Women's Liberation During the 1953 Cuban Revolution

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Women’s Liberation During the 1953 Cuban Revolution Anna-Lise Bissola In 1952, President Fulgencio Batista used military force to seize control of the government, evoking widespread discontent amongst the Cuban people.1 In response to President Batista’s dictatorial regime, Fidel Castro and his followers organized and implemented an assault on the Moncada military barracks in Santiago de Cuba on July 26th, 1953.2 Although the attack itself was unsuccessful and led to Castro’s incarceration, it represented the beginning of the insurrection period of the Cuban Revolution lasting from 1953 until 1958.3 In a speech during his trial, Castro criticized the Batista government and outlined the goals and intended outcomes of his revolution.4 Following his release from prison, Castro and his supporters left Cuba for Mexico, where he formally organized the 26th of July Movement, named in memory of the Moncada attack.5 While in Mexico, Castro began to formulate his military strategy, which primarily involved grassroots movements and the formation of a guerilla army.6 Throughout Cuba, revolts played a part in strengthening the rebels and spreading anti-Batista sentiment across the country.7 Furthermore, the utilization of guerilla tactics allowed Castro to successfully invade Cuba, overthrow Batista, and implement new government institutions.8 People from all sectors of society were incorporated into the ranks of the 26th of July Movement, including those who suffered the most during Batista’s dictatorship, such as peasants, workers, and other marginalized groups.9 Women’s experiences of injustice and subjugation under previous Cuban leaders contributed to their desire for reform and gender equality. As a result, Cuban women made significant contributions to the revolutionary efforts, believing that Castro would be successful in reconstructing Cuba’s oppressive institutions and achieving women’s liberation. Although the reforms implemented during the revolution and following decades aimed to alleviate

1 Gladys Marel Garcia-Perez, Insurrection and Revolution: Armed Struggle in Cuba, 1952-1959 (Colorado: Lynn Rienner Publishers Inc., 1998), 60. 2 Aleia Guitan, “Cuban Revolutionary Women,” Temas de Nuestra America, no. 50 (2011): 156. 3 Lorraine Bayard de Volo, “A Revolution in the Binary? Gender and the Oxymoron of Revolutionary War in Cuba and Nicaragua,” Signs 37, no. 2 (2012): 413. 4 Fidel Castro, “History Will Absolve Me. The Moncada Trial Defense,” (speech, Santiago, October 16th, 1953), Marxist History Archive, https://www.marxists.org/history/cuba/archive/ castro/1953/10/16.html. 5 Ibid. 7. 6 Ibid. 10. 7 Herbert Matthews, “Old Order in Cuba is Threatened by Forces of an Internal Revolt,” The New York Times, (New York, NY) Feb 26, 1957. 8 Ibid. 11. 9 Gladys Marel Garcia-Perez, Insurrection and Revolution: Armed Struggle in Cuba, 1952-1959 (Colorado: Lynn Rienner Publishers Inc., 1998), 66.

34 systemic discrimination and oppression, they were not sufficient in addressing the cultural and ideological issues that reinforced gender inequalities. During the past two decades there has been increased discussion concerning Cuban women’s experiences, as scholars attempt to re-evaluate the revolution’s ability to achieve gender equality. In her paper, Lorraine Bayard de Volo argues that multiple hierarchies existed within the ranks of the guerilla army.10 Despite the revolutionary promise to liberate Cuban women, “the devaluation and rejection of the feminine worked to maintain gender hierarchy.”11 In her work “The ‘Woman Question’ in Cuba: An Analysis of Material Constraints on Its Solution” Muriel Nazzari points out the irony within the revolution’s supposed ideals of equality. She reminds the reader of Castro’s emphasis on women entering the workforce and freeing them from “domestic slavery”.12 However, when he assumed power in 1959, providing men with work was prioritized by the revolutionary government in the first five years of its rule.13 She also notes how the government’s priority shifted to women already employed rather than women who were unable to work.14 Johanna Fabregas explains in her article that Castro held a paternalistic attitude towards women rather than one of equality and genuine support.15 She argues that the revolutionary state formed a new patriarchal language, enforcing the idea that women needed the government for protection and guidance.16 At the center of this is Castro, who acts as “the embodiment of the revolution, [and is] represented as the paternal and virile mentor who would steer the contribution of women to the nation.”17 Recent feminist scholarship has addressed the argument that the Cuban Revolution contributed to women’s lack of independence, rather than fulfilling its promise of liberation. This essay will contribute to the current literature by focusing on the significant roles women played in the revolution, followed by an examination of the revolutionary state and the reformed institutions created to achieve gender equality.

10 Lorraine Bayard de Volo, “A Revolution in the Binary? Gender and the Oxymoron of Revolutionary War in Cuba and Nicaragua,” Signs 37, no. 2 (2012): 414. 11 Ibid. 415. 12 Muriel Nazzari, “The ‘Woman Question’ in Cuba: An Analysis of Material Constraints on Its Solution,” Signs 9, no. 2 (1983): 246. 13 Ibid. 254. 14 Ibid. 254. 15 Johanna Fabregas, “The Cuban Women’s Revolutionary Experience: Patriarchal Culture and the State’s Gender Ideology, 1950-1975,” Journal of Women’s History 22, no. 1 (2010): 69. 16 Ibid. 70. 17 Ibid. 70.

35 The conditions leading up to the revolution were an essential factor in gaining the support of Cuba’s female population. Cuban society preceding the revolution enforced women’s domesticity, which contributed to the rigid dichotomy between the roles performed by men and women. In the nineteenth century, the Cuban economy was dependent on the institution of slavery on sugar plantations, which centered around the division of labour between men and women.18 Afro-Cuban men were required to perform the physical labour necessary to cut cane, while women were responsible for either collecting cane or working as domestic servants.19 Additionally, Cuban women were expected to be passive members of society and to focus on their relationships with men and their families.20 This created two spheres where men and women existed separately, reflecting the different social expectations placed on both genders.21 Batista’s government solidified Cuba’s patriarchal system that subordinated women, forcing them into motherhood and household positions.22 Furthermore, Cuba’s economy was structured in a way that discouraged women’s participation in the paid labour force by failing to provide them with equal opportunities.23 Between 1952 and 1958, women only made up 17% of Cuba’s workforce, and of these women many received “significantly lower compensation” 24 for performing the same jobs as men.25 Along with high levels of unemployment, the experiences of Cuban women included “prostitution, sexual violence, illiteracy, […] and sexism.”26 Women were one of the largest demographics impacted by illiteracy in Cuba, especially within peasant communities in rural areas.27 Often, women of this status attempted to improve their situation by arguing that they would be “better fit to raise honest and productive male citizens who would lead the nation in the right

18 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 60. 19 Ibid. 60. 20 Ibid. 60. 21 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 60. 22 Salim Lamrani, “Women in Cuba: The Emancipatory Revolution,” The International Journal of Cuban Studies 8, no. 1 (2016): 114. 23 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 64. 24 Salim Lamrani, “Women in Cuba: The Emancipatory Revolution,” The International Journal of Cuban Studies 8, no. 1 (2016): 110. 25 Ibid. 110. 26 Guitan, Aleia, “Cuban Revolutionary Women,” Temas de Nuestra America, no. 50 (2011): 157- 185. 27 Ibid. 160. 36 direction.”28 These women frequently contributed to the states national affairs, such as the Independence Wars and later in woman’s suffrage movements of the 1920s, in hopes that their fervent participation would earn them equality.29 During the Cuban Revolution, Castro was able to successfully gain the support of women through the push for their mass mobilization in different sectors of society and advocacy for their liberation.30 Women became active members of the revolutionary movement in an attempt to participate in the reformation of Cuban society and to improve their social, political, and economic situation. Women played an important role in all aspects of the revolution through their participation in the armed rebel forces, by becoming politically involved, and joining movements for social change. Many notable female figures arose from the revolution, such as the politically and socially conscious revolutionary Celia Sanchez Manduley. After Castro’s arrest in 1953, Manduley began to organize her own guerilla force in the Sierra Maestra mountains.31 She was able to make connections with the 26th of July Movement in Havana, and participated in the mobilization of the Cuban people during Castro’s time in prison.32 When the fighting first began, most women made silent contributions to the wartime efforts by “working underground” and “collect[ing] supplies for the guerrillas, sew[ing] uniforms, hid[ing] revolutionaries in their homes and provid[ing] medical aid.”33 However, Castro publicly encouraged the entrance of women into the guerilla army, stressing that women’s participation in the rebel forces was necessary in order for the revolution to succeed.34 After its formation in 1958, the all-female battalion “The Mariana Grajales” joined Castro in the Sierra Maestra mountains.35 The members of this squadron served alongside men in the guerilla movement and acted as the commander’s personal staff.36 The push for the formation of an exclusively female battalion

28 Fabregas, Johanna, “The Cuban Women’s Revolutionary Experience: Patriarchal Culture and the State’s Gender Ideology, 1950-1976,” Journal of Women’s History 22, no. 1 (2010): 74. 29 Ibid. 74. 30 Ibid. 75. 31 Aleia Guitan, “Cuban Revolutionary Women,” Temas de Nuestra America, no. 50 (2011): 170. 32 Ibid. 172. 33 Ibid. 170. 34 Fidel Castro, “The Revolution Begins Now” (Speech, Santiago de Cuba, January 3rd 1959). Marxist History Archive, https://www.marxists.org/history/cuba/archive/castro/1959/01/03.htm. 35 Salim Lamrani, “Women in Cuba: The Emancipatory Revolution,” The International Journal of Cuban Studies 8, no. 1 (2016): 112. 36 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 61.

37 arose in part due to the demand for women to leave their traditional roles within the home to fight.37 Although a small portion of Cuban women were able to hold positions of political authority, their power was often limited or regulated by male politicians.38 When Castro came to power in 1959, women saw more political opportunities within the revolution. Those who made significant contributions in the early years of the revolution were appointed to high levels of government.39 Celia Manduley was declared Secretary of State and frequently advised Castro on policies concerning the national reconstruction of Cuba.40 Mass mobilization was critical to the revolution and resulted in the foundation of the Cuban Women’s Federation in 1960.41 The purpose of this organization was to increase the participation of women in economics, politics, and to involve them in implementing social reforms.42 Most of efforts of this federation were aimed at slowly easing women into the paid workforce. The Federation of Cuban Women worked to end discrimination, and in 1961 they began a widespread literacy campaign as the first step to providing all members of society with equal opportunities.43 This campaign significantly benefitted poor women, especially Afro-Cuban women, who were the demographic most impacted by illiteracy.44 Since a large number of women still held domestic responsibilities, the Federation of Cuban Women created a large nursery network to alleviate some of the work.45 Organizations such as these allowed women to play a direct part in the implementation of new programs during the revolution, which were aimed at the betterment of all women in Cuba. Although the revolution initially appeared to improve the situation of women in Cuba, many women still felt discontented with the process of reconstruction. After Batista was removed from power, Castro implemented many positive reforms centered around increasing women’s access to education and providing services to relieve domestic responsibilities to allow them to enter the workforce. He strongly advocated for the reformation of society, including its economic and political structures, with the purpose of achieving total

37 Aleia Guitan, “Cuban Revolutionary Women,” Temas de Nuestra America, no. 50 (2011): 166. 38 Ibid. 166. 39 Ibid. 167. 40 Aleia Guitan, “Cuban Revolutionary Women,” Temas de Nuestra America, no. 50 (2011): 167. 41 Salim Lamrani, “Women in Cuba: The Emancipatory Revolution,” The International Journal of Cuban Studies 8, no. 1 (2016): 115. 42 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 59. 43 Salim Lamrani, “Women in Cuba: The Emancipatory Revolution,” The International Journal of Cuban Studies 8, no. 1 (2016): 111. 44 Ibid. 111. 45 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 60.

38 equality for all Cuban citizens.46 Many women participated in the revolution because of the emphasis Castro placed on ending sexual discrimination and providing women the opportunity to advance their current positions.47 Although Castro publicly expressed his desire to incorporate women into the paid workforce, the first labour initiatives put in place were aimed at achieving full male employment.48 Even under a new revolutionary government, addressing the grievances of men remained a priority. The drive to preserve the economy and increase productivity led the revolutionary government to enact policies that continued to reinforce gender inequalities.49 Rather than fulfilling his promise to provide equal opportunities, in the first five years after Castro came to power, government aid services were only extended to women who were already members of the workforce.50 Furthermore, the national network of nurseries implemented to relieve women of some domestic responsibilities only trained a limited number of employees.51 As a result, the services prioritized working women over housewives, leaving many women without an option to join the labour force.52 Instead of incorporating women into positions of power, programs implemented by the revolution led to the concentration of women into sectors of work that were deemed appropriate.53 National educational programs sanctioned by the revolutionary government and carried out by the Cuban Women’s Federation taught women skills that reinforced traditionally feminine roles, such as cooking and sewing, exacerbating the division of labour between genders. During the movement to increase the number of women entering the paid labour force, a substantial number declined the opportunity to work and those who accepted eventually left to return to their old responsibilities.54 Although the policies implemented during the revolution were meant to extend the opportunity to work, they did not address the cultural problems that kept women in domestic positions. While it was assumed that institutional reforms would be sufficient in achieving total equality, legislation alone was not able to eliminate Cuba’s deeply embedded ideological problems concerning gender. Instead of addressing the beliefs that restricted women to certain positions,

46 “On Celebrating the Cuban Revolution,” Latin American Perspectives 36 no. 1 (2009): 6. 47 Fidel Castro, “The Revolution Begins Now” (Speech, Santiago de Cuba, January 3rd 1959), Marxist History Archive, https://www.marxists.org/history/cuba/archive/castro/1959/01/03.htm. 48 Muriel Nazzari, “The ‘Woman Question’ in Cuba: An Analysis of Material Constraints on Its Solution,” Signs 9, no. 2 (1983): 250. 49 Ibid. 250. 50 Ibid. 250. 51 Nicola Murray, “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part One,” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 70. 52 Ibid. 71. 53 Ibid. 71. 54 Ibid. 101.

39 the revolutionary state merely “attempted to create an image of womanhood that could transcend but not disregard the typical domestic portrayal of women.”55 Women were now expected to participate in the revolution while still maintaining the bulk of domestic responsibilities.56 As a result, the revolution was unable to follow through on its promise to achieve women’s liberation. When Fidel Castro expressed his desire to reconstruct society and end discrimination through a revolution, this earned him the support of many marginalized demographics. As a result, women contributed significant efforts to the movement through their participation in the armed militia, by becoming politically involved, and taking part in in the reconstruction process. Despite this, many of the reforms implemented during the revolution and the following decades did not sufficiently address the cultural and social aspects of discrimination and oppression. The revolutionary government believed that equality for women could be achieved through the implementation of legislation and government programs and assumed that ideological change would follow. However, this strategy for inciting social change did not take into account the historical implications of discrimination and oversimplified the process of rectification. The Cuban Revolution was not able to achieve women’s liberation as the reforms that were aimed at providing equal opportunities did not consider the obstacle posed by social stereotypes and gender hierarchies. While the revolution did follow through on its promise to bring about positive social and political change, it did not provide a proper platform to acknowledge ideological problems present in society, which were impediments to the achievement of gender equality through legislative reform.

55 Johanna Fabregas, “The Cuban Women’s Revolutionary Experience: Patriarchal Culture and the State’s Gender Ideology, 1950-1975,” Journal of Women’s History 22, no. 1 (2010) 77. 56 Ibid. 77.

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