‘Princess Hedvig Sofia’ and the Great Northern War ‘Princess Hedvig Sofia’ and the Great Northern War

E d i t e d b y R a l f B leile and Joachim Krüger

St i f t u n g S c h l e sw i g - H o l st e i n i s c h e L a n d e s m u s e e n S c h lo ss G ot to r f

S a n d St e i n V e r l a g Contents 8 Alfredo Pérez de Armiñán 90 Melanie Greinert 206 Jakob Seerup V. Foreword Hedvig Sofia, Princess of Sweden, The material culture of Danish naval ships The Great Northern War – Duchess of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp of the 18th century memorial culture 9 Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Foreword 101 Inga Lena Ångström Grandien 214 Dan H. Andersen 332 Johanna Wassholm Nicodemus Tessin the Younger’s plans for a castrum P eter Wessel Tordenskiold The Great Northern War in Finnish memory culture 10 Tiina Mertanen doloris and a sarcophagus for Hedvig Sofia A naval hero from the Great Northern War Foreword 339 Michael Bregnsbo 106 Anja Silke Wiesinger 224 Thomas Eisentraut Two naval heroes with admirable qualities 12 l Ra f Bleile and Joachim Krüger Duke Frederick IV of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp The life of simple sailors after 1700 The Great Northern War in memorial culture E ditors’ foreword and the rebuilding of the south wing of Gottorf in Denmark Castle 236 Thomas Eisentraut Architecture as a demonstration of princely rule The diary of Nils Trosner, 1710–1714 350 Tilman Plath Lost victory? 120 t U a Kuhl I. The Great Northern War in the memorial culture War and games Baltic in change around 1700 of Russia Fine arts as a medium of politics IV.

16 Jens E. Olesen Underwater cultural heritage 358 Inger Schuberth 132 Konrad Küster The struggle for dominium maris baltici King Charles XII in Altranstädt 1706–1707 Funeral Music at Gottorf around 1700 between Denmark-Norway and 250 Thijs J. Maarleveld The strange ways of memory Sweden (1563–1720/21) Underwater cultural heritage and international 140 u Kn d J. V. Jespersen efforts to protect it, notably through UNESCO 369 Haik Thomas Porada King Frederick IV of Denmark-Norway 30 Joachim Krüger ‘Undefeated under the Three Crowns’ Absolutist king in an age of transition The Baltic Sea region by 1700 258 Jens Auer and Martin Segschneider Stralsund and Griebenow as ­examples of places The time of the Great Northern War The wreck of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sofia and of remembrance for the Great Northern War 150 Sverker Oredsson the aftermath of the Battle of Femern in Pomerania Charles XIi – King of Sweden

271 Joachim Krüger and Kai Schaake 383 Karl-Heinz Steinbruch 159 Jan Kusber II. Wrecks of the Great Northern War near the The Great Northern War in Mecklenburg Peter I, the Great Northern War and St Petersburg Absolutism in the Baltic region – island of Rügen 394 n Ar d Reitemeier sovereignty and representation 168 Gerd Steinwascher 282 Jens Auer The Duchy of Bremen-Verden The connection between Russia and Holstein- The wreck of the small Danish frigate Mynden Acquisition by the Electorate of Hanover and 44 Michael North Gottorp in the 18th century A story of encounters today’s remembering of the ‘Swedish Period’ Absolutism and baroque culture in 1700

Cultural exchange and the visual arts 180 Thomas Stamm-Kuhlmann 292 Pekka Toivanen Prussia, neutrality, and the acquisition of Stettin The burial grounds of the Russian galley fleet 50 r La s Olof Larsson in the Gulf of Bothnia (Finland) from 1714 Art and royal representation in Denmark and Sweden circa 1700 Appendix 302 Thomas Bergstrand and

III. Staffan von Arbin 400 66 Oliver Auge Bibliography Shipping and naval warfare R emnants of the Great Northern War The Duchy of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp 409 List of authors in Marstrand, Sweden between Denmark, Sweden and Russia in the Baltic region 410 Illustration credits Dynastic relations 412 Index of names 188 r Ma tin Krieger 310 Frode Kvalø The life, loss and resurgence 78 Jan Drees E uropean maritime trading th th of the frigate Lossen (1684–1717) Hedvig Eleonora Regina Sueciae (HERS) during the 17 and 18 centuries From Schleswig to Stockholm 198 r La s Ericson Wolke 320 Mikkel H. Thomsen The Swedish navy in 1700 The Battle of Ebeltoft Vig 1659 History and archaeology

7  6 Baltic in change around 1700

I. Baltic in change around 1700

14 Baltic in change around 1700 15 The struggle for Heading for conflict 1563–1629 At the beginning of the early modern period around 1500 the Baltic Sea region was somehow dominium maris baltici still isolated from the rest of Europe. The Hanse controlled the trade between the Baltic area and western Europe. The Teutonic Order isolated the Baltic region towards the east, and the between Denmark-Norway Hanse towns effectively dominated the trade routes to Scandinavia from the south and from the west. During the 15th and 16th centuries this situation changed, because both medieval powers were weakened and lost their dominant positions. Also the Scandinavian Kalmar Union as a and Sweden (1563–1720/21) medieval construction was dissolved. There followed an expanding economic competition in the Baltic between the Hanseatic and the Dutch traders. The Hanse towns had to accept the Danish king’s control over the Sound, the key position to the Baltic. Due to Lübeck’s unsuccess- ful intervention in the so-called Count’s War (1534–1536), the city lost almost all of its political and economic influence in the Baltic and its position as a Nordic power too. The breakdown of the Teutonic Order during the following decades created a vacuum in the eastern part of the Baltic, which had to be filled. This created much political instability and formed one of the backgrounds for the Northern Seven Years’ War (1563–1570). The disappearance and destruction of the medieval powers in the Baltic Sea region must be seen in comparison with the European development. The whole European system changed in these years. The old medieval belief in a united, universal Christianity under the guidance of Jens E. Olesen From the middle of the 16th century until the end of the Great Northern War in 1720/21 Denmark- the Pope and the Emperor was dissolved. All over, feudal institutions started to waver and Norway and Sweden were fighting each other in order to hold supremacy of the Baltic Sea modern principalities took over power. The new structure in the Baltic Sea region created new and its coastlands. The concept dominium maris baltici characterises these enduring conflicts in conditions for the Scandinavian realms, which both from being isolated changed into premodern Scandinavian early modern history with several wars and controversies between the two king- European national states. The competition between Denmark-Norway and Sweden to gain doms. Behind the concept lies the perception of a combined rule over the Baltic territorial waters, supremacy of the Baltic was for long to dominate the foreign policy of both countries. including the trade routes to and from the Baltic Sea, and at the same time to gain control over The struggle concerning the Livonian heritage gave both Scandinavian realms reasons to the coastal areas. Control over the coastal areas, attainable by dissemination along the coasts in try their strength against each other. As Tsar Ivan IV Grosny by the conquest of Narva in 1558 order to reach an encirclement of the Baltic Sea or to create a bridgehead for an attack on the had gained access to the Baltic Sea for the first time and further planned to conquer Livonia, opposite coast, constitutes an important condition for the dominium maris baltici. The struggle Sweden could not just take a passive role. Sweden was further frightened by the possibility of a was, however, not only about how to gain the upper hand at sea, but the possession of a naval wider encirclement by the Danes, since the city council of Reval offered allegiance and loyalty fleet also played an important role for the honour of the two Crowns and for other purposes. to the Danish King Christian III. The Swedish King Gustav Vasa was worried by the presence The opposite coasts were targets for operations, for instance by blockading or by the rescuing of Danish troops in Reval, and he feared that Denmark would profit from the Russian trade too. of harbour cities, by escorting and by supporting the war on the land. Denmark did not, however, accept the offer proposed by Reval and this for a while prevented The Sound and the Danish straits (the Belts) had played an important role since the Middle a further escalation of the conflict between the two Nordic states. Ages. The Sound, the connection between the North Sea and the Baltic, constituted the most During the time of the successors Frederick II of Denmark-Norway and Erik XIV of Sweden important gateway to the Baltic Sea. The Danish waterways were since the medieval period the foreign policies of the two realms were sharpened. The young and active Frederick II of among the busiest waterways in Europe and became the focal point of the whole Baltic traffic. Denmark-Norway questioned the legitimacy of the Vasa dynasty and planned the revival of the The Sound held a key position of importance for the entire Baltic Sea. The right to travel free Kalmar Union. King Erik XIV on his side planned to break the Danish encirclement of Sweden, und undisturbed on the Baltic waters became more and more a fighting object for the powers but the Danish acquirement of the island of Ösel (Estonian Saarema) during 1558–1559 threat- situated around the Baltic Sea. ened further to strengthen the Danish strategic and trade interests in the Baltic. The mastery of the Baltic Sea was dependent on three decisive factors: first, on the ability In the light of this development Swedish troops conquered Reval in 1561 and strengthened to control the Sound and the Danish straits (Belts); second, on the strength of the navy; and their position in northern Estonia; Danish plans, via Ösel, to expand further along the coast on third, on the extent of control over the coastal areas of the Baltic Sea. Since the late medieval the mainland were stopped. The architect of the Swedish imperial age of expansion seems above period Denmark had controlled the gateways to the Baltic Sea and from 1429 a Sound Due all to have been Duke Johan of Finland (later King Johan III). (Sound Toll) was levied at Helsingør on the initiative of the Union King Erik of Pomerania. With The Swedish possession of Reval led to war with Denmark. The starting point was a Swedish the dissolution of the Kalmar Union in 1520 and the independence of Sweden as a kingdom the blockade of the Russian city of Narva in 1562. Besides Russia, Denmark, England, the Dutch, situation between the realms changed. Both premodern realms had great interests in the Baltic Poland and especially Lübeck were affected in their trade. In this situation Lübeck and Denmark Sea region. For almost 200 years to come the struggle for supremacy in the Baltic (dominium approached each other. In July 1562 Denmark and Lübeck guaranteed each other’s trade privi- maris baltici) became the dominant factor in the foreign policy of both states. leges and one year later an alliance against Sweden was concluded. During the month of May

16 Baltic in change around 1700 17 During the next years the Swedish navy showed itself successful. Danish efforts to force their way into the Swedish sphere of interest in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea were mistaken. The military strategy to conquer Sweden by the use of land forces was, however, not successful. The war ended with the Swedish navy superior to the Danish. Denmark was, however, still the strong- est realm in Scandinavia, and Denmark’s German mercenaries showed their superiority over the Swedes in several military battles. Sweden lost the strong fortress of Älvsborg, the only access towards the west, and in 1565 its forces were decisively defeated at Axtorna in Halland. Denmark, however, was not capable of winning crucial military advantages. After fatiguing fights and devastating ravages, peace was negotiated and concluded in Stettin in 1570. The Treaty of Stettin confirmed the status quo ante bellum. Sweden had, among other stipulations, to recognise the Danish possession of Gotland, to pay 150,000 silver Taler for the fortress of Älvsborg and to raise the trading blockade of Narva. Livonia was transferred to Frederick II, who in 1585 handed it over to Poland. The struggle concerning the three Crowns was to be solved by arbitration. The city of Lübeck obtained free trade in Sweden, received, however, no war indemnities and payments. The new Swedish King Johan III (1568–1592) suc- ceeded in making Denmark give up its claim to the Swedish Crown; he himself relinquished claims concerning Norway, Scania (Skåne) and Gotland. The old borders between the realms were re-established. The cherished hope of a Scandinavian kingship under Danish supremacy was not realised. Sweden did not manage to take control of the Russian trade, which was the main target. The Swedish Kingdom had, however, stepped forward as a Baltic power, although Denmark was still able to defend its supremacy in the Baltic. The Northern Seven Years’ War (1563–1570) did not establish a real winner in the struggle between Denmark-Norway and Sweden. The Treaty of Stettin stipulated that for the future regular meetings were to take place at the border between commissions, composed of council- lors from the two realms. At these meetings conflicts and disagreements should be negotiated and resolved; decisions and settlements were to be binding for the realms and to be respected by the two kings. If it was impossible to reach an agreement, the question was to be settled by international arbitration. These decisions were to be respected by the two monarchs. Only when no solution could be found were the two kings allowed to make their own decisions. This article in the peace treaty on border meetings had long-ranging consequences for Denmark’s policy towards Sweden. The power to decide over the relations with Sweden was in reality handed over to the Council of the Realm. Sweden became part of Danish domestic policy. A narrow relationship between the struggle for supremacy of the Baltic (foreign policy) and the

Fig. 1 internal domestic constitutional conflict between the king and the council about the highest Pieter Isaacsz authority in the Danish state was established. The Danish Council of the Realm from now on (1569–1625), obtained decisive influence on the policy towards Sweden and limited the king’s possibilities to Christian IV, King of act within important fields of foreign policy. The influence of the Council of the Realm was, Denmark-­Norway, however, only possible when conflicts could be resolved peacefully. The Council of the Realm around 1620, oil on canvas. strived during the next decades to avoid an escalation with Sweden. For the young Danish King Christian IV (fig. 1) a war against Sweden became of imperative necessity, also in order to break the political influence of the Council of the Realm. in 1563 a Swedish fleet successfully attacked a Danish naval force near Bornholm. During the During the last decades of the 16th century Denmark played only a minor role in the struggle summer of 1563 the Northern Seven Years’ War took its beginning. Some months later Poland over supremacy of the Baltic. Sweden fought against Russia and Poland-Lithuania over domina- joined ranks with the Danes. Poland entered into the alliance in order to expel the Swedes from tion in the eastern Baltic region. The Swedish Realm expanded its territories and strengthened Estonia. The main base of Sweden was above all the southern part of Finland and the northern its resources by demanding custom duties; especially the income from the trade on the rivers in part of Estonia. Sweden controlled the coastal land on both sides of the Gulf of Finland and Prussia became essential to the Swedish Crown. Already during the reign of King Johan III the possessed a bridgehead position on the eastern shore of the Baltic Sea. Denmark’s power attention towards the Baltic territories had grown in importance. Through the wars with Russia, depended especially on the supremacy over the waterways between the North and Baltic Seas. Sweden conquered Narva and Ingermanland. The dynastic relationship between Sweden and

18 Baltic in change around 1700 19 Archangelsk; in the east the coastal areas of Ingermanland in the Finnish Bay were the most prominent targets of expansion. The Swedish activities constituted a provocation to the Danish King Christian IV, who claimed sovereignty and the right to control the trade along the coast in northern Norway. During the years 1601–1604 negotiations at the Danish-Swedish border were carried on. However, no solution to resolve the conflicts between the realms could be established. The councillors of the two realms warned their monarchs to act carefully and for the time being it did not come to war. The Kalmar War during 1611–1613 was a result of the Danish domestic power struggle over foreign policy and at the same time the Danes felt threatened by the Swedish expansion. The Danish King Christian IV saw in a war against Sweden the possibility not only to resolve the conflicts in northern Scandinavia, but also to restore the Kalmar Union and at the same time to free himself from the guardianship of the Council of the Realm. He started early to strengthen the border fortifications against Sweden and expanded the number of Danish navy vessels. At the end the king was so strong that he could persuade the weak Council of the Realm to make war, and in April 1611 the war against Sweden was declared. The so-called Kalmar War (1611–1613) was to become Denmark’s last successful attempt to defend its mastery in Scandinavia and in the Baltic. The Kalmar War was opened by a great Danish offensive on two fronts against the Swedish core lands. The greater parts of the Swedish troops were occupied in Russia and in Livonia, but in spite of this the Danes were unable to conquer the Swedish Realm. The two fortifications at Kalmar and Älvsborg were besieged and conquered, and through the devastation of Gothenburg the only Swedish passage to the west was closed. A Danish attack on Stockholm in 1612 had to be abandoned. Denmark’s resources simply were not big enough to conquer Sweden. In the Treaty of Knäred concluded in early 1613, the status quo ante bellum was confirmed. Denmark was to receive 1,000,000 silver Taler for Älvsborg and Gothenburg. The free trade between the two realms was to continue. Sweden had to promise to stop further expansion in Scandinavia. Denmark maintained its position as the most important Baltic power, and King Christian IV felt himself victor. However, the Swedish existence as an independent state was not any more on the agenda of the Danish government. During the following years King Christian IV expanded his power position in northern Germany, also in order to build up a barrier against Sweden. Through his financial policy, his diocese policy and his princely network the king was able to increase his influence in this area Fig. 2 decisively. The founding of the city of Glückstadt in 1617 meant a challenge to Hamburg. The Unknown artist, expansion of Sweden followed in the eastern Baltic at first. From the accession of Gustav II Adolf Gustav II Adolf, (fig. 2) to the throne in 1611 the Swedish policy to conquer the Baltic regions and Poland showed King of Sweden, systematic formations. From the middle of the 1620s Sweden controlled the entire Baltic coastline oil on canvas. from the Bothnian Bay to Poland. In this way Sweden challenged the Danish possession of dominium maris baltici. Because of the Danish territorial dissemination following a line Bornholm-Gotland-Ösel Poland during the reign of King Sigismund (1592–1599) led to internal conflicts, which were (Estonian Saaremaa) Denmark claimed the greater part of the Baltic Sea as Danish territorial resolved by the removal of Sigismund from Sweden in 1599. The new king was Charles IX waters. The perception of a distinct Scandinavian divided dominium maris baltici was a fact in (1604–1611). King Christian IV of Denmark-Norway (1588–1648) had good reasons to seek conflict these years, despite the strong political rivalry. Both Scandinavian powers agreed not to tolerate with the Swedish king. The blockade of Polish ports, especially Riga, and the activities of Swedish foreign naval fleets in the Baltic Sea. This threat came not only from Poland but also from the ships in the southern part of the Baltic Sea meant a threat to Danish interests and to the income House of Habsburg. During the years of the Kalmar War (1611–1613) and also during the Thirty from the Sound Dues (Sound Toll). The Swedes were active not only in the Baltic Sea. Years’ War King Sigismund strived to build up a Polish naval fleet in the Baltic. This was a The policy of King Charles IX showed ordinary trade-imperial features. He founded the city ne­cessary condition for claiming his part of the supremacy of the Baltic and for a Polish conquest of Gothenburg in 1603 as a centre for the Swedish trade towards western Europe. The king also of Sweden. The Polish endeavours to build up a naval fleet were supported by the greater intended to bring the trade, which in the border territories was oriented towards Denmark, under Catholic powers, especially by Spain, which for some time in the struggle with the Dutch had Swedish control and thus to avoid the Danish Sound Dues. In northern Scandinavia Sweden paid attention to Älvsborg and the Sound area. The anxiety over a sudden Spanish attack fol- concentrated its attention on the flourishing English trade along the White Sea route to lowed by a conquest of the Sound area and Älvsborg was alive in the Danish and in the Swedish

20 Baltic in change around 1700 21 government as well. In the first half of the 1620s the fear of an expansion of a Catholic navy This was the only time when Denmark and Sweden joined in common action. The mutual seems to have been common in Scandinavia. mistrust and the different intentions prevented a permanent collaboration. The Swedish territorial gains generally strengthened the competition with Denmark, and the At a meeting in Ulfsbäck in February 1629 at the Danish-Swedish border, Christian IV and conflict over dominium maris baltici escalated. The more the Swedes expanded, the more severe Gustav II Adolf negotiated about the situation in northern Germany, where ships belonging to the struggle became with Denmark. A coming war was seriously to be expected, should Sweden the Emperor could be expected to arrive at Wismar and other ports in the Baltic. Christian IV expand further towards the south and occupy the southern part of Livonia to Kurland as well suggested a naval attack in order to put the vessels on fire, but Gustav Adolf was of another as the Pomeranian coast. King Christian IV avoided, for a long time, commenting on the opinion. The only possibility to stop the Emperor was to land an army on the coast and thereby boundaries of the Swedish supremacy in the Baltic. Seen from a Danish perspective it was clear take over the enemies’ possessions. Gustav Adolf assured that this plan, with some effort, could that the area from Ösel, the Bay of Riga and along the widely extending Pomeranian coast be realised: ‘The war matters both of us.’ The famous meeting between the two Nordic kings belonged to the Danish dominium. However, after the Swedish conquest of Riga in 1621 King documents the fundamental differences between Danish and Swedish interests. Christian IV realised that Sweden had moved into the Danish sphere of interest. In 1622 he held The meeting in Ulfsbäck became, however, a diplomatic victory for the Danes, since it it necessary to ask the Council of the Realm about the boundaries for the Danish supremacy in influenced the ongoing peace negotiations between the Emperor Ferdinand II and Christian IV the Baltic. The Council of the Realm declared a line drawn between Bornholm and Gotland in Lübeck. The different opinions in Ulfsbäck are of special interest in order to understand the and further over to Ösel to constitute the extent of and the boundary of Danish territorial waters. political-military tactics of Gustav Adolf, the control of the coast, the ports and the mouths of It was clear that Sweden had moved under this boundary line through its expansion on the the rivers. King Christian IV was meanwhile so convinced of the Danish supremacy of the Baltic, coastland. However, the Councillors of the Realm urged the king to maintain peaceful relations and also in the continental question it was impossible for him to imagine that Denmark would with Sweden and accepted the new situation. step back and allow Sweden to take over the leading position. Under these circumstances no The declaration by the Danish Council of the Realm marked an important turning point in Nordic cooperation against the Emperor could be established. However, through his mere pres- the long-enduring struggle with Sweden over supremacy in the Baltic. Up till this moment, ence in Ulfsbäck Gustav Adolf contributed to bringing the peace process in Lübeck forward. Denmark had claimed full mastery of the Baltic. The Danish Councillors of the Realm now The Emperor and Wallenstein were afraid of a possible Danish-Swedish alliance; this explains accepted that the Danish mastery had its boundaries. The Council of the Realm accepted with why the Peace of Lübeck (1629) was advantageous to Denmark. King Christian IV was able to other words the existence of a divided dominium maris baltici. While Sweden dominated in the prevent having to renounce land, but had, in future, to oblige himself not to interfere militarily northern and in the eastern parts of the Baltic Sea, Denmark claimed sovereignty over the in internal German matters. The Danish king also had to formally give up his dynasty’s claims southern and western parts of the Baltic territorial waters. The proclamation by the Council of to the previous bishoprics of Bremen and Verden. the Realm marked the first step in Denmark’s slow but unavoidable retreat in the Baltic region. After the Swedish conquest of Riga in 1621 Gustav Adolf prepared an attack on Danzig three years later. The relations between Denmark and Sweden were strained and were a consequence Denmark’s struggle to survive (1630–1660) of King Christian’s engagement in northern Germany. The Danish king decided at the last With Gustav Adolf’s involvement in the Thirty Years’ War as a result of his landing with troops minute to avoid a war. There was a common Scandinavian interest in fighting the aggressive on the island of Usedom during the summer of 1630, the supremacy in northern Europe went Catholic powers, but this could not conceal that the conflict of interests between the Scandinavian over to Sweden. Denmark was apparently still holding the mastery of the Baltic, but King realms was of a basic character. Christian IV was after the Peace of Lübeck not free to operate as he wanted, and thus the pos- From 1625 the central focus between Denmark and Sweden changed from Scandinavia and session of supremacy over the Baltic for the future was questioned. Denmark received the role the Baltic to northern Germany. In this year the Danish king decided to involve himself in the as spectator to the Swedish operations in northern Germany. Gustav Adolf changed the Danish Thirty Years’ War on the Protestant side, also as a reaction to halt the Swedish expansion. nightmare of Swedish military presence in Pomerania into hard reality und opened the gate for However, the Danish Council of the Realm did not support this royal decision. King Christian IV Sweden’s rise as a great power. During the next two years the Swedish king succeeded to fulfil had been chosen as colonel of the Lower Saxon Circle, and he entered the war in his capacity what Christian IV had not been able to achieve. Soon Sweden controlled the southern coastland as duke of Holstein. Denmark was not formally at war with the Emperor of the Holy Roman of the Baltic and occupied key positions at the Rivers Elbe and Odra. The Pomeranian and Empire, but the later events document that the facts were in reality the opposite. Mecklenburgian dukes joined sides with the Swedes and promised payments and contributions With his intervention King Christian strived to fulfil several goals. He wanted especially to stop to the Swedish army. the hitherto successful military expansion of the Emperor against northern Germany and to create After the death of King Gustav Adolf in the Battle of Lützen in November 1632 the Swedish a territory of interest for Denmark as an answer to the Swedish Baltic expansion in the east. Behind Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna took over the government of the realm and pursued supremacy the king’s decision to involve himself in the war was perhaps also the possibility and danger that of the Baltic. Christian IV tried to stop the Swedish success by mediation and peace arrange- Sweden would arrive first near to the River Elbe and place troops south of the Danish border. ments and by seeking allied partners to strengthen his position in northern Germany. With the The Danish king’s engagement in the Thirty Years’ War ended in a disaster. After his disas- help of the Sound Dues he made it difficult for Sweden to export trade goods to western Europe trous defeat by Tilly, the Emperor’s general, at Lutter am Barenberg near Hildesheim in August from the conquered Baltic territories. 1626 and the following occupation of Jutland by troops commanded by Wallenstein, the situation Again the Danish-Swedish controversies grew within the next years. Since Christian IV had grew worse for Christian IV. The siege of Stralsund by Wallenstein and his troops in 1628 caused success working as an intermediary and he slowly oriented himself towards the Emperor, Sweden the king to send 1,000 men to the defence of the town. Facing the common danger Denmark took the initiative and turned its weapons against Denmark. In 1643 Axel Oxenstierna found and Sweden in this situation came closer to each other. This was, however, not to last for long. the time rife for an attack on Denmark from the south. In the so-called Torstensson War (1643–

22 Baltic in change around 1700 23 Denmark could not be satisfied with the status as number two in Scandinavia. The Danish Realm was prepared for revenge, especially to revise the peace treaty of 1645 and to prevent any enlargement of the Swedish Realm. The occasion for a war against Sweden came when the new Swedish King Charles X Gustav (fig. 3) since 1655 fought against Poland and a broad anti- Swedish coalition was formed constituted by Poland, the Emperor, Brandenburg-Prussia and Denmark. When Charles X Gustav and his troops were deeply engaged in Poland, Denmark Fig. 3 declared war on Sweden. And this occurred although the Danish Realm financially and militarily Medallion of Charles X was badly prepared for a war. The declaration of war arrived in Poland and came almost as a Gustav of Sweden and relief to Charles X Gustav. The war in Poland stuck und the king was now able to escape and his wife Hedvig Eleonora to open a new theatre of war. He marched through northern Germany into Jutland, and in the of Schleswig-Holstein- Gottorp, silver, 1654. winter of 1657–1658 he crossed the frozen straits (the Belts) and moved towards Copenhagen. King Frederick III and the Danish government in February 1658 were forced to conclude the so-called ‘peace of panic’ of Roskilde, the hardest peace treaty ever negotiated and concluded 1645), named after the Swedish General Lennart Torstensson, Denmark was attacked from two in the history of Denmark. The Danish Realm had to cede to Sweden the eastern provinces sides, from Holstein and from Scania. Both realms tried to win over the Netherlands to support (Scania, Halland and Blekinge), the Norwegian counties Bohuslän and Trondheim and thus the their warfare. In spite of embittered resistance and some success, Christian IV having been access to the north-western Atlantic as well as the island of Bornholm in the Baltic. Denmark defeated in a naval battle (Femern Belt, 1644) was forced to conclude a humiliating peace in had further to recognise the sovereignty of Holstein-Gottorp. Sweden reached, in Roskilde, the 1645. In the Treaty of Brömsebro, Denmark ceded the islands of Gotland and Ösel (Estonian greatest territorial extension in its history. Saaremaa) and the Norwegian provinces Jämtland and Härjedalen to Sweden. The Danish ter- The stipulations in the Peace of Roskilde concerning the Swedish Sound Dues payments to ritory Halland was in addition to be handed over to Sweden as a pawn for thirty years in order Denmark were, however, not accepted by Charles X Gustav, who soon decided to conquer to guarantee Swedish exemption from paying Sound Dues for all its territories. Denmark as a whole. Already in the winter of 1658–1659 Swedish troops were again approach- The Torstensson War (1643–1645) brought Sweden a further strengthening of its supremacy ing Copenhagen. However, the capital city defended itself successfully supported by a rescue over the Baltic as well as the free connection to western Europe. Denmark equivocally lost its fleet from the Netherlands, and Charles X Gustav had to change his plans. In May 1660, after mastery in the Baltic, which went over to Sweden. And this was especially why Sweden now the sudden death of the Swedish king, and after intervention from the western European powers, controlled the northern German coast and the earlier Danish outposts of Gotland and Ösel. a peace treaty was concluded in Copenhagen. Sweden handed back the island of Bornholm (the Moreover the Swedish navy was superior to the Danish, also due to hired ships and officers from inhabitants had freed themselves successfully in 1659) and the county of Trondheim in Norway. the Netherlands. Three years later at the Peace of Westpfalia (1648) Sweden definitely established Further Danish demands were not recognised by the great powers; they wanted no ordinary itself as the strongest power in the Baltic region. The Swedish Realm received the territories of change in the fundamental balance of power in the Baltic. Sweden was according to these prin- Swedish Pomerania with Stettin and the islands of Rügen, Usedom and Wollin, moreover the ciples not allowed to become too strong. The two wars fought by Charles X Gustav constitute town of Wismar (including the island of Poel and its fortress) and the earlier bishoprics of Bremen a height of Swedish power in the Baltic region. The three peace treaties with Denmark and and Verden south of the Elbe. Sweden had almost succeeded to establish an encirclement of the Poland in 1660 and with Russia in 1661 (the Peace of Cardis) temporarily ended the Swedish Baltic, and this constituted the basis for the country’s position as a great power. The Swedish expansion of power. Realm was satisfied by the stipulations in the peace treaties established in 1648. This was, how- The three wars with Denmark during the period 1643–1660 set a new agenda in the long- ever, not the case with Denmark and Brandenburg. enduring rivalry between Denmark and Sweden over the dominium maris baltici. From now on The imposing rise of Sweden to become a regional Baltic empire and the strongly reduced the question was whether Denmark could survive as a sovereign state or whether the country position of Denmark had, however, not been possible without the influence from other European would be incorporated in the Swedish Baltic Empire or not. The Danish Realm had lost about powers. Sweden was supported by France and the Netherlands. For France, it was primarily not one-third of its territory to Sweden; especially the loss of provinces east of the Sound was pain- its goal to weaken Denmark, but much more to have a strong power in Scandinavia as a coun- ful. The Sound changed into an international territorial water, where each coast now belonged terweight against the Habsburgs. The Netherlands followed on the other hand a power balance to two opposing powers. This solution was in harmony with the commercial interests of the naval in the Baltic in order to improve their trade conditions. It was first after 1645, as the Swedish powers. The Netherlands stepped forward as guardian of the power balance and had in a way prevalence in the Baltic had become reality, that the Netherlands were ready to help Denmark taken over the old role of Lübeck. The two Scandinavian combatants had weakened each other in a future war against Sweden. through the steady wars and on this background the sea powers were given the possibilities to The Peace of Westpfalia (1648) made Sweden the strongest power in northern Europe and form alliances to secure their power and trading interests. at the same time master of the Baltic. However, the newly established peace constituted only a short breathing space in the long struggle for supremacy of the Baltic and to control the coast- lands. Sweden was still surrounded by Danish territory from three sides. In the Holy Roman Empire the duke of Holstein-Gottorp allied with France. Denmark on the other hand stayed loyal to the Emperor and made alliances with Sweden’s enemies, Poland, Brandenburg-Prussia and later with Russia.

24 Baltic in change around 1700 25 Fig. 5 Tapestry in the Knights’ Hall of Rosenborg Castle, Christian V, King of Denmark-Norway, capture of the fortress Landskrona on 4 August 1676.

The Baltic as a subsystem of the European state system (1660–1720/21) Copenhagen (1658–1660) changed this situation, when almost one-third of the Danish territory was ceded to Sweden. After 1660 the Danes strived first and foremost to remove the danger from Fig. 4 Peace in the Baltic region prevailed mainly in the decades after 1660. Sweden did not want to the Duchy of Holstein-Gottorp, which was allied to Sweden. However, by pursuing this foreign Tapestry in the Knights’ be involved in new wars, but strived to defend the territorial gains and to keep up neutrality and policy goal the rivalry with Sweden had to continue. The second intention of the Danes was to Hall of Rosenborg Castle, status quo. The following wars between Denmark and Sweden, the Scanian War (1675–1679) reconquer the lost territories, especially the Scanian provinces. In Denmark the government was Christian V, King of Denmark-Norway, and the Great Northern War (1700–1720/2) were in many respects reflections of the great well aware that these goals could only be reached with the help of strong allies and a well- capture of Landskrona European conflicts during the reign of Louis XIV of France, like the Dutch War (1672–1679) and equipped war navy. on 1 July 1676. the Spanish War of Succession (1701–1714). These wars document a rising integration of the Baltic The new Danish King Christian V allied with Brandenburg in 1675 and opened the war. He regions in the European diplomatic system, warfare strategy and economy. had reinforced his position by winning the territories Oldenburg and Delmenhorst in the Holy In order to maintain the Swedish supremacy in the Baltic, King Charles XI (1660–1697) allied Roman Empire; the Danish king was further encouraged by the Swedish defeat at Fehrbellin. with France, a connection which had already shown itself valuable during the Thirty Years’ War. The Danish navy had meanwhile been improved and had received more vessels. Christian V As a result Sweden was, as time went on, dragged into new theatres of war. Louis XIV directed first attacked Holstein-Gottorp and occupied its fortifications; second, he forced the duke to a military attack against the Netherlands and the Holy Roman Empire in 1672. As an ally to renounce his sovereignty. Shortly afterwards, Danish troops forced their way into the Swedish France, Sweden attacked Pomerania east of the Odra in 1674, but already the following year the outposts in northern Germany. Danish forces also attacked Scania (fig. 4–5). At sea the Danish Elector of Brandenburg Frederick William was able to defeat the Swedish forces in the Battle of navy was successful at the beginning, making it clear that the Danish Realm seriously intended Fehrbellin north of Berlin. to put through its claim as holder of the mastery of the Baltic. However, Denmark had, in Meanwhile the Danish policy and the strategic position in the struggle for supremacy in the December 1676, lost the bloody battle at Lund in Scania. The Danish Realm had gradually to Baltic had changed fundamentally. Because of its many territories the Danish Realm was, at the abandon its conquests, in spite of the fact that the Admiral Niels Juel defeated a superior Swedish beginning of the 17th century, able to block the entrance to Kattegat for the Swedes, to encircle navy in the Bay of Køge in 1677. In the time to follow neither of the two combatants made real Sweden and to control most parts of the Baltic Sea. The Peace of Roskilde and the Treaty of progress and gained considerable results.

26 Baltic in change around 1700 27 Sweden was supported by France and was able to maintain its territory and its position. Denmark Conclusion was forced to cede her conquests (including Gotland and Wismar). The peace treaty concluded in St Germain in 1679 was a French diktat without consulting Sweden first. This documents the The years from 1563 up to 1720/21 constitute an important epoch in the history of the Baltic and influence of foreign powers concerning the conflicts in the Baltic region. This development especially in the history of Denmark-Norway and Sweden. Altogether the Danish and Swedish had been going on slowly and had already become visible during the earlier Danish-Swedish antagonism ended seven times in wars and open conflicts. During peacetime the differences struggles. were still so tense that it is possible to characterise these years as an ongoing ‘cold war’. th Sweden was still the strongest power in northern Europe after the Scanian War. However, The breakdown of the medieval powers in the Baltic at the beginning of the 16 century Denmark and Sweden were not the only states to be involved in the struggle for supremacy of opened up for Danish and Swedish expansion. In the struggle for supremacy over the Baltic the Baltic; Poland, Russia, the Holy Roman Empire, and later on Brandenburg, the Netherlands, Denmark was able to assert itself in the Seven Years’ War (1563–1670) and in the Kalmar War Spain and France were also engaged. For almost a century Sweden succeeded to uphold domin- (1611–1613) until the 1620s, but due to the Danish king’s defeat at Lutter am Barenberg in 1626 ium maris baltici. King Charles XI strengthened Sweden’s power by building up a strong perma- in the so-called Emperor’s War (Danish ‘Kejserkrigen’) and Sweden’s expansion in the eastern nent army and enlarging the considerable naval force. However, Sweden was as a conglomerate Baltic, it was no longer possible for the Danish Realm to uphold the mastery of the Baltic. state threatened in the Baltic region. Only as long as the neighbouring countries were weak and The second phase in the struggle for dominium maris baltici lasted from 1630 until 1660 and the naval powers were positive towards Sweden was it possible to maintain supremacy. However, was characterised by the question whether Denmark could survive as a sovereign state or not. soon the basis for holding power in northern Europe was repudiated. As a result of the three wars in these years Denmark had to cede several provinces to Sweden, In the first decades following the Scanian War, peace was relatively stable and calm, and but thanks to her strong navy and military help from the Netherlands in 1659 Sweden was not even a Danish-Swedish alliance was considered. Already soon after the war an agreement on able to conquer the Danish core lands. mutual help in case of a possible attack came about in 1679. In the years 1691 and 1693 treaties In the third phase of rivalry during 1660–1720/21 Danish plans to reconquer the lost provinces on armed neutrality between Denmark and Sweden were concluded. Both north European states played a central role. However, both states were dependent on the great powers. Especially the strived to protect the expanding sea trade against acts of war from the competing European great naval powers saw in the rise of Sweden a threat to their interests and followed a policy of balance th powers. However, the collaboration did not last for long, the differences between the Danish- in the Baltic. From the middle of the 17 century the Baltic Sea region more and more became Swedish fundamental interests were simply too great. an integrated part of the international European political and economic system. With the end of Especially the question concerning Holstein-Gottorp strained Danish-Swedish relations. The the Great Northern War in 1720/21 both Sweden and Denmark were reduced to middle status Danish government was concerned about the duke’s endeavours to secure his sovereignty. On states. Russia now became a great power. Due to the expanding internationalisation of the Baltic the other hand the growing conflicts and distance between France and Sweden were noticed region the two Scandinavian realms must be characterised more as participants than as winners with content in Copenhagen. In 1682 France showed itself ready to tolerate futural Danish deci- in this process. sions concerning Holstein-Gottorp. After a Swedish threat a French navy arrived in the Sound, and Charles XI showed no interest in helping Holstein-Gottorp. However, the duchy still meant References a threat to Denmark, and in 1684 Danish troops moved into Gottorp. During the following year Dahlgren 1992 | Frost 2000 | Gamrath and Ladewig Petersen 1980 | Heiberg 2006 | Isacson 2004 | Jensen 1982 | the duke was obliged to recognise Danish supremacy and to pay homage to King Christian V. Jespersen 1994 | Jespersen 2002 | Lind 2009 | Olesen 2012 | Oredsson 2007 | Roberts 1979 | Smirnov 2009 | Further Danish demands for sovereignty towards Hamburg were prevented thanks to pressure Villstrand 2011 from the Emperor and Brandenburg. An international conference in Altona negotiated the problem of Holstein-Gottorp. As a result, the Treaty of Altona (1689) confirmed the sovereign rights of the duchy. Denmark had to accept this and could not hope for support from France. The question concerning Holstein-Gottorp was, however, still not solved. Denmark watched with anxiety the strengthened relations between Sweden and the duchy and felt encircled and threatened from the south. When the Swedish king died in 1697, the Danes used the occasion and destroyed the newly erected fortifications in Holstein-Gottorp. The Danes reckoned that no European great power would support Sweden. A planned marriage project between the new Swedish King Charles XII and a Danish princess was not realised. An anti-Swedish coalition was formed in 1699 between Denmark, Russia and Saxony (with Poland in a personal union). The goal was to expel Sweden from its possessions south of as well as east of the Baltic. Denmark intended to reconquer Scania and further to eliminate the duke of Holstein-Gottorp as an enemy at the rear of the kingdom. Russia under the reign of Tsar Peter I the Great wanted to restore the access to the Baltic Sea; Augustus of Saxony was interested in Livonia. Sweden’s allied partners were from the beginning Holstein-Gottorp, England and the Netherlands. For the next twenty years wars and conflicts were to put its stamp on the Baltic region.

28 Baltic in change around 1700 29 The diary of Nils Trosner, 1710–1714

Thomas Eisentraut A discovery in the Oslo National Archives

A closer examination of the history of the Great Northern War (1700–1721) shows that its histo- riography deals with the protagonist of the war King Charles XII of Sweden (1682–1718) and its antagonist Tsar Peter the Great of Russia (1672–1725). During the period of absolutism the mon- archs decided about war and peace for their kingdoms. The battles were fought by many ordi- nary people who are predominantly falling into oblivion today. Who they were and how they lived is one of the central issues of economic and social history research. Considering the time of the Great Northern War from a maritime perspective one start inevitably thinking about the sailors and seamen giving their lives for their king and country in numerous battles without being The source – the diary of Nils Trosner named. In the archives of the Baltic Sea region many square kilometres of documents from the The manuscript is divided into two volumes with a total of 871 paginated pages in octavo format. Fig. 1 time of the Great Northern War can be found. At best they provide insights into the lives of The first convolute is available in bound book form and extends over 519 pages. The first 28 pages Nils Trosner’s diary, vol. 1, pp. 142–143: ­Illustrated ordinary people in northern Europe in the early 18th century. and several leaves in both volumes are missing (page numbers 85–92, 109–116, 188–189, 233–248, are the events of Sep- An exception is in the Oslo National Archives: the handwritten records of the young Norwegian 398–415, 448–451, 462–465, 520–521, 534–535, 542–543 and 552–553). The exact number is tember 1710. They are sailor Nils Danielsen Trosner documenting life on board the Royal Danish-Norwegian Navy in evident from the continuous pagination. Much more difficult is the determination of an uncertain representative of the the years 1710–1714.1 Trosner did his military service on board the Danish ships of the line number of detached pages at the end of the second volume. Therefore the second volume ends other drawings of battle Dannebrog, Prins Wilhelm, Beskjermeren and the frigate Høyenhald. His self-written records are in with an incomplete register. The last known page of the manuscript is 871. The structure of the scenes on land and water by Trosner. the manuscript collection of the Norwegian National Archives. The records are a private diary individual pages is linear and begins always with a header in which the respective year and the (fig. 1), which according to chronological principle documents the experiences of the life of the month are entered, as the sheet number could be found in the upper right corner. author, day by day. Keeping such a diary in the early modern period was a quite common phe- The left edge lists the current date in sequential form, to which the subsequent entry in the nomenon, but primarily among merchants, artists, officers and representatives of the clergy. middle column relates. In the column on the right side, which claimed about a quarter of the Consequently, the diary of Nils Trosner is a special self-witness whose value is immeasurable, pages, there are numerous drawings that belong to the described content and vary in their as the Oslo National Archives have made quite known: ‘The diary is of national importance not number per page. The separation of the four areas header, left column with the date, medium only for the story being told by Nils Trosner, but also for many thousands of young Norwegian text column, and right column with drawings is also graphically differentiated by the author due men who served in the Danish-Norwegian fleet. There is no other handed-down diary or simi- to the delineation of two parallel dashes. The number of lines is on average about 30 lines of lar reports from the Norwegian seamen from this period.’2 text per page. The author of the records was as his writing shows both practised and experienced. In this article, the source will be presented, followed by information about the author and The writing seems neither crushed nor compressed at the line end, but runs in rare cases over finally the contents of the diary, which due to the length of the source (871 pages) can be under- the right dividing line into the area of the drawing, unless word separation was performed. To standably sketched only in selected extracts. this extent, the author worked exemplarily with the existing space requirements of each entry.

236 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 237 Drawings but also on the basis of verbatim quotations from ancient works like the ‘Iliad’ and the ‘Odyssey’ As the most concise feature the diary has a continuous illustration through numerous drawings of Homer, he is most likely a very educated writer understanding many languages, in which he on the right side of every page. With the drawings, the author presents the events even in a was also able to write. In particular, the use of English sentences – the grammaticalisation of visual form. The reasons for graphic representations are different. One main theory is that the English had developed with the introduction of the printing press in England by William Caxton contents of the document by means of drawings should also be opened up for illiterate interested. (c. 1476) – shows the author’s extensive familiarity with grammar. A qualitative assessment of the abilities of the author as a draughtsman is difficult and is of no concern in this article. The illustrated topics are of various natures. However, it is dominated by recurring images such as the tobacco-pipe-smoking sailors (fig. 2) or warships leading a battle Summary of contents Fig. 2 against each other. The chronological entries cover the period from 24 April 1710 to 9 January 1714. In some places Nils Trosner’s diary, vol. 1, Graphically, not only, for obvious reasons, ships and sailors were drawn, but also cityscapes, the chronological principle is broken in favour of a flashback, which usually has a reference to p. 62: Sketched sailor scenes of war on land, the impact of the epidemic of bubonic plague in the 1710s and also eve- that day’s entry. Thematically the diary dealt with the author’s life in the Royal Danish-Norwegian as they often appear in ryday experiences that provide an insight into the everyday life of a sailor in the early 18th cen- Navy and documents the life of a sailor during the Great Northern War. As expected, the the diary of Nils Trosner. The clothes and over- tury. On the one hand, the drawings are of an amazing uniformity, but on the other hand provide maritime atmosphere dominated, which significantly influenced the author and thus also runs sized pipe are typical. detailed drawings such as of warships with exact number of cannon, set admiralty flags, signal through the records like a thread. The focus is the description of life aboard a warship with all flags and other pennants, which may reflect the precise eye of the author and his interest in a its facets. Trosner describes the shipbuilding and repair after battles at sea or the violence of realistic representation of facts. Concerning the drawings it can be noted that they are formed storms, and also the detailed description of the preservation and enforcement of discipline on in two steps. First, a sketch was mapped out, which was in a second step subsequently illustrated board through draconian penalties: flogging, running the gauntlet, ducking and keelhauling were with colours. The colour spectrum is various, but it is dominated by reddish, bluish, greenish legitimate methods to punish wrongdoers and offences against maritime war law. There are more and yellowish tones. topics in addition such as how to deal with religion, mythological narratives and the fear of epidemics and plague in the Baltic region and in particular on board. Often there are also short citations from ancient works such as the ‘Iliad’ of Homer, and also Language the younger astrological evidence of Tycho Brahe (1546–1601) and Galileo Galilei (1564–1642) An official language analysis of the handwriting has not been done yet. However, the language are documented by Trosner and even discussed in parts. The mention of Greek and Roman used in the diary is Danish/Norwegian. It must be noted that a pure differentiation from a lin- gods can also be found in the records. In the context of the ship’s name this is not surprising, guistic perspective brings some complications. There is a further language-historical problem because the ancient gods played a distinct role in the everyday life of sailors. Often ships were that the Norwegian written language during the Kalmar Union period, from about 1397, was named after the ancient gods; at this point reference is made to the names of the Danish- avoided by the Danish language and writing. During the 19th century, the time of nationalisation, Norwegian warships Neptunis, Mars and Mercury, which then, however, face biblical names such a return to its own written language took place in Norway. The written Norwegian (bokmål ) is as the Arken Noah, Ebenezer, Angel Raphael and St Marcus, which symbolise Christian faith. merely a variant of the Danish written language, which allows the conclusion that the diary was Another central issue is the political and military situation in Europe at the beginning of the written in Danish. Known from the Danish, special characters ‘ø’ and ‘æ’ are even in Norwegian 18th century. Sweden had passed the zenith of its great power status. With the Battle of Poltava and also within the manuscript again. The presumed author of the records comes from south- and the major Swedish defeat of Charles XII in 1709 the conditions were changed. Russia was western Norway, which will be explained in more detail in a later section. The conclusion that fighting for access to the Baltic Sea, whereas the Turks’ fear – the siege of Vienna in 1683 was the language is derived from the origin of the author is quite appropriate. The author Nils Trosner just back a generation – was still current and was given a new urgency by the escape of Charles XII sees himself as Norwegian (‘nordmand’), as it is evident from his notes and shown from his to the Ottoman city of Bender. Messages arrived in the Baltic Sea region reporting the fact that interest in letters and messages from his Norwegian home region Rogaland and its closer sur- the Swedish king was marching to the Baltic together with an escort of 100,000 or even 200,000 rounding area as well, and that fact at the same time supports the interpretation that the language Ottoman Turks and Tatars. Even if these were mostly just rumours, they nevertheless provided he used is Norwegian. panic and fear among the opponents of Sweden and especially among ordinary people. To the orthography used in the manuscript can be noted that it is in line with the time. It was written as spoken, which explains the flexible spelling of various words and terms. This fact is clearly visible in loanwords and political terms from other languages (for example bonpri, avant- Authenticity garde). Loanwords have mainly French and Latin origins. However, there are quotes and verbal The authenticity of the source can be proven based on the mentioned persons and facts. There additions in other languages such as from English, French, Dutch, Spanish and German. This is also a consensus between the circumstances described in the written source and the events diversity of languages is not surprising when considering that the mentioned languages were the which took place. Deviations exist in terms of the mention of the army sizes or the amount of naval languages on board the vessels used at the beginning of the 18th century. At the end of the losses. A few deviations like the seemingly gigantic size of the Ottoman army, like more than 17th century, especially the British, French and Dutch naval vessels and merchant ships dominated 200,000 soldiers, are partially owed to the transmission and partly to the geographical distance. the seas. Many Scandinavian sailors and officers were at first in the fleets of England, France Also in terms of the names of ships and the captain on board each vessel and exact details of and the Netherlands. After successful completion of service they returned and signed on in the the number of crew, artillery, number of warships and their locations coincide with the other fleets of their own countries. Moreover the use of Latin language in some passages, which extends contemporaneous logbooks of the time. It must be added that a journal such as this one would partially over several sections, is surprising. Not only solely on the basis of the languages he used have been invaluable in the hands of the enemy. A detailed list of ships, information about their

238 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 239 cannon and readiness for use and even the discourse about the willingness for war of the popu- Biography of Nils Trosner lation of Copenhagen could in the right hands – that means in Swedish hands – be decisive for the war. In this respect it can be assumed that the diary was written in secret, as it might other- The Norwegian Nils Danielsen Trosner (1685–before 1734) is assumed to be the author of the wise have been confiscated by the authorities. diary. He was born at the farm Trosnavåg in Skudenes, Bokn in Rogaland, southern Norway, While there is consensus about the authenticity of the source, it remains questionable whether where he also grew up. His father was Daniel Danielsen (1662–1734), a son of a pastor and Nils Trosner is the real author of the diary. The author himself does not mention his name in descendant of a bailiff, who was from the region Tysvær and became rich through herring fish- the records; a possible entry about the owner on the first pages of the first volume may be lost. ing. The mother of Nils Trosner was the landed gentry widow Berit Olsdatter (c. 1650–1704/05) He also reported from the ‘I/we’ perspective, so identification is difficult. This again shows the of Nordheim in Sjernarøy. Trosner himself had two younger brothers, who are known by name: close affiliation with his crew as a whole. In the volumes there is the entry ‘NTROSNER’, which Daniel (1689–1741) and Rasmus (1691–1766) and a stepsister named Oddrun. Due to the family Roar Tank interpreted as the inscription of the author Nils Trosner in his publication published wealth it was made possible for Nils Trosner and his siblings to get education in the form of in 1923. Nils Trosner himself could not be detected up to then in any of the crew lists of ships teaching of reading and instruction in writing. Whether this was done in the form of a private on which he served from 1710 to 1714. His diary shows that he served on the ship of the line Prins tutor or by the local village priest is open. The latter option was more common for rural Norway. Wilhelm together with his brother Daniel in 1712. The name of Daniel Danielsen Trosner was It is considered that Nils Trosner likely got elementary knowledge of Latin in addition to read- found among the enlisted sailors from Bragernes, but Nils Trosner was not listed.3 ing and writing. This is manifested in his diary on the basis of Latin quotations and excerpts It has to be taken into account that it is a personal testimony, which was written from the from sermons and also ancient texts. To what extent he already learned other languages during perspective of a simple but well-educated man, a Norwegian sailor, and therefore reflects con- his youth is unknown. It can be assumed that he obviously, in addition to the Norwegian lan- cepts and views of his time. As is usual for a self-testimony, it is written subjectively and always guage, also learned Danish. has to be interpreted in the context of its time of writing. This is reflected in the critical areas of All three brothers served in the Royal Danish-Norwegian Navy. In 1709 Nils Trosner enrolled the mythological and also in the prevailing piety towards God, as they became evident in the in the Norwegian district Bragernes and went on board the Danish ship of the line Dannebrog to plague years. The plague, for example, is only interpreted as God’s punishment for sinful human Copenhagen, where he was hired on 23 October 1709 together with his younger brother Daniel. behaviour. Amazingly, the entire diary of Trosner remains emotionless. This may be sympto- Nils Trosner graduated in naval service first aboard the Dannebrog, which he left on 15 May 1710 matic of the callousness of everyday life on board and also of the constant confrontation with in favour of the frigate Høyenhald. In April 1711, Trosner comes on board the ship of the line Prins death. There is also a special feature. In his notes, Trosner makes clear what he himself had seen Wilhelm, where he served at the same time as his brother. On 18 April 1711 Trosner writes about or what he knows only by hearsay. He leads into rumours and uncertain events with the addition the occasion of his change of ship: ‘I came on board with my cooking clothes and goods.’4 of ‘Pass:’, which means nothing other than ‘it happened’ or ‘it is said’. Whether Trosner really served as a ship’s cook or just in the area of victuals, for example was employed as a quartermaster, could not be clearly answered now. His writing and calculation skills themselves speak for an administrative activity on board. During his service aboard the Find history Prins Wilhelm, Trosner took part in the Battle of Wittow in September 1712, when the Danish- The whereabouts of the diary from 1714 to 1883 are mostly just guesses. The records of Nils Norwegian navy defeated the Swedish transport fleet, devastating and therefore destroying the Trosner end with 9 January 1714. The diary did not appear again before 15 June 1883, as the supplies for the army of the Swedish General Magnus Stenbock. On 4 February 1713 the last Norwegian National Archives in Oslo bought the diary under the title ‘Dagbog ført paa Flaaden documented transfer of Trosner to the ship of the line Beskjermeren took place, where he served 1710–1713 af Daniel Olssøn Sæbøe i Bukns Sogn’ for 50 Norwegian kroner from the young henceforth until the end of his records in January 1714. So far there is no information available medical student Hjalmar Thorvald Haakon Wedoe (1863–1933). This title of the diary is mislead- about the time after his last entry. ing and was later revised. Research into the Wedoe family led quickly to the ancestors of Hjalmar, The article about Nils Trosner in the ‘Norsk biografisk leksikon’ indicated that Trosner was Jens Wedoe (1786–1856), who was a royal representative in the State Secretariat from 1814 to married to Malena Larsdatter. If and when this marriage exactly took place is uncertain and has 1830. In his role, he served as secretary of the future king of Norway, Christian Frederick (VIII). to date not been able to be checked. Within the diary itself there are no notes about any evidence Following his employment from 1830 to 1855, he established a private archive with historically of a girlfriend or wife that Trosner was close to. It seems likely that the knowledge and the mar- valuable Norwegian writings, containing the diary of Nils Trosner as well. The theory is con- riage must have taken place after 1714. There is no further information about the later life of firmed when considering that Jens Wedoe was born in Kopervik, which is only about a 12-km Trosner. It could have been expected that he returned to Norway after finishing his naval serv- linear distance from the birthplace of Trosner in Bokn. By ship this was not a great distance, so ice and took over the homestead of his parents after they died. However, since within the last it is obvious that Jens Wedoe certainly had knowledge of Trosner’s diary. will of his father, who died in 1734, no information about his eldest son Nils Trosner can be The diary itself came back to Norway after 1714. It can be assumed that Nils Trosner returned found, it is to be assumed that Trosner died either before 1734 and therefore experienced no to Bokn and carried the diary with him or, if Nils Trosner had already died, that the diary was testamentary consideration, or that he had settled in Copenhagen and the contact to Norway brought back by a closer relative from his homestead and returned in this way to a family had ceased. The latter theory is questionable, since at least his diary found its way back to member or descendant of Trosner. Within the diary there are numerous entries of several owners Rogaland and Trosner’s interest in events and news from his home region throughout the diary who may provide information about its whereabouts for the open years, but this will be only was unbroken. possible after extensive research.

240 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 241 Extracts from the contents of the diary

In order to bring life to the source, five thematic areas of the diary will be presented. The dif- ferent topics include the following: (1) shipbuilding and repair, (2) dealing with diseases and epidemics on board a warship, (3) message transmission in the Baltic region, (4) punishment and discipline on board, and (5) the representation of the supernatural.

(1) Shipbuilding and repair In the diary itself a large number of ships, both commercial ships and warships, are named. These entries are useful to learn more details about the ships. In the age of sailing ships, there were many different types of ship: ship of the line (‘orlogskib’), archipelago boat (‘skärgardsbat’), brig- antine, frigate, fluyt, snow, ketch, pink, yacht and many more. Size, arming and mission areas also give information about the fleet movements of Denmark-Norway and also illustrate the importance which the fleet held. The fleet alone led convoys of merchant shipping, against pay- ment, even for the foreign powers. Also they patrolled in the Danish-Norwegian waters and saw to the protection of coastal areas in times of war. Their own coordinated larger transport fleets were rarely sent and, if so, then only accompanied by a large number of warships, which provided sufficient protection. But even ships which were bought by the king or captured from the enemy and incorporated into their own fleet are documented by Trosner. The purchase prices or the amount of prize money which was paid to the crew in cases of success are well known. After sea battles, damaged ships often have to be repaired. Consequently ports and shipyards in particular took an outstanding role within the navy. Essential maritime bases were Copenhagen (Gammel Holmen, Ny Holmen), Christiansø and southern Norway, with its numerous shipyards. The wide variety of maintenance work and their problems with the implementation can be found in Trosner’s records, also graphically (fig. 3). The maintenance of the fleet was important for its operational capability. For this purpose, the ships were maintained at fixed intervals, including the cleaning of algae and seaweed from their bows. Professionalisation is the keyword. Shipbuilders – for example the well-known new commands were prescribed for cleanliness and washing of the crews and they also included Fig. 3 English family dynasty Sheldon worked both in Denmark and Sweden – and carpenters were the exact procedure for smoking out a warship. Nils Trosner’s diary, vol. 1, pp. 483–484: The draw- the elite of their departments and had to attend to the permanent operational readiness of the Two things are significant: first, all the clothes of the sailors were thrown overboard along ing is of the view of individual ships, even though they did not have many possibilities to react if there was a lack of with their hammocks and then had to be washed in the water. In a further step the ship was the Danish islands material or human resources. This was especially the case during long periods of war. Supply smoked out level by level through means of spices, mainly incense. ‘And all hammocks with the Christiansø and Fredrik- was the main problem going into long-term naval warfare. Crews, food and material for ships nets should be ventilated – because of the new order (. . .) – the hammocks every day, provided sholm. There are (canvas, ropes, anchors and ammunition) had always to be available and cost the state enormous if it was possible because of health, and in the evening at 8 clocks we smoked the intermediate two different views (side view and top view), sums. This helps to understand that from an economic perspective larger battles were rare. deck again – with incense and other spices, which cost 30 riksdaler a pound. And this is because illustrating the impor- 5 of the plague and other diseases.’ If sick sailors were on board they were, if circumstances tant fortifications and (2) Dealing with diseases, plagues and death on board permitted, brought ashore to prevent the spread of the disease aboard. The Danish region around harbour facilities of the The last epidemic of bubonic plague occurred in the Baltic region and in northern Europe in Stevns Klint, where at times most diseased sailors were ashore, was of particular importance. islands. the 1710s. This was due to the high number of armies and people in a confined space. Regarding But even changes in food rations on board, less hard alcohol and more vitamins, for example the epidemic of bubonic plague, the land armies were affected to a great degree, but the condi- limonene against scurvy, are documented. tions on board a warship were unbearable and moreover catastrophic. About 600 men lived, all Basically, more people died on board a warship because of injury and disease than in battle at the same time, on a ship of the line from 1700 with, for example, a 54-m length and 12-m and its aftermath. The sinking of a complete vessel together with its crew happened, but was width. The consequences of a disease or epidemic on board were consequently terrible and rather rare. To provide financial compensation to the wounded and no longer deployable sailors almost unimaginable. In Trosner’s records important details about the plague and its impact a new regulation was adopted, providing the payment of sums insured. This is held in the naval both on land and at sea can be found. Death lists from Copenhagen for the year 1711 are docu- war articles of Frederick IV from 1700 and is also found within the records of Trosner (fig. 4). mented, listing from 16,818 up to 22,535 deaths in total, as well as measures that were carried The regulation differed between the loss of the right and left extremities; the sums payable for out against the plague. While in Copenhagen young women smoking a pipe ran through the the loss of a right hand with 240 riksdaler or the right arm with 300 riksdaler are significantly town to drive out the plague using tobacco, or lime was scattered into the houses; on board ships higher than those of their left equivalents, only 200 and 240 riksdaler respectively. The maximum

242 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 243 Fig. 4 sum for the loss of both eyes amounted to 1,000 riksdaler, the same amount as for the loss of both (3) Messages and their transmission Fig. 5 Nils Trosner’s diary, vol. 1, arms, while the loss of a foot earned only 130 riksdaler. In the early modern period the transfer of news and information played an important role. In Nils Trosner’s diary, vol. 1, pp. 176–177: In the diary, The burials on land and at sea were different in their implementation. If a sailor died ashore, the Baltic region, there exists from early on a functioning postal system across the water. Four pp. 182–183: The various the amounts of compen- punishments are for example, he was laid in a coffin at the hospital and then buried in the church cemetery. Trosner major lines of communication can be found in the records of Nils Trosner: messages that are sation which should be handed down graphi- paid to the sailors in reported anecdotally about a special funeral which was made for a tall Norwegian: ‘It is said that usually present in written form as a letter or proclamation letter dominated the time. The prob- cally. Runaway sailors the case of occupational many people died in the hospital in Copenhagen; among them was a Northern man who died lem, however, was that post ships were intercepted by the enemy, so that secret information got who were arrested invalidity suffered are and he was so large that one had to make a coffin for him, which was 1 ½ yards longer than usual.’6 into the wrong hands. In the diary of Trosner there are indications that the Danish-Norwegian briefly later on land are stated. Dealing with death on board can be divided into two patterns of action. If a lower crew fleet often chased the Swedish postal ships successfully. The conclusion that the same also hap- shown. On the right page, a sailor is shown member died, he could be either thrown overboard or – in rare cases – brought ashore and pened to the Swedish fleet is entirely legitimate. Placards with public announcements were also being whipped. buried by his comrades. In contrast, Trosner describes the procedure that caused the death of announced in the major port cities mainly delivered from the cities of Hamburg, Amsterdam an army captain on board as well as the deaths of countless unknown sailors on the following and the eastern Baltic cities of Riga and Revel. Other mediums that could be found are wander- day, in his diary: ‘The same day in the afternoon the army captain Captain Billy, who died on ing soldiers, drummers, who took dispatches and messages with them and moved drum beating board the Sophia Hellwig, was buried on Christiansø. The general spoke first. Then the frigate through countries. ‘And in the evening was a drummer come from Scania to Copenhagen with Flijgende Fisch was sent to Christiansø with messages. Then he was brought from the ship in a letters for the Admiralty.’8 They conducted written letters and transmitted secret messages often boat with flag at half mast and a flag over the coffin and 14 boats followed him. As he left the only orally, so that they could hardly get into the hands of the enemy. The fourth way of com- ship, 15 gun salutes were shot with intervals of one minute each. And the frigate Ørnen dragged munication was the unofficial mouth-to-mouth and ship-to-ship propaganda of the sailors among him to Christiansø. In the evening 15 shots were fired for him from the fortress of Christiansø. themselves. The error rate of the latter option was highest, as can be demonstrated with refer- Then he was buried. And on board the Mercurius were 87 sick men and four have died so far, ence to the documentation by Trosner, but should be also so understood. including a priest. And about 200 men on the Friedrich Quartus were sick and many died. The same day 20 men were well thrown overboard, all ships with flag at half mast and they fired salute for them.’7

244 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 245 (4) Punishment and discipline on board In addition, there were also representatives of the clergy on board who had to care for the souls The elementary topic in the records of Nils Trosner is life on board. The crews lived in a confined of men. Trosner documented also the ‘Jonas’, a person who brings bad luck throughout the ship space on a ship. Therefore a high level of discipline was necessary for survival. The penalties and is well known as a superstition up until today. Only his elimination saves the ship. But even on board were draconian to nip other crimes in the bud. The captain‘s command authority can astronomy plays an essential role in the diary of Trosner. Not only the exact arrangement of the be quite rightly described as ‘Master next God’. The naval war articles of Frederick IV from planets and their moons are important but also the documentation and interpretation of comets 1700 served as a legal basis. They prescribed the rights and obligations which the officers and are undertaken by Trosner. Moreover Trosner calculates his service time based on the last moons, men had to follow and what the punishments for offenders were. If an offender was punished i.e. months, at that time a quite common method for determining time. The current phase of as a result of a crime, the relevant passage of the naval war articles was read aloud before the the moon can also be found as a pictorial representation at the edge of Trosner’s written records, punishment, moreover so that the non-reading crew could also understand this punishment. in which there is a fixed reference for each entry as well as explicit explanations. Regarding the punishment methods, a certain hierarchy can be detected. Penalties ranged from imprisonment on bread and water up to the death penalty, whether by keelhauling, repeat- Notes edly running the gauntlet or even hanging. The severity of the punishment was consciously 1 National Archives Oslo, EA-3667/G/L0048a, Nils Trosners dagbok ført på flåten 1710–1713 Vol. I; National Archives adapted to the seriousness of the offence (fig. 5). So the careless use of open flames or taking part Oslo, EA-3667/G/L0048b, Nils Trosners dagbok ført på flåten 1710–1713 Vol. II. 2 The quote in the Norwegian original: in a rebellion on board had death as a consequence. Fire was the constant enemy aboard a timber ‘Dagboken er nasjonal betydning fordi den forteller historien ikke bare til Nils Trosner, men til mange tusen unge norske ship, which was also loaded with flammable powder for the guns. The final enforcement of the menn som gjorde tjeneste i den felles dansk-norske flåten. Det er ikke bevart andre dagbøker eller lignende beretnin- punishment was in the hands of the supreme commander on board – the captain. The punishment ger fra norske sjøfolk i denne perioden.’ URL: www.arkivverket.no/arkivverket/Arkivverket/Riksarkivet/Norges-doku- itself was prepared by the naval provost, similar to a police officer on board, and enforced by his mentarv-Riksarkivet/Nils-Trosners-dagbok-1710-1714 (Access: 29. 7. 2014). 3 National Archives Copenhagen, 0008, Admiralitets- og Kommissariatskollegiet, Nr. 74-1; National Archives Copenhagen, 0008, Admiralitets- og Kommis- subordinates. But even the provost could get the punishment for carelessness, as Trosner docu- sariatskollegiet, Nr. 74-2. 4 Nils Trosners dagbok, Vol. 2, p. 609: ‘gich jeg om bord med mine kog klæder og gods.’ 5 Nils mented the flogging of a provost as a result of carelessness. ‘Same day our provost stands at the Trosners dagbok, Vol. 1, p. 372: ‘Og alle koijen i nættene, – thj effter dend Nije Order (. . .) – man koijen op huer dag, som capstan because he had not observed the people.’9 The fact that also the captain as supreme com- det er værligt der til, for sundhed skiöld, og i afften kl: 8te rögit wj tijshendeck igien – med virock og andre rögelse som mander aboard had a case to answer himself had to be learned by 13 Danish ship captains after kosted 30 rixdr: pondet: og det for pæst og anden sijgdom.’ 6 Nils Trosners dagbok, Vol. 1, p. 185: ‘Pass: at der dör they wrongly seized Dutch ships and declared them as prizes, which led to considerable protest mangfoldige menisher i Kiöbenhaffn paa Quæsthusedt og der i blandt var en Nordmand som döde som var saa lang at dj maatte giöre en kiste til ham som var 1 ½ allen lenger end som Ordenarj.’ 7 Nils Trosners dagbok, Vol. 1, p. 98: and trade restrictions by the Dutch, so that in the end Frederik IV was finally forced to relent. ‘Samme dag efftermedagen bleff dend lands Capitain Capit: Billij som döde paa Sophia Hellwig begraffuen i Chris- In order to strengthen discipline, team spirit competitions were carried out on board. For tiansöe först bleff der passiar hos generallen der om, siden bleff skiched Fregat Flijgende Fisch til Christians Øe med example, the crews of the different decks competed against each other or the crews of the lar- forbud siden bleff hand fördt fra skibet i en shallupe med flag paa ½ stang og et flag offuer kisten og 14 shalluper fuld board cannon competed against the starboard side. But even the regular issue of clothing, beer med ham da hand for fra shibet der bleff fijrdt af shibet 15 canun shud for ham effter lanh en Menut i mellem huerdt and tobacco caused favour with the sailors. Another possibility was proclaimed prize money, shud og Fregat Ørnen slæbet dem effter sig til Christiansöe. Om afftenen bleff der shiödt 15 shud aff Christiansöes Castel for hanem da hand bleff begraffuen, og paa Mercurius var 87 mand sijge og 4 döde og en Præst til datto: paa which the crew would get if they gained victory in battle. Around 1700, there were the following Fridrich Quarttus var hen ved 200 mand sijge og mange döde. Samme dag bleff der kast offuer bord vel 20 mand af generally valid penalties on board the warships: day-by-day imprisonment with water and bread, alle shibene flagg pa ½ stang og shiödt for dem.’ 8 Nils Trosners dagbok, Vol. 1, p. 67: ‘Og i aften kom der en tumbur flogging at the grating, ducking, keelhauling, running the gauntlet, hanging or other punishment til Kiöbenhafn fra Skaane med breffuer til admirallitetit.’ 9 Nils Trosners dagbok, Vol. 1, p. 34: ‘Same dag stod vor methods that were partly left to the imagination of each commander. For example, Trosner Profoes for spilledt for hand iche jagede folckene op.’ reported about two sailors who attacked each other with knives and for punishment were bound together on a barrel lid. Each of the delinquents got a hawser in the hand with which they had References to beat each other for a certain time. Bjerg 2010, 69–87 | Christiansen 2010 | Danielsen 1975 | Frost 2000 | Oakley 1992 | Ramstad 2008 | Tank 1923 | Vigeland 1953, 248–257 | Øvrebø 1996 | S. Sogner, s. v. Nils Danielsen Trosner. Norsk biografisk leksikon, URL: http://nbl.snl.no/ Nils_Danielsen_Trosner (Access: 18. 10. 2013) (5) The supernatural In the time before the Enlightenment and the related confrontation of the world through science, Archive sources people lived in a God-fearing world. Everything that happened was the will of God. If diseases National Archives Copenhagen, 0008, Admiralitets- og Kommissariatskollegiet, Nr. 74-1 (Logbook Orlogskib Prins Wil- and epidemics such as plague occurred or if bad weather led to bad harvests or famine the sinful helm); National Archives Copenhagen, 0008, Admiralitets- og Kommissariatskollegiet, Nr. 74-2 (Logbook Orlogskib behaviour of the affected people and their immediate surroundings was held responsible for it. Prins Wilhelm); National Archives Oslo, EA-3667/G/L0048a, Nils Trosners dagbok ført på flåten 1710–1713. Vol. I; National To appease God they had to live a godly life, attending church and respecting the Ten Command­ Archives Oslo, EA-3667/G/L0048b, Nils Trosners dagbok ført på flåten 1710–1713. Vol. II ments. The end of epidemics was often celebrated by the survivors through thanksgiving serv- ices. Varying topics in the realm of the supernatural can be found in the diary of Nils Trosner in the form of divination by mostly older men and women, the resurrection of the dead and their subsequent role as messengers of God, and also supernatural creatures such as dragons, snakes, demons (in the form of the winged devil) and sea monsters appear in various places in the diary. The bad itself was among and in humans. The main constant fighters against evil were the clergy, who relied on the word of the Bible and therefore often won the fight.

246 Shipping and naval warfare in the Baltic region 247

On 25 April 1715, the Swedish Rear Admiral Carl Hans Wachtmeister scuttled his flagship Prinsessan Hedvig Sofia in the Baltic Sea off Bülk, after it had been badly damaged in a naval engagement off Femern during the course of the Great Northern War. In 2008, divers discovered the wreck and shortly af­ terwards underwater archaeologists were suc­ cessful in identifying it. As a result, a window was opened into a past which had never had light cast on it in the Baltic region from an international perspective.

In this volume accompanying the special exhibition ‘Of Swords, Sails and Cannon – The Sinking of the Princess Hedvig Sofia’, 37 contributions from authors from Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Russia, and Germany delve more deeply into the topics presented in the exhibition. The key areas are ‘Baltic in change around 1700’, ‘Absolu­ tism in the Baltic region’, ‘Shipping and naval warfare’, ‘Underwater cultural heritage’, and ‘The Great Northern War – memorial culture’.

In addition a German-language exhibition catalogue has appeared.

S a n d st e i n ISBN 978-3-95498-166-3