socialism: Thirty Years of Controversy," in helped to keep women in line with the male-domi‐ Confict and Change in Cuba, ed. Enrique A. nated revolutionary agenda. Baloyra and James A. Morris (Albuquerque: Uni‐ Sex and Revolution: Women in Socialist Cuba versity of New Mexico Press, 1993); "The Revolu‐ provides not only a clear, concise, and easy to tionary Transformation of Cuban Education, read history of women in Cuba, but also an ex‐ 1959-1987," in Making the Future: Politics and Ed‐ tremely balanced and forceful critique of the ucational Reform in the United States, England, Cuban revolution's eforts to improve the life of the Soviet Union, China and Cuba, ed. Edgar B. women in Cuba. It argues that women were active Gumbert (Atlanta: Center for Cross-Cultural Edu‐ participants in the making of modern Cuba, but cation, 1988); "Twenty Questions on Sex and Gen‐ that at the same time they were often marginal‐ der in Revolutionary Cuba," with Lois Smith, in ized and their interests included only as peripher‐ Cuban Studies 18 (1988), 149-58, "Women in So‐ al elements of the revolution. In addition, Sex and cialist Cuba, 1959-1984," in Cuba: Twenty-fve Revolution argues that women's organizations Years of Revolution, 1959-1984, ed. Sandor Haleb‐ and agendas, as promoted and defended by the sky and John M. Kirk (New York: Praeger, 1985); FMC, were often institutionalized as a way of and "The Fall of the Bourgeoisie: Cuba, 1959-1961" keeping them under control and under check (Ph.D. diss., University of New Mexico, 1974). when the patriarchal system was challenged. Al‐ [2]. Lois M. Smith is National Science Founda‐ though women in Socialist Cuba have achieved tion Fellow at the Department of Sociology at the much, the achievements have always been what University of Texas, Austin. Some of her past work the male-dominated power structure would allow. includes: "Sexuality and Socialism in Cuba," in They argue that neither capitalism nor socialism Cuba in Transition: Crisis and Transformation, determine, improve, or worsen women's roles in ed. Sandor Halebsky and John M. Kirk with Car‐ society; the problem lies within the traditional pa‐ ollee Bengelsdorf (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992); triarchal society which remains largely un‐ "Progress, Science and Myth: The Health Educa‐ changed, in Cuba as elsewhere, regardless of the tion of Cuban Women," in Cuban Studies 19 form of economic organization. As the authors (1989), 167-96; and "Twenty Questions on Sex and conclude, "Ironically, the ultimate test of the Gender in Revolutionary Cuba," with Alfred Padu‐ achievements of the Cuban revolution for women la, in Cuban Studies 18 (1988), 149-58. will be women's ability to maneuver and progress [3]. University Microflms International's in a postsocialist Cuba" (p. 187). Sex and Revolu‐ (UMI) Dissertation Abstracts indexes all disserta‐ tion: Women in Socialist Cuba is a testament to tions completed in the United States since 1861. It balanced and forceful criticism and an important was updated most recently on July 31, 1996. Since contribution to the reevaluation of the history of it represents some of the most recent research Cuba, women in Cuba, and the history of women. and interests of both faculty and graduate stu‐ Notes dents it represents a good indicator of present [1] Alfred L. Padula is associate professor and and future patterns in scholarship. chair of the History Department at the University

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[4]. Table of Contents: Introduction, 1. Women in Prerevolutionary Cuba, 2. The Struggle Against the Dictator, 1952-1958, 3. Making Social Revolu‐ tion: The Federation of Cuban Women, 4. The Fed‐ eration of Cuban Women: Activism and Power, 5. Women and the Health Revolution, 6. Reproduc‐ tive Health, 7. Women and the Revolution in Edu‐ cation, 8. The Campaign for Women's Employ‐ ment, 1959-1980, 9. Progress and Problems in Women's Employment, 1980-1992, 10. Sexual Dis‐ crimination in the Workplace, 11. Day Care and Other Services, 12. Family and Revolution, 13. Family Dynamics, 14. Sexuality and Revolution, Conclusion, Notes, Bibliography, Index. Copyright (c) 1996 by H-Net, all rights re‐ served. This work may be copied for non-proft educational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ tact [email protected].

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Citation: Juan C. Santamarina. Review of Smith, Lois M.; Padula, Alfred. Sex and Revolution: Women in Socialist Cuba. H-LatAm, H-Net Reviews. September, 1996.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=579

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