VOL.L. BELGIUM I MANAGEMENT of the COMMUNITY CRISIS
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VOL.l. BELGIUM I MANAGEMENT OF THE COMMUNITY CRISIS 1961-1981 by J.G.WARDEN Thesis for the Degree of Ph.D. 1985. UMI Number: U000253 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U000253 Published by ProQuest LLC 2015. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 CONTENTS Page VOLUME 1 CHAPTER 1; CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN BELGIUM - the nature of the political system before 1961 and the relevance of the consoclatlonal model. CHAPTER 2; CRISIS MANAGEMENT IN BELGIUM - the application of the consoclatlonal approach In the 1950s and in face of the Community Crisis of the 1960s and 1970s. 47 CHAPTER 3; THE FLEMISH MOVEMENT IN THE 1960s - the collective assertion of the demands of the Flemish *volk* in the Belgian state as a whole and Brussels in particular. 86 CHAPTER 4 ; THE WALLOON MOVEMENT OF THE 1960s - the Walloon response to fears of 'minorisation*. 139 CHAPTER 5 ; THE BRUSSELS PROBLEM - the problem of a leurgely French-speaücing capital of a largely Dutch-speaking state. 180 VOLUME 2 CHAPTER 6 ; POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION 1961-71 - the end of the total dominance of the three traditional parties. CHAPTER 7; CONSTITUTIONAL REVISION 1962-71 - the process and the main chemges introduced. 57 CHAPTER 8 ; THE QUEST FOR A FORMULA FOR REGIONAL DEVOLUTION AND THE EGMONT PACT - from the Constitution of 1971 to the Pact of 1977. 107 CONTENTS cont. Page CHAPTER 9 ; COLLAPSE OF THE EGMONT PACT, THE REFORMS OF 1980 - AND A RETURN TO NORMAL POLITICS? - the Belgium political system of the 1980S and the relevance of the consociational model after the events of the 1960s and 1970s, 196 APPENDICES 256 BIBLIOGRAPHY 292 Abbreviations used in the text Political parties Social Christians GYP - Christlijke VoUcspartij PSC - Parti Social-chretien Socialists PSB - Parti Socialiste Belge BSP - Belgische Socialistische Partij PS - Parti Socialiste ( French Socialists after 1978 ) VS - Vlaamse Socialisten ( Flemish Socialists after 19?8 ) Liberals PVV - Partij voor Vrijheid en Vooruitgang ( I96I - ) PLP - Parti de la Liberté et Progrès ( I96I- 1976 ) PL - Parti Libéral ( Brussels Liberals 1971-79 only) PLDP- Parti Libéral, Démocrate et Pluraliste (Brussels I97I-9 only) PRLW- Parti des Reformes et de la Liberté en Wallonie ( 1976-9) PRL - Parti Réformateur Libéral ( reunified Liberal party of all French-speakers, 1979- ) Community parties VU - Volksunie VlB - Vlaamsche Blok FDF - Front Démocratique des Francophones ( Brussels ) RB - Rassemblement Bruxellois RW - Rassemblement Wallon Social and political organisations and institutions ACW - Algemeen Christlijk Werkersverbond ( Flemish Christian TUs) MOC - Mouvement Ouvrier Chretien ABW- Algemeen Belgische Vakverbond ( Flemish Socialist TUs) FGTB- Fédération Générale de Travail de Belgique MPW - Mouvement Populaire Wallon W B - Vlaamse Volksbeweging UCL - Université Catholique de Louvain ULB - Université Libre de Bruxelles Maps giving location of places mentioned in the text. 1. Belgium - showing linguistic boundary after I963 2. Brussels and its periphery - 1932 3. Brussels and its periphery - I963 4. Brussels and its periphery according to the Egmont proposals of 1977» Belgium - the linguistic boundary ( 19&3 ) •H m (H -p o •H -P •H -P -P C .H >H »H (D (H A P I pq Brussels and its surroundings after 1932 Dutch zone Dutch zone 1L6 communes < )f * Brussel8-(Jap Lt^l Dutch zone French zone Communes with facilites in French A. Linkebeek ench zone B. Drogenbos C. Berchem Ste Agathe D. Ganshcrren = bilingual zone of E. Wemmel Brussels-Capital F. Evere G. Kraainem = language zone boundary = communes with facilités Brussels and its surroundings after I963 19 communes of Brussels-Capital 1.Brussels 2.Evere 3.Schaerbeek 4.St,Josse-ten-Noode 5.Woluwe-St-Lambert 6.Woluwe-St-Pierre 6 communes with facilites y.Etterbeek in French 8,Audeighem 9.Watermael-Buitsfort A. Rhode-St-Genese lO.Ixelles 11.Forest B . Linkebeek 12.Uccle C. Drogenbos 13.St.Gilles D. Wemmel l4.Anderlecht E. Kraainem •Molenbeek-St-J ean F. Wezembeek-Oppem 15 lô.Koekelberg 17.Jette iB.Ganshoren 19.Berchem-Ste-Agathe Brussels and its surroundings according to the Egmont proposals of 1977 communes y : Dutch zone Dutch zone French zone Communes and parts of communes with *droit d*élection de domicile* (voting rights) in the French zone capital 1. Alsemberg 2. Beersel 3. Negenmanneke & bilingual zone Duivelshoek 4. Dilbeek = language zone boundary Grand Bigard 6. Strombeek-Bever = communes with 7. Beauval & Mutsaart facilites 8. Woluwe-St-Etienne 9 . Sterrebeek 10. N.D.-au-Bois CHAPTER 1 CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN BELGIUM - the nature of the political system before 1961 and the relevance of the consoclatlonal model. 1. During the period 1961 to 1981 the political system of Belgium was subject to severe tension which arose from the Intensification of the problem of the relations between the two communities, Flemish and Walloon, which make up Belgian society. The problems reached crisis proportions In 1968 and they may not have been fully resolved by the reforms of 1980. The Belgian system prior to 1961 has sometimes been categorized as a consoclatlonal democracy In which political conflicts were resolved by accommodation and ccxnpromlses arrived at among political leaders before they reached demger point. In this study of Belgium during this period It Is suggested that pre-1961 Belgium was not a good example of the consoclatlonal model. It was a three-^arty system In which normal politics were competitive. The consoclatlonal model was only applicable to extreme crisis manage ment. It Is maintained that although some of the conditions for consoclatlonal democracy existed, such as the segmented nature of Belgian society amd the habit of compromise acquired by politicians long accustomed to the problems of coalition-formation, those conditions were not sufficient to enaüsle the country to be placed squarely In the oonsoclatlonal category. It Is further argued that the Community Problem of the 1960s and 1970s weaikened the ascendancy of the three traditional parties. They had provided the real base for political stability In the country In the 2Cth century and before. This development made it difficult for the parties to continue normal competitive politics emd difficult also to resolve the crisis of the 1960s by using the consociational approach which had been used successfully by those same parties in 1958 to manage the Schools Crisis. By 1981, however, a range of reforms had been introduced to resolve the Community Problem by establishing a degree of regional and cultural autonomy. In the course of the 1960s and in the process of trying to pass the reforms the three traditionally dominant parties split into three pairs of allied but separate regional parties. Three ccxnmunity parties had also joined the system, These two important developments by 1981 brought edx)Ut the establish ment of more of the conditions necessary for consociational democracy than existed in 1961. Accommodation and compromise became more important and the segments into which the society is divided more homogeneous. It is not intended as the thesis of this work to prove that Belgian politics after 1981 must ineviteübly become a model of consociationalism, in times of normal politics as well as those of crisis management. It is suggested, however, that as the number of necessary pre-conditions has increased the consociational model has become possibly more relevant than before 1961. The tradition of competition between the parties remains strong and this suggests that the conditions for consociational politics which exist in the 1980s are not sufficient to make this development inevitable. The competitive element in Belgium before 1961 which led to reservations about the fit of the consociational model in the earlier period continues. The changed ciroumstances, however, may force the system somewhat closer to the model as Belgium politicians find the necessity to seek compromises and accommodation increases. 4. CONSOCIATIONAL DEMCXmCY The most appropriate theoretical framework in a study of Belgian politics is the model known as consociational denocracy. This framework is chosen because it offers an explanation of how such potentially fragmented societies as the Netherlands and Belgium could have preserved the stability of their political systems over a considerable period of time. The concept of consociational democracy is best described by Arend Lijphart.^ This type of democracy relies heavily upon responsible elite leadership. The leadership of the political elites and the willingness of their followers to give them regular and consistent support are crucial to the whole system. Lijphart suggests that the leaders must have four essential attributes: "the aübility to recognize the dangers inherent in a fragmented system, commitment to system maintenance, eüoility to transcend sub-cultural cleavages at elite level and ability to forge appropriate solutions for the demands of the sub- 2 cultures." The elites must therefore have a certain psychological attitude to politics. They should not see politics as a zero sum game nor approach political issues in an adversary spirit. They should rather see politics as a process of compromise and accommodation, especially when faced with crises in the political system. Lijphart assumes that in a given system where the political elites adopt this approach over a period of time the system as a whole will be modified and the intensity of the cleavages between the fragmented sub-cultures will be weakened. The elites will not be able to perform their 5. function in such a system if they are unsure of the support of their followers in the sub-cultural segment of society which they represent and lead.