International Journal of Korean History(Vol.9, Dec. 2005) 89

The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Han Hyung-ju (Han Hyŏngju)*

Introduction

Confucian rites and ceremonies can be regarded as the symbolized expressions of a conceptual and abstractive political and social ideology that was based on a perception of Confucian classics (kyŏnghak) which was given substance through ritual activities (haengnye). In the pre- modern era, rulers in East Asia perceived the need to use the symbolism of rites (禮, ye) rather than physical compulsion to effectively generate and maintain political authority. The Compiled by Xu Shen explains the etymology of ye as the description of a person worshipping a god by dedicating an offering in sacrificial vessels. 1 Along with exhibiting the religious attributes of rites (ye), such an explanation makes evident that the process of rites (ye) was used as symbolism to convey the fact that the person who played the leading role in the ritual ceremony had in effect received a mandate from heaven. The diversified and magnificent processions, as well as the solemnity of the ritual process associated with national ceremonies, and in particular national rites, were used to naturally reflect the dignity of the king as the

* Research professor, Institute of Korean Culture, Korea University 90 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

ruler and master of religious rites. In addition, such ceremonies were used to showcase the symbolic fact that the ruler had been granted a mandate from the heavens to rule over the human world. To this end, from early on, rulers tended to focus a high percentage of their energies on rites. In this regard, during the period in which national ceremonies revolved around the five traditional rites of the Tang dynasty of China (五禮); the Gillye (吉禮, auspicious rites), Garye (嘉禮, felicitous rites), Hyungnye (凶禮, funeral rites), Binnye (賓禮, guest rites), and Kunnye (軍禮, military rites), the utmost importance tended to be attached to the auspicious rites (Gillye). This Chinese experience began to exercise an influence on Korean history in the aftermath of the transmission of Confucianism to the Korean peninsula during the Three Kingdoms Era. The selection of Confucianism as the basis of the state governance system during the Koryŏ dynasty was followed by the identification of the five rites as the cornerstone of the national rituals. These national rituals were further developed during the Chosŏn dynasty, with the (國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites)> finally compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In the present study, an attempt is made to analyze the process through which national rites were established during early Chosŏn, as well as periodic trends, by linking it to the notion of royal authority. Many studies have already been conducted on the topic of national rituals during early Chosŏn. In fact, the author of this study has himself conducted a couple of work on this subject.2 However, the majority of existing studies has been concentrated on the 15th century, and have dealt with the determination of the characteristics of individual rituals and the establishment of the ritual system from a methodological standpoint. Therefore, although an analysis of the institutional history of national rituals has been conducted, it has remained difficult to deconstruct the manner in which the establishment of the ritual system was connected to the notion of royal authority. In this regard, the researcher intends to, while also reflecting the results of existing studies, analyze the correlation between national rituals and royal authority from three different vantage points. Han Hyung-ju (Han Hyŏngju) 91

First, the researcher intends to analyze the correlation between the institutional establishment of Confucian rites and royal authority. The rulers of Chosŏn advocated Confucian rites-based governance (禮治, yech´i) as the basic principle of state management. To this end, both the king and meritorious retainers recognized the necessity to establish proper Confucian rites. However, both parties came into conflict with one another when it came to the details of these rites. Thus, while the king emphasized the inevitability of using the rites for the Son of Heaven (Ch´ŏnjarye), the meritorious retainers accentuated the need to utilize rites appropriate for feudal lords(Chehurye). Chosŏn’s early national ritual system was thus established through negotiations between these two camps. However, the contents of these rituals varied from ruler to ruler. Second, this study analyzes the conflicts between the two parties over the implementation of the Chech´ŏnnye (祭天禮, ritual to heaven) ceremony conducted in conjunction with the Ch´ŏnjarye. While a quasi- negotiated settlement of this issue remained in place between the two sides from the foundation of the kingdom until the reign of King Sejong, King Sejo’s unilateral implementation of the Chech´ŏnnye during his reign resulted, at the behest of the gravely aggravated meritorious retainers, in the abolishing of this ceremony outright following his death. Third, this study delves into the actual participation of Chosŏn kings in national rituals during the early period of the Chosŏn dynasty. If the king’s intervention in the process of establishing ritual ceremonies can be likened to the passive expression of rites, then the king’s participation in these national rituals, despite the burden occasioned by such a decision, can be regarded as a more active expression of these rites. Any king who desired to take part in a national rite was subjected to a seven-day ablution process and to intricate ritual procedures that often began early on the morning of the actual ceremony. To this end, the majority of ritual ceremonies involved ministerial level officials attending on the behalf of the king (sŏphaeng), rather than the king directly participating in such rites (ch´inhaeng). In this regard, the analysis of the frequency with which kings’ participated in rites, and the types of rites in which they

92 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

participated firsthand, represents a pertinent methodology with which to understand the ulterior motives of those kings who decided to submit themselves to such intricacies. Using the above-mentioned three vantage points, an attempt is made to find a link between the royal authority and national rituals during the reign of each king of early Chosŏn, and to analyze periodic trends. Moreover, by combining these factors, an effort is made to gain a more precise understanding of the general characteristics of national rituals during early Chosŏn.

The transformation towards Confucian-style national rites during the reign of King T´aejong and royal authority

National rituals before the Chosŏn era

Wishes for the well-being of the royal family and general peace and prosperity through national-level rites first emerged during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms Era. Examples of such early rituals include the shrine rituals for the founders of each kingdom, and worship rituals to the Heavens such as the Dongmaeng(東盟),Muchŏn(舞天) and Yŏnggo(迎鼓).3 Such rituals continued to be conducted until the final stages of the Three Kingdoms Era. In addition to such traditional rituals, Confucian-based national rituals began to make their way into Korea as a result of the growing exchanges with China during the state formation period. The contains a passage in which we discover that the construction of the Chongmyo (ancestral shrine) and Sajik (altar for worshiping gods of the earth and grain) had become widespread in the case of Koguryŏ by the 3rd-4th centuries.4 It also reveals that in the case of Silla, ancestral shrine rituals for the five generations which followed King T´aejo were first conducted during the 7th Year of King Sinmun (687), and that the Confucian-style five Han Hyungju 93 ancestral rites based on ancestral tablets beginning with King Mich´u were developed during the reign of King Hyegong (765-780).5 Here, we can see that Unified Silla’s Chongmyo system was implemented based on the ancestral grave rites (myoje) found in the , which consisted of seven ancestral rites for the Son of Heaven and five ancestral rites for feudal lords (chehu),. Confucian-style national rituals became more structuralized during the Koryŏ era. As Koryŏ adopted Confucianism rather than Buddhism as the basis for its state management, it possessed an in-depth knowledge of Confucian classics (kyŏnghak) and naturally accepted Chinese-style Confucian national rites. This process became more pronounced with the establishment of the Hwan´guje (圜丘祭, a ritual designed to inform the Heavens of the start of a new reign) and the Chŏkchŏnje (籍田祭, ritual conducted at the beginning of the year during which time a good harvest was prayed for) during the 2nd Year of King Sŏngjong6; of the Omyoje (五 廟制, five ancestral rites system) during the 7th Year of King Sŏngjong7; and the construction of the Sajik during the 10th Year of King Sŏngjong.8 While a national ritual system based on that of the Tang dynasty was established following the reign of King Munjong, Ch´oe Yunŭi compiled fifty volumes of the during the reign of King Ŭijong. Although the no longer exists, some of its remnants can be found in the . The , which consisted of the orye (五禮, five rites), was based on the established during the Tang dynasty.9 In the Yeji (禮志) section of the national rites are divided into large, medium, and small-scale rites in accordance with the importance of the beneficiary of the ritual; meanwhile, the gods were separated into ch´ŏnsin (天神, god of Heaven), chigi (地祇, god of Earth), and in´gwi (人鬼, human spirits and demons).10 To this end, great importance was placed on the Hwan´gu, Pangt´aek, Sajik, and T´aemyo, all of which were large-scale rituals, or 94 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Taesa. In particular, the Hwan´gu and Pangt´aek rituals were regarded as the apex in terms of the rites conducted to worship the gods of Heaven and Earth. These rituals could only be conducted by the ch´ŏnja (Son of Heaven) in his capacity as the person who had been granted a mandate from Heaven, and as such, represented a symbol of the legitimacy of the ruler. The motivation behind the implementation of these rituals during early Koryŏ can be traced back to the dual system in which it operated. More to the point, while Koryŏ kings externally espoused the notion of sadae (事大, Serving the Great) toward China, internally they promoted the kingdom’s independence by emphasizing Koryŏ status as an imperial state. Thus, the hosting of such rites was intended to highlight the independence of Koryŏ’s royal family.11 The rites conducted during early Koryŏ began to gradually disappear following the period of military rule, and were effectively dismantled during the period of Yuan interference. While the implementation of independent national rituals was difficult under the Pumaguk (駙馬國 , son-in-law nation) system, efforts were made amidst the wider changes afoot marked by the fall of the Yuan dynasty and subsequent rise of the Ming during the reign of King Kongmin, to reestablish the kind of independent state system that had been in place during the early stages of Koryŏ. This attempt to restore the independence of the past was accompanied by concurrent efforts to recreate the sajŏn (祀典, sacrificial rites) system in place during early Koryŏ. However, the establishment of a new sadae relationship with the rising Ming, and growing interference of the latter as part of its efforts to establish a new world order based on its own ritual system, in effect, placed Koryŏ in a difficult situation.12 As such, by the end of Koryŏ, the independent sajŏn system that had been in place during its early stages had fallen into flagrant conflict with the feudal rites system that was based on this new sadae relationship with the Ming. It was amidst such circumstances that Chosŏn was founded under the leadership of a group which emphasized the importance of the latter. Han Hyungju 95

The establishment of national rites during the period spanning from the reigns of King T´aejo to King Sejong and royal authority

During his edict announcing the establishment of the new kingdom of Chosŏn, and his enthronement as the first monarch of this nascent dynasty, King T´aejo ordered the reorganization of the somok (昭穆, order in which the ancestral tablets were enshrined) and of the dangch´im (堂寢) institutions governing Koryŏ’s Chongmyo, on the grounds that in their present form these were inconsistent with the Confucian classics.13 This statement can be taken to signal T´aejo’s intention of implementing national rituals which were different from those of Koryŏ. This royal edict resulted in the construction of a new Chongmyo and Sajik in Seoul during the 4th Year of King T´aejo’s rule. Nevertheless, the tumultuous nature of the early days of Chosŏn, marked by the occurrence of such events as attempts to overthrow the king, greatly complicated the establishment of a sajŏn system during the reign of King T´aejo. The establishment of national rites began following the enthronement of King T´aejong. King T´aejong who came to power after two coup attempts, reformed the existing Dop´yŏngŭisasa (都評議使司, Privy Council)-centered political structure and created separate entities in the Ŭijŏngbu (議政府, State Council) and Samgunbu (三軍府, Three Armies Command) to oversee civil and military affairs.14 He also sought to establish new national rites, which were different from those of the Koryŏ dynasty. To prevent the emergence of conflicts with the Ming dynasty, T´aejong dispatched royal envoys to Ming in order to request permission to implement the latter’s ritual system (禮制, yeje) in Chosŏn. However, this request was rejected by the Ming, which claimed that the Chinese ritual system could not be applied in states other than China.15 T´aejong once again dispatched a royal envoy to the Ming during the 11th year of his reign to request the privilege of implementing its ritual system, on the grounds that Chosŏn’s current problems could be traced back to its use of Koryŏ’s outdated ritual system.16 However, the Ming replied the following year that Chosŏn should establish a ritual 96 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

system that abide by its own customs, in effect signaled the failure of T´aejong’s overture.17 In fact, Chosŏn’s request to be bestowed a ritual system was submitted despite the existence of strong domestic opposition to any such move. One month prior to King T´aejong’s dispatch of an envoy to the Ming, Sŏl Misu, the then Minister of Rites (禮曹判書, Yejop'ansŏ), worried over what Chosŏn should do if the Chinese allowed them to conduct rites destined for meritorious subjects rather than those for the ch´ŏnja. Sŏl objected to T´aejong’s position on the grounds that as many aspects of the existing ritual system did not mesh with the traditional rites of vassal states, what would Chosŏn do if the Ming only granted it the right to perform exceedingly basic rites? However, T´aejong ignored Sŏl’s imploration, claiming that he needed to know the exact position of the Ming vis-à-vis detailed matters relating to rites.18 While Chosŏn adopted a sadae relationship with the Ming, the fact that its ritual system was based on the structure which had been in place during the Koryŏ era, a structure which did not correspond with the traditional ritual system for vassal states, meant that the possibility of coming into conflict with the Ming over the issue of rituals was a very real one.19 Furthermore, as Koryŏ’s ritual system was based on that of the Tang dynasty, it did not properly reflect the historical experiences accumulated after the Song dynasty. In this regard, T´aejong reached the conclusion that the resolution of these problems demanded uncovering the exact position of the Ming on issues pertaining to the ritual system. As Ming refused to allow Chosŏn to implement their ritual system, Chosŏn’s perception of rites as there were carried out by the Ming continued to be based on the . This , which was compiled by Emperor Taizu (太祖) of Ming as a means of establishing state control, focused on the conducting of rites at the local rather than national level. During the reign of King T´aejong, rituals such as the Sajikche (社稷祭), P´ungunnoewu (風雲雷雨, rituals for wind, clouds, lightening, and rain), Akhaedok (嶽海瀆, rituals for mountains, rivers, and sea) Sanch´ŏn (山川, Han Hyungju 97 rituals to mountains and streams) and Sŏnghwang (城隍, rituals for tutelary deity) were established based on this . 20 In addition, the contents of other kinds of rites, including the chongmyo, were established based on existing books of rites such as the and the . The division of rites into large, medium, and small-scale rites and consequent adjustment of the level of rites during the 13th and 14th years of King T´aejong marked a great step forward in terms of the development of the sajŏn system. More to the point, the status of the P´ungunnoewu and sŏkchŏn (釋奠, rites for Confucius and his disciples) conducted in local areas was upgraded so that these became important rites. While abolishing the investitures associated with the Sanch´ŏn, T´aejong also proceeded to divide the nationally conducted Sanch´ŏn into the medium-scale rite (chungsa) known as akhaedok, and the small-scale rites (sosa) known as myŏngsan and daech´ŏn. Rites for historical founders such as Tan´gun, Kija, and King T´aejo of Koryŏ were upgraded to the level of medium-scale rites (chungsa). Meanwhile, a separate altar for the ritual prayers for rain was established.21 These actions signaled a penchant for the establishment of a greater number of medium-scale rites than had been the case in Koryŏ. The above actions ushered in the establishment of the various ritual ceremonies initiated in September of the 14th Year of King T´aejong.22 Furthermore, the necessity to determine the principles which would be used to carry out ritual ceremonies resulted in the compilation of the Chesasŏrye (祭祀序例, Regulations on the implementation of various ritual ceremonies) by Hŏ Cho during the 16th Year of King T´aejong.23 As the sŏrye compiled by the government usually included the common standards and principles applied to ritual ceremonies, the initiation of this Chesasŏrye effectively marked the completion of the first stage of the establishment of the ritual system. As we can see from the above, the ritual system put in place during the reign of King T´aejong was established by referring to books of rites such 98 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

as the . In this regard, the will of the king played a pivotal role during this establishment process. Nevertheless, King T´aejong’s perception of rites and his inclination towards simplifying the ritual process, in which he directly participated, contrasted markedly from the position adopted by meritorious subjects such as Hŏ Cho who emphasized the importance of adhering to fundamental principles. Looking ahead to the Chongmyo ch´inhyang (King’s participation in the ritual ceremony held at the royal ancestral shrine) slated to be held the following month, King T´aejong signaled his intention during the 11th year of his reign to decrease the period of purification to a mere three days. Forcibly advocating his decision, T´aejong claimed that this call for a three-day purification period was grounded in the Siwangjije (時王之制), which asserted that while sincerity and respect were of the utmost importance when implementing a ritual ceremony, negligence and laziness could creep in when the process of preparing for the ritual became too onerous. However, his attempt to rectify matters was derailed by the objections of Hŏ Cho, who recommended continued adherence to the existing 7-day purification period, and Han Sangdŏk’s agreement with the latter.24 The two parties once again came into conflict in January of the following year, this time over the implementation of the Taoist T´aeil (太一) chesa (ritual for the god of Heaven). On this occasion, King T´aejong ordered the Yejo (禮曹, Ministry of Rites) to conduct research on the preparations for this rite, with a mind towards its implementation on the 15th day of the first lunar month. However, Hŏ Cho objected to the holding of this ritual ceremony on the grounds that the T´aeil chesa had its origins in the Han era. Puzzled, King T´aejong asked his meritorious subjects, why, given the fact that there had been no greater dynasties than the Han and Tang since the samdae ( term used to collectively refer to the Xia (夏), Yin (殷), and Zhou (周) dynasties) era, was it inappropriate to follow the ways of the Han dynasty? Here, Hŏ Cho responded that the government should follow the ways of the three dynasties, not those of the Han and Tang dynasties. Acquiescing, King T´aejong rescinded his Han Hyungju 99 order to the Yejo.25 The biggest source of conflict between T´aejong and Hŏ Cho during this period was not their differing perceptions of rites, but rather their diametrically opposed stances on the implementation of the Chech´ŏnnye. The general belief at that time was that as the Chech´ŏnnye, which was one of the important national rites that had been directly conducted by the king of Koryŏ, was designed to be carried out by the Son of Heaven (ch´ŏnja), it was not appropriate for the king of Chosŏn, who held the status of the king of a vassal state, to implement such a ritual. During the very first year of the reign of King T´aejo, the-then Minister of Rites (yejo chŏnsŏ), Cho Pak and others had called for the abolishment of the Wŏn´guje (圓丘祭, ritual ceremony to the Heavens led by the Son of Heaven) as part of their wider imploration of the need to reorganize the ritual system; at the time, the king did not issue a response to this petition.26 However, two years later, officials from the Yejo implored the king to include the Wŏn´guje in the sacrificial rituals code(祀典) and to change the name of the altar known as wŏn´gu to wŏndan (圓壇). Their demand was based on the argument that as rituals praying for good harvests (kigok) and rain (kiu) had been implemented since the Three Kingdoms Era as part of the Wŏn´guje, it was thus impossible to abolish the Wŏn´guje. The king eventually acquiesced to this demand. 27 This decision resulted in the composition of new music to be used for the rituals conducted at the wŏndan28 and the onset of ritual prayers for rain (kiuje) at the wŏndan.29 To showcase his legitimacy and grandeur as the rightful successor to the throne, King T´aejong implemented ritual prayers for a good harvest (kigokche) at the wŏndan during his 1st year on the throne.30 Thereafter, rituals for good harvests and rain were carried out intermittently at the wŏndan. However, it is evident that the wŏndanje was only implemented when circumstances dictated such a move, and that such ceremonies were dropped whenever the meritorious subjects objected to their holding. It was during the 11th year of King T´aejong, by which point the 100 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

structure of the ritual system had begun to take shape, that a wholesale debate over the implementation of the wŏndanje emerged. While the vehement opposition of government officials had led to the initial destruction of the wŏndan, King T´aejong decided to reconstruct it after being presented with a petition claiming that examples could be found of rituals for the Western god known as Paekche (白帝) being conducted during the Qin (秦) dynasty.31 Thereafter, while the continued vociferous opposition of government officials led T´aejong to once again call for the demolition of the wŏndan the ensuing year, the wŏndanje was restored during the 16th year of his rule, and implemented the following year to bring an end to a persistent drought.32 As such, the chech´ŏnnye underwent several phases during the reign of King T´aejong. Ha Ryun and Hŏ Cho’s opposition to the implementation of the chech´ŏnnye was based on their unshakeable adherence to the principle that while the ch´ŏnja mastered the rituals to the Heavens and Earth, the chehu was responsible for the rituals to the mountains and streams. Thus, the chehu should not conduct the rites reserved for the ch´ŏnja. Furthermore, the position of the Ming was made clear by its envoy Dian Gu who, while asserting that he had heard rumors that Chosŏn was conducting chech´ŏnnye, pointed out the inappropriateness of this practice, and the fact that its continuation ran the high risk of creating tensions with the Ming dynasty.33 For their part, Pyŏn Kyeryang and other officials from the Yejo supported the implementation of the chech´ŏnnye on the grounds that as the emergence of natural disasters rendered the offering of prayers to the Heavens indispensable, the advent of certain political circumstances in effect made the conducting of such rituals a necessity. Moreover, as the chech´ŏnnye had long been implemented by the people of Chosŏn and as the descendants of Tan´gun who emerged from the Heavens, Chosŏn was in effect not a vassal state of the ch´ŏnja; In addition, they argued, Emperor Taizu (太祖) of Ming had made it clear that while a vassal state’s legal system should be based on existing domestic structures, its customs should be based on indigenous traditions.34 Han Hyungju 101

However, while the absolute power of the monarchy could be exposed through the symbolism attached to the chech´ŏn, the conducting of the chech´ŏnnye during this period was actually motivated by the desire to conduct ritual prayers for rain (kiuje) in order to bolster the ruler’s legitimacy in the eyes of the public. In fact, of the 20 verifiable cases of chech´ŏnnye conducted during the reigns of King T´aejo and King T´aejong, all but three involved the conducting of Giuje (the other three 3 cases involved the holding of kigokche). The situation was much the same during the reign of King Sejong. Consequently, the chech´ŏnnye during the early period of Chosŏn was conducted to bolster the legitimacy of the ruler by using his ability to directly implore the Heavens that controlled all natural disasters, and thus reflect the will of the general population to overcome these seemingly endless events. To this end, the chech´ŏnnye was implemented during the summer season when the drought was especially severe in the form of kiuje, rather than in January in the form of the more basic kigokche. Following negotiations between the king and his meritorious subjects, the decision was made to have these rituals be led by government officials on the behalf of the monarch rather than directly by the king himself (ch´inje).

The establishment of national rites and the compilation of the Five Rites section of the during the reign of King Sejong

The national ritual system established during the reign of King Sejong was based on the rites conducted during the reign of King T´aejong. The establishment of the Chongmyo system can be traced back to the burial of King Chŏngjong and King T´aejong at the beginning of the reign of King Sejong in the Chongmyo and to the enshrining of their ancestral tablets in the separately constructed Yŏngnyŏngjŏn. The origins of Chosŏn’s Chongmyo system can be traced back to the completion of the Chongmyo during the 4th year of the reign of King T´aejo, and his subsequent enshrinement of ancestral tablets for 102 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Mokwang (great-great-grandfather), Ikwang (great grandfather), Dowang (grandfather), and Hwanwang (father), and conducting of ancestral rites for each.35 However, this new system was unlike Koryŏ’s Chongmyo system36: The completion of the T´aemyo(Chongmyo) during the 11th year of King Sŏngjong (990) was followed by the latter’s enshrinement of six royal ancestral tablets, that is, for King T´aejo, King Hyejong, King Chŏngjong, King Kwangjong, and King Kyŏngjong, as well as for King Sŏngjong’s own father Daejong, who was posthumously conferred the title of king. In other words, while Koryŏ’s Chongmyo was constructed following the deaths of the above-mentioned five-gereration’s kings and the tablets were arrayed in a manner that reflected the royal ancestral order, Chosŏn’s Chongmyo was constructed at the very beginning of Chosŏn by its founder King T´aejo who enshrined ancestral tablets for his own four ancestors. The Chongmyo became full when King T´aejo’s tablet was enshrined in the 5th room of the Chongmyo during the 10th year of King T´aejong.37 Because all five-gereration ancestral tablets of the Chongmyo were already occupied, the enshrinement of King Chŏngjong’s tablet during the 3rd year of King Sejong following the three-year mourning period created a problem. As a result, an additional ancestral shrine, the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn, was built in October of the 3rd year of King Sejong to house the ancestral tablets of those who belonged to the 6th generation or more who were the subjects of ancestral rites 38 , with the tablet of Mokjo (Mokwang) enshrined in the 1st room of the yŏngnyŏngjŏn. Meanwhile, the other ancestral tablets within the Chongmyo were rearranged, with Ikjo (Ikwang)’s tablet moved to the 1st room and Dojo (Dowang)’s tablet moved to the 2nd room, thus effectively freeing up the 5th room. The tables for King Kongjŏng and Queen Chŏngan were subsequently enshrined in the 5th room of Chongmyo.39 From that point onwards, whenever a Chosŏn king’s tablet was enshrined following the three-year mourning period, the tablets for those ancestors who belonged to the sixth generation were relocated to the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn. Thus, while Ikjo’s tablet was moved to the 2nd room of Han Hyungju 103

Yŏngnyŏngjŏn when King Sejong’s tablet was enshrined during the 2nd year of King Munjong, Dojo’s tablet was moved to the 3rd room of the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn when King Munjong’s tablet was enshrined during the 2nd year of King Danjong, and Hwanjo (Hwanwang)’s tablet was moved to the 4th room of the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn when King Yejong’s tablet was enshrined during the 3rd year of King Sŏngjong.40 Meanwhile, a wŏnmyo (原廟, original shrine) system was also established as a royal family shrine separate from the Chongmyo- Yŏngnyŏngjŏn shrines erected at the national level.41 The origins of the wŏnmyo can be traced back to the establishment of the Kyesŏngjŏn, which served as Hwanjo’s wŏnmyo, during the 4th year of King T´aejo. During the 7th year of King T´aejo, the Insojŏn, which served as the wŏnmyo of King T´aejo’s wife Queen Sinŭi, was established to enshrine her portrait and tablet. Upon King T´aejo death during the 8th year of King T´aejong, the Insojŏn was renamed the Munsojŏn 42 and used to house King T´aejo’s mulberry tablet43. Two years later, the tablets of King T´aejo and his wife were enshrined in the 5th room of the Chongmyo, with their portraits enshrined in the Munsojŏn.44 The Munsojŏn featured characteristics which were very different from those of the Chongmyo. While great importance was naturally attached to the royal lineage in the case of the Chongmyo that served as the royal shrine at the national level, the Munsojŏn was regarded as a family shrine separate from the Chongmyo in terms of the ritual ceremonies, foods, and rites which governed it. However, as the direct ancestors of the royal family were enshrined in the Munsojŏn, kings exhibited a greater degree of participation in the ancestral rites conducted at the Munsojŏn than in those conducted at the Chongmyo. In order to restrict institutional access, the Munsojŏn was limited to the 5-room shrine system during the middle stages of the reign of King Sejong. Furthermore, while King Sejong ordered that no wŏnmyo other than the Munsojŏn and Kwanghyojŏn be established in the future, he built a wŏnmyo consisting of five rooms north of Kyŏngbok Palace which he named the Munsojŏn, in which he enshrined his four direct royal 104 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

ancestors beginning with King T´aejo.45 This measure was faithfully maintained; thus when King Yejong’s tablet was enshrined in the Munsojŏn during the 2nd year of King Sŏngjong, the memorial tablet of King Munjong was relocated in accordance with the principle of enshrining four generations of one’s ancestors known as the Sach´in sadae (私親四代)46. Meanwhile, while the king’s father Dŏkchong was enshrined in the 7th room of the Chongmyo during the 7th year of King Sŏngjong, his tablet was not enshrined in the Munsojŏn. During the reign of the Yŏnsan´gun, the five- room shrine system was once again maintained when King T´aejong’s memorial tablet was moved to the Sannŭng in order to make room for the enshrinement of King Sŏngjong’s tablet. 47 Therefore, the basic principles governing the shrine system, which called for a 7-room shrine for the ch´ŏnja and a 5-room shrine for chehu (諸侯, feudal lord), were more appropriately embodied in the Wŏnmyo that was the Munsojŏn, than in the Chongmyo. As such, the sacrificial rites conducted at the Chongmyo- Yŏngnyŏngjŏn-Munsojŏn, which made use of the royal genealogy to infer an inherited relationship, represented a very important element in terms of the king’s identity and legitimacy. To this end, kings’ exhibited a much greater degree of interest in sacrificial rites than in other national rituals. All in all, there were 41 instances of Chosŏn kings’ directly conducting sacrificial rites at the Chongmyo during the 102-year period spanning from the reign of King T´aejo to that of Sŏngjong. This stands in stark contrast to the 7 times in which the Hwan´guje, 3 occasions in which the Sajikche, and 3 times in which the Sŏnnongje were led by the king during the same period.48 Especially, Chosŏn kings’ conducted 99 ancestral rites at the Munsojŏn over the 85-year period spanning from the 10th year of King T´aejong (1409) to the 25th year of King Sŏngjong (1494), for an average of 1.2 such occasions per year. While King Sejong expressed his interest in the direct hosting the sacrificial rites conducted at the Chongmyo, he also actively participated in the institutional issues related to the interpretation of the royal Han Hyungju 105 genealogy. When the former monarch Chŏngjong died, Sejong ordered that a meritorious retainer oversee the enshrinement of the tablet, and did not even bestow a posthumous ancestral title upon his predecessor. Through such actions, Sejong intended to demonstrate the fact that he did not recognize King Chŏngjong as a legitimate king of Chosŏn.49 In addition, Sejong outlawed the king’s direct participation in the ancestral rites carried out at the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn to which a king’s ancestral tablets were relocated once the Chongmyo became full. 50 Before King T´aejong’s tablet could be enshrined after the three-year mourning period, Sejong designated King T’aejong as the subject of bulch´ŏnwi (不遷位) or sesil (世室) – a legal mechanism through which the tablets of kings who had achieved remarkable virtues could be enshrined in the Chongmyo in perpetuity without having to be moved to the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn in accordance with the principle that an ancestral shrine should contain only up to five ancestral generations- in order to institutionally exclude the possibility of T´aejong’s tablet being moved in the future. King Sejong’s intentions were respected by his descendants, such that when King Sŏngjong’s tablet was enshrined in the Chongmyo during the reign of the Yŏnsan´gun after the basic three-year mourning period, only King Chŏngjong’s tablet was moved to the Yŏngnyŏngjŏn while leaving King T´aejong’s tablet, which was to be governed by the notion of sesil, untouched in the Chongmyo. Thereafter, King Sejong and Sejo’s tablets were also designated as sesil during the reign of King Myŏngjong. In addition, it soon became common practice for the current king to designate the ancestral tablet of his direct ancestor as sesil in order to avoid it having to be removed from the Chongmyo.51 Meanwhile, a new direction was also sought out for the institutional system known as Sajikche (社稷祭, rituals to the earth and grain gods) during the reign of King Sejong. Although the basic Sajikche ritual system was established during the reign of King T´aejong based on the , this Sajikche was irregularly carried out, with the main focus being on the conducting of the Giuje rather than the regular rites carried out in February and August. However, during the reign of King 106 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Sejong, a review of the Sajikche was conducted, with the emphasis being on the fact that such rituals involved a god higher than the spirits contained in the Chongmyo. This alteration was the result of the reanalysis of the Gilrye implemented during the reign of King T´aejong as part of the general review of ancient institutions conducted by scholars from the Chiphyŏnjŏn (集賢殿, Hall of Worthies) during the 10th year of King Sejong.52 In particular, the discussions and arguments over the Sajikche, Sanch´ŏnje (山川祭, rituals to the mountains and streams), and Chehyangak (祭享樂, ancestral shrine ritual music) which occurred during the 12-14th years of Sejong’s reign paved the way for the alteration of the Sajikche. The , the Ming dynasty work which had heretofore been used as the standard for rites, suddenly came under fire because the rites it prescribed were to be conducted in local areas rather than by the Son of Heaven or feudal lords. In other words, such a work should not be used in conjunction with the national rites of Chosŏn. This assertion directly contradicted the existing belief that the rites of the Ming dynasty should be thoroughly maintained in accordance with the principle of Siwangjije (時王之制, Instituions which were implemented by the Ming dynasty at that time) contained in the . In the end, the former camp won out and Chosŏn’s ritual system was reestablished in accordance with a review of the ancient ritual systems of China in order to properly reflect the reality of Chosŏn. As part of this reorganization process, the terms used for the Sajik mortuary tablets were changed from T´aesa (太社, ritual for land gods conducted by the the Son of Heaven) and T´aejik (太稷, ritual for grain gods conducted by the the Son of Heaven) to Kuksa (國社, ritual for land gods conducted by the feudal lords) and Kukchik(國稷, ritual for grain gods conducted by the feudal lords)and from Ilyu (一壝, one-layered altar) to Yangyu(兩壝, two-layered altar). In addition, a general readjustment of minute matters such as the yegam (瘞坎, a pit in which sacrificial offerings were burned), ŭmbok (飮福, sharing of the foods Han Hyungju 107 prepared for rituals), sinwip´an (神位板, a fixture used to attach paper ancestral tablets), baesu (拜數, number of bows), and chegwan (祭官, officials responsible for rites) was also conducted. As a result of the above institutional reestablishment, a new site at which rituals (danyu, 壇壝) were to be conducted was constructed during the 14th year of King Sejong. However, while the width and height of the danyu was initially constructed in accordance with Chu Hsi’s belief that the height and width of the danyu of a tributary state should be half that of the state of the Son of Heaven, the size of the danyu was so small that it created difficulties in terms of fitting the necessary ritual music company and officials responsible for the rituals within the structure. To resolve these problems, the size of the danyu was altered, with the existing measurement method based on the Zhouli (周禮, length measure used by Zhou) scrapped in favor of the more commonly used Yŏngjoch´ŏk (營造尺, length measure used by Chosŏn). As a result, the Sajikdan (社稷壇, altar for worshiping the earth and grain gods) was built in a manner that rendered it 1.5 times bigger than the previous one, and thus well beyond the accepted scope for a tributary state.53 As such, this in-depth study of ancient institutions carried out during the early portion of the second decade of King Sejong’s reign resulted in furthering Chosŏn’s process of establishing a national rites system. The abolishment of the Ŭiryesangjŏngso (儀禮詳定所, Office for the Establishment of Ceremonies) during the 17th year of king Sejong, which had played a central role in the establishment of the rituals and institutions of Chosŏn since the 1st year of King T´aejong, proves the fact that Confucian scholars at that time were confident in the fact that they had successfully achieved the establishment of Chosŏn’s national rites system.54 The abolishment of the Wŏndanje is a particularly salient example of the alteration of the perception of rites and institutions that took place during this period. The Chech´ŏnnye (rituals to the Heavens), which had been continuously conducted under the name of Wŏndanje since the foundation of Chosŏn, continued to be conducted under the guise of Giuje (rituals 108 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

praying for rain) by designated officials during the reign of King Sejong.55 However, the Chech´ŏnnye was officially abolished from the 20th year of King Sejong onwards. Entries related to the Chech´ŏn, which had disappeared by the 13th year of King Sejong, reemerged in the form of a petition submitted by Chŏng Ch´ŏk in which he suggested that the Wŏndan Giuje be conducted in July of the 21st year of King Sejong.56 Sejong refused Chŏng Ch´ŏk’s petition. However, petitions calling for the holding of the Chech´ŏnnye were once again submitted when serious droughts emerged in July of the 25th, 26th, and 31st year of King Sejong. Here again King Sejong firmly refused such implorations, and ordered that no such further petitions be submitted. As such, the Chech´ŏnnye was abolished because of the strengthening of the perception that it involved the conducting of rites reserved for the Son of Heaven in Chosŏn occasioned by the deepened understanding of rites caused by the studies of ancient institutions carried out from the early period of King Sejong onwards; consideration of the relationship with Ming dynasty; and most of all, as a result of King Sejong’s strong will. This change in approaches was in large part the result of King Sejong’s belief that the political stability which reigned from the middle stages of his rule onwards rendered the showcasing of royal authority through the holding of Chech´ŏn unnecessary, and the widespread perception that the Hwan´guje could be replaced with other kinds of Chech´ŏn such as the P´ungun noeuje (rituals to the wind, clouds, thunder, and lightening gods) and Usaje (ritual praying for rain). The above-mentioned national rites established during the reign of King Sejong were given form in the Gilrye (吉禮, auspicious rites) section of the Orye (五禮, Five Rites) found in the Sejong sillok. The Orye, which was based on the fundamental structure of national rites established during the reign of King T´aejong, was in effect the result of the studies on ancient institutions conducted during the reign of King Sejong. More to the point, while the Orye was based on the ŭiju (儀註, interpretations of rites) recorded in the Sejong sillok, these ŭiju were closely related to the ŭigwe (儀軌 a collection of Royal Protocols) such Han Hyungju 109 as the Chenŭng chedo ŭigwe (諸陵制度儀軌) compiled during that period.57 While the Sangjang ŭigwe(喪葬儀軌, royal protocol for funeral ceremonies) for kings and queens began to be compiled during the reign of King T´aejong and was regularly upgraded thereafter, the Chenŭng chedo ŭigwe, which was related to national sacrificial rites, was continuously amended.58 These ŭigwe provided important materials when it came to the preparation of the Sejong sillok’s Orye. In terms of the characteristics of the Gilrye included in the Orye, a record exists in the preface of the Orye section of the which states that the contents of the rites suggested by Hŏ Cho during the reign of King T´aejong became the basis for the Orye.59 However, considering the circumstances in which national rites were established during the early and middle periods of King Sejong’s reign, it would appear that the contents of the preface of the (Five Rites of State), which argued that scholars from the Chiphyŏnjŏn initiated the oryeŭi based on the Gilrye ŭiju compiled by Hŏ Cho during the reign of King T´aejong, and was created by referring to the (通典, Encyclopedia of Rites), (諸司職掌, Statutes for the organization of the central government of the Ming Dynasty), , and (古今詳定禮, Prescribed Rites from the Past and Present) represents a more appropriate explanation for the origin of the Orye than what is contained in the preface of the orye.60

The implementation of the Hwan´guje during the reign of King Sejo and the compilation of the during the reign of King Sŏngjong

The political characteristics of the implementation of Hwan´guje during the reign of King Sejo

If the establishment of national rites during the reign of King Sejong 110 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

can be characterized as a process of searching for reasonable measures that took into consideration the ancient institutions of China and the reality of Chosŏn as a vassal state, then King Sejo’s reign can be regarded as having been marked by the use of sacrificial rites (sajŏn) for political ends. King Sejo, who ascended the throne following the removal of King Danjong in the aftermath of the Political Incident of 1453 (Kyeyu chŏngnan, 癸酉靖難), implemented sacrificial rites at the Chongmyo and Sajik, including the first direct participation by a king in the history of Chosŏn, in order to legitimatize his rule.61 Following the outbreak of the so-called Sayuksin (six martyred ministers) Incident in June of the 2nd year of his reign, Sejo embarked on a course of action that included the holding of the Hwan´guje traditionally regarded as a rite to be conducted by the Son of the Heaven, and which had been prohibited from the latter period of King Sejong’s reign onwards.62 King Sejo’s implementation of the Hwan´guje was motivated by several factors. First, while the international political situation in East Asia at that time was one in which the Ming dynasty found itself facing the insult of being invaded by northern tribes, King Sejo showed himself indifferent to this political situation. Rather, he focused on what he perceived as the Ming’s coercive attitude toward Chosŏn.63 Second, King Sejo’s perception of history was heavily influenced by Yang Sŏngji’s theory regarding the need to reorganize the Chech´ŏn and Sanch´ŏn, and to promote national consciousness by emphasizing rituals for historical founders. 64 However, above all, King Sejo perceived the proper management of national rites and establishment of a military system as the most important issues in terms state management.65 While the latter was pursued through the establishment of a military system that included the implementation of the Bobŏp (保法, Paired Provisioner System), the former pursuit involved the direct conduct of the Hwan´gu and Chongmyo rituals. The Hwan´guje implemented against this background during the reign of King Sejo exhibited different features from those conducted during the Han Hyungju 111 reigns of previous kings. While the Chech´ŏnnye was sporadically implemented in the form of rituals involving the praying for a good harvest or rain in order to ‘save the public’ during the period spanning from the reign of King T´aejo to that of King Sejong, such a practice met with firm opposition from meritorious subjects. However, during the reign of King Sejo the Chech´ŏnnye was regarded, along with policies such as the enforcement of the Yukcho chikkyeje (六曹直啓制, king’s direct control over the six ministries), and the passage of the chikchŏnbŏp (職田法 , Office Land Law) and Pobŏp, as a means of strengthening the royal authority. These actions were taken against the wishes of the meritorious subjects, who suddenly found themselves being thoroughly suppressed. Thus, the previous pretense that the need to conduct kiu (praying for rain) rendered the holding of the Chech´ŏnnye necessary was abandoned altogether during Sejo’s reign. While, arguments in favor of the holding Giuje at the Hwan´gu and of the Hwan´guki cheŭi (圜丘祈祭儀) were in fact presented, one finds no instances in which the Giuje was conducted at the Hwan´gu during the reign of King Sejo.66 In addition, the holding of the Hwan´guje was under Sejo conducted on the 15th of January.67 Traditionally, the Hwan´guje was conducted in China during Tongji (winter solstice on the lunar calendar) and Chŏngwŏl (January). While great importance was placed on the Hwan´gu carried out in December during the Tang and Song dynasties, it was for the most part implemented in January during the Ming dynasty.68 Although the Yejo (禮曹, Ministry of Rites) advocated the holding of the Hwan´gu in December, Sejo decided to follow the lead of the Ming and to hold it in January. Furthermore, King Sejo also established the Hwan´gusŏ as the office responsible for the Hwan´gudan, and appointed 2 kwŏnmuroksa and 1 kyŏmsŭng.69 To this end, Sejo’s decision regarding the timing of the Hwan´gu rituals, as well as his establishment of an office and officials oversee such rituals clearly demonstrate his intention to make the holding of the Hwan´guje a regular event. Meanwhile, the minute details of the rituals related to the Hwan´guje were also reestablished. The regulations governing the chedan (祭壇, 112 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

altar) and Yodan (燎壇, site where the ritual prayer is burnt), offerings for the rituals, sacrifice, officials responsible for the rituals, and ritual procedures, began to be reestablished from December of the 2nd year of King Sejo onwards, a period which coincided with the first holding of the Hwan´guje a mere month later. Further problems identified during the actual implementation of the Hwan´guje were thereafter rectified accordingly. In addition, a new musical composition and words were prepared during the 9th year of King Sejo that essentially involved the amending of the ritual music composed during the reign of King Sejong.70 The subjects and methods of the rituals associated with the Hwan´guje also exhibited marked differences from the past. As such, while the Hoch´ŏn sangje (昊天上帝, Highest Celestial Emperor) and Oje (五帝, Five Mythical Emperors) had been the only recipients of the rituals linked to the Hwan´guje in the past, the authority of the Hwan´guje was further emphasized during Sejo’s reign, despite the curtailment of the Oje rituals in keeping with the practices of the Ming dynasty, through a combination of the gods of heaven, earth, and man that involved the placing of the Hoch´ŏn sangje as the emperor of the heavens, the Hwangjigi (皇地祇) as the empress of the earth, and King T´aejo as the humanly god (insin, 人神), and the subsequent addition of the Daemyŏng (大明), Yamyŏng (夜明), Sŏngsin (星辰), P´ungunneowu (風雲雷雨), Aakhaedok (嶽海瀆), and Sanch´ŏn (山川) to the Hwan´guje. Furthermore, the authority of the Hwan´guje was further enhanced through its linking to the Ch´unhyang daeje (春享大祭) conducted at the Chongmyo, a ritual which was regarded as the most important of the sacrificial rites at that time. 71 To this end, while the Ch´unhyang daeje was implemented at the Chongmyo on the 14th of January, the Hwan´guje was held the altar of the Hwan´gu that same night. Unlike those conducted during the reigns of King T´aejong and Sejong, the Chech´ŏnnye held during the reign of King Sejo were the direct affair of the monarch. Thus, while the Chech´ŏnnye was implemented on eight occasions during the reign of King Sejo, which was relatively less than the 15 times such ceremonies were held during the reign of King Han Hyungju 113

T´aejong, but more than 4 times it was conducted during the reign of King Sejong, all such rituals, with the exception of the first held during the 3rd year his reign,72 were led by King Sejo himself. However, no such rituals were held during the 9th year of Sejo’s reign, or from his 11th year onwards, when illness rendered him incapable of hosting such events. One particularly interesting event occurred during Sejo’s 7th year on the throne when illness threatened to keep the monarch from conducting the rituals. Refusing to accept the advice of the Sŭngji (承旨, Royal Secretary) to allow the Crown Prince to host the ritual, and claiming that it would be as if no ritual had been conducted if he did not directly participate in it, King Sejo forged ahead, illness and all.73 King Sejo went to great lengths to conduct sacrificial rites which revolved around the founders of historical kingdoms. A pertinent example of this penchant can be found during the 6th year of his rule, when he is said to have traveled to Pyŏngyang to conduct rituals at the graves of Tan´gun, Kija, and Chumong. The details of this historic event, which marked the first ever instance of a Chosŏn king directly conducting a ritual for the founders of historical kingdoms, are well documented in the annals of King Sejo (Sejosillok).74 Although Tan´gun and Kija were included on Chosŏn’s list of those for whom sacrificial rites should be conducted and were classified in the Orye section of the as belonging to the chungsa (中祀) category, the Orye section of the also limited the rituals which could be hosted by the king to those associated with the Sajik, Chongmyo, Sŏnnong (先農, god of agriculture) , and the Munsŏngwangmyo (文宣王廟, Confucius shrine). To this end, the chungsa category of rites, which involved rituals in which the king could only indirectly participate through such means as the conveyance of incense or ritual prayers, included those associated with the p´ungun neowu, Sŏnnong, Sŏnjam (先蠶, god of silk), Usa (雩祀, sacrificial rite for rain) and Munsŏngwangmyo.75 Similar regulations could also be found in the .76 At this point, the conclusion can be reached that King Sejo’s direct hosting of rituals for historical founders marked an important event in terms of the promotion 114 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

of national consciousness.77 This period also Yang Sŏngji orchestrate a massive reorganization of the sanch´ŏnje that included his belief that Chosŏn should imitate the ch´ŏnja (Son of Heaven) state’s 5 ak·4 jin·4 hae· and 4 tok system and implement a 5 ak·4 jin·4 hae· 4 tok·8 san· and 8 ch´ŏn system of its own. Unlike Confucian scholars who asserted that the establishment of sacrificial rites was only possible through the partial amendment of the vassal state system, Yang openly called for the implementation of the system found in the ch´ŏnja state. In addition, Yang asserted that as China included the Munsŏngwangmyo and Musŏngwangmyo (武城王廟) in the chungsa category, Chosŏn should regard the Musŏngwangmyo as being governed by the sajŏn system in order to make it possible to enshrine great historical military officials, a view which was in direct contrast with that of the Confucius scholars who emphasized the virtues of civil administration (munch´i).78 While it remains unclear whether or not King Sejo sided with Yang, the mere fact such a suggestion was even made demonstrates that the perception of history and social atmosphere which prevailed during the reign of King Sejo was very different from that of the previous era. King Sejo intended to use this change in the sajŏn system as the backdrop for the amendment of the Gillyeŭi. According to the preface of the , Sejo’s request that the (經國大典, National Code) be compiled following his ascension to the throne was designed to create a new legal system. To this end, he also ordered Kang Huimaeng and Sŏng Im to establish a new type of Oryeŭi, one which while being based on the existing Oryeŭi compiled during the reign of King Sejong, would be attached to the Yejŏn section of the Kyŏngguk taejŏn. However, Sejo’s plans were not completed during his lifetime, but rather during the reign of King Sŏngjong.79 As is evidenced by the compilation of the , the type of Oryeŭi which King Sejo sought was not one which simply succeeded the Oryeŭi in place during the reign of King Sejong. In this regard, Han Hyungju 115 although Sejo’s amended Oryeŭi was based on the one in place during the reign of King Sejong, it also reflected his desire to add new features to national rites such as the Hwan´guje, as well as rituals for historical founders.

The compilation of the during the reign of King Sŏngjong and the amendment of the Oryeŭi

Following the death of King Yejong during the 1st year of his reign, King Sejo’s wife Queen Chŏnghŭi, who was then the eldest member of the royal family, anointed Yejong’s nephew, 13-year-old Prince Chaŭlsan (King Sŏngjong) as the successor to the throne and immediately proceeded to setup a regency. Under such circumstances, politics came to be led by elder meritorious subjects during the reign of King Sejo, such as Sin Sukchu and Han Myŏnghoe. As King Yejong had two sons, Prince Insŏng and Chean, and Sŏngjong’s older brother Prince Wŏlsan was still alive, the accession of King Sŏngjong to the throne was bound to raise problems in the terms of the legitimacy of his royal genealogy. King Sŏngjong’s accession was made possible by the fact that his father-in-law was Han Myŏnghoe, and also greatly facilitated by the support he received from elder meritorious subjects such as Sin Sukchu, Ku Ch´igwan, and Hong Yunsŏng. To legitimize his rule, these meritorious subjects passed off King Sŏngjong as Yejong’s son during the presentation of the latter’s posthumous name. The next step involved bestowing the title of Onmun ŭigyŏngwang upon King Sŏngjong’s real father, Prince Ŭigyŏng, and installing his mother Subin as queen. In this regard, while King Sejo’s tablet was enshrined in December of that year after the traditional three- year mourning period,80 King Yejong’s tablet was enshrined two years later.81 Although Sŏngjong directly implemented the Sajikje during the 2nd year of his reign,82 his youth and weak political position made it necessary for elder meritorious subjects such as Sin Sukchu and Han Myŏnghoe to oversee the holding of rites during the early stages of the 116 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

new king’s reign. It was amidst such circumstances that the was compiled by Sin Sukchu, Kang Hŭimaeng, and Chŏng Ch´ŏk during the 5th year of King Sŏngjong. The compilation of the was carried out by elite scholars who had come up through the ranks during the reign of King Sejo through such means as participating in the amendment of the Oryeŭi that took place at that time. In this regard, there is clear evidence that Kang Hŭimaeng, who wrote the preface of the , also participated in the amendment of the Oryeŭi. Although the exact identity of the other participants in this revision is somewhat unclear, the fact that Yi Sŭngso and Yun Hyoson served as officials within the Yejo while Yi Kyŏngdong was employed by the Yemun´gwan (藝文館, Office of Royal Decree) during the reign of King Sejo, greatly increases the possibility that these scholars had in fact also participated in the amendment of the Oryeŭi conducted during the reign of King Sejo.83 When it came time to compile the , these scholars went to great lengths to do away with aspects of the sajŏn implemented during the reign of Sejo that broke with previous traditions, aberrations that included the regular holding of the Hwan´guje and the king’s direct hosting of rites for historical founders such as Tan´gun, Kija and Dongmyŏngwang. While referring heavily to the Oryeŭi found in the , these scholars nevertheless also attempted to incorporate the historical experiences of King Sejo’s reign within this new work. In reality, believing that the Oryeŭi did not properly reflect King Sejong’s will, the scholars involved in the compilation of the generally viewed the application of the Oryeŭi section of the in a negative light. At the time of the compilation of the during the first year of King Danjong, conflicts emerged between officials over the question of whether the Orye ŭiju84 introduced by Pyŏn Hyomun, Chŏng Ch´ŏk, and Min Wŏn of the Chiphyŏnjŏn at the request of King Sejong during the 26th year of his rule. In this regard, Hŏ Hu and Kim Chongsŏ Han Hyungju 117 stressed the fact that as this Oryeŭiju had not been approved through proper government deliberations at the time of its inception, it should be included in the following the holding of a proper deliberation process. Meanwhile, Chŏng Inji asserted that as this Oryeŭiju had originated from King Sejong, it should be included in the . Chŏng Inji’s position was supported by Sin Sukchu, who strongly criticized Hŏ Hu and Kim Chongsŏ. In the end, because of the stance adopted by members of the main power group such as Kim Chongsŏ, the decision was made to not include the Oryeŭiju in the .85 In this regard, the fact that Chŏng Ch´ŏk and Sin Sukchu, who were firmly in the camp opposed to the decision that was eventually made, were the main actors in compiling the during the 5th year of King Sŏngjong demonstrates the intellectual leanings of the . On the surface, the Orye section of the , which was compiled in a manner akin to the Mingjili (明集禮, Ritual Regulations of Ming Dynasty), combines revised ritual regulations (sŏrye, 序例) and ceremonies for each category of orye (five rites).86 Meanwhile, the suggests proper rituals of each category of the orye, but only includes the sŏrye as a type of appendix. The included a list of 56 Kilye rituals, a marked increase over the 35 found in the Orye section of the . While the Orye section of the described the daesa (Sajik and Chongmyo) category first, before proceeding to describe the ch´ŏnsin → chigi → In´gwi without properly classifying the chungsa or sosa, the described the chigi (Sajik) and in´gwi (Chongmyo and Yŏngnyŏngjŏn) in the daesa category, the ch´ŏn·chi·insin in the chungsa category, and the ch´ŏn·chi·insin in the sosa category. The and also exhibited differences in terms of their descriptions of the detailed criteria and contents of the sŏrye as well. 87 These differences can be taken to mean that the compilers of the were in fact critical of the descriptive methods used in the Orye section of the . 118 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

As such, the was compiled under the influence of elder meritorious subjects left over from the reign of King Sejo, and did not effectively reflect the opinions of King Sŏngjong. However, a marked change occurred during the 7th year of King Sŏngjong when a system in which the king’s assumed direct control over the management of the state was established. The change had its origins in King Sŏngjong’s politically charged decision to enshrine the tablet of his own father, Prince Ŭigyŏng, in the Chongmyo. Prince Ŭigyŏng, who was the first son of King Sejo, died in September of the 3rd year of King Sejo. Upon his ascension to the throne the meritorious subjects left over from the reign of King Sejo not only attempted to have King Yejong be accepted as King Sŏngjong’s father in order to secure the new king’s legitimacy, but took steps to ensure that King Sŏngjong’s older brother, Prince Wŏlsan, would be the one responsible for conducting the ancestral rites for Prince Ŭigyŏng. However, in December of the 5th year of his reign, King Sŏngjong secured the komyŏng (誥命, a document recognizing one’s status as a king) from the Ming dynasty for his own father, and subsequently granted the title of Sŏnsuk konghyŏn onmun ŭigyŏng daewang (宣肅恭顯溫懿 大王) to Prince Ŭigyŏng.88 To celebrate this auspicious occasion, King Sŏngjong decided to directly conduct the Sŏnnongje at the Chŏkchŏn (籍田, land where the sacrificial rites for the Shennong shi (神農氏, god of agriculture), and Houjishi (后稷氏, god of grains) for the first time since the foundation of Chosŏn.89 Furthermore, King Sŏngjong strove to have his father enshrined in the Chongmyo, efforts which eventually culminated with his father’s tablet being enshrined in the 7th room of the Chongmyo under the posthumous name of King Dŏkjong in January of the 7th year of his reign. As part of this process, Sŏngjong attempted to counter the objections that it was impossible to have both ‘fathers’ enshrined in the Chongmyo by bestowing the title of paekko (伯考, father’s elder brother) upon his birth father and enforcing a reform of the ritual order that involved the positioning of Tŏkjong ahead of King Yejong who had been enshrined Han Hyungju 119 earlier in order to cement the legitimacy of Sŏngjong’s blood line. To this end, although the majority of the meritorious subjects strongly opposed King Sŏngjong’s stance, the latter refused to change course.90 Four days after the enshrinement of King Dŏkjong’s tablet in the Chongmyo, the regency by Queen Chŏnghŭi was brought to an end and replaced by a political structure over which King Sŏngjong’s exacted direct control.91 Moreover, in July of that same year, Sŏngjong set about abolishing the Wŏnsangje (院相制, an institution which complemented the inability of the king to directly oversee the handling of political and administrative affairs) in order to remove the influence of the elder meritorious subjects left over from the reign of King Sejo. He also established the Hongmun´gwan (弘文館, Office of Special Advisors) as the successor to the Chiphyŏnjŏn in order to educate new human resources during the 9th year of his reign. These measures can be linked back to his attempts from the 15th year of his reign onwards to place Kim Chongjik’s disciples in the Hongmun´gwan and Taegan (臺諫, Censorate) in order to restrain the meritorious subjects left over from the reign of King Sejo through the use of his officials’ propaganda activities. Although the policies put in place to strengthen the royal authority during the reign of King Sŏngjong were successful to some degree, these proved unable to completely dislodge the deeply anchored hun´gu faction.92 These policies designed to strengthen the royal authority resulted in a political structure centering on the king being established during the reign of King Sŏngjong. To this end, while Sŏngjong hosted the Sajik che in August of the 16th year of his reign, he oversaw the holding of the Sŏnnongje in January of his 19th year93 on the throne, and once again in March of the 24th year of his rule.94 In addition, a Ch´injamnye (親蠶禮, Silkworm Ceremony) led by the Queen was carried out in March of the 8th year of his reign.95 It remains unclear the exact reasons which prompted the king to directly conduct the Sajik che and Sŏnnongje, or why he ordered the holding of the Ch´injam led by the Queen. A look at the annals compiled 120 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

at this time reveals that this was a period marked by a profound drought. However, given the fact that kings who pursued a Confucianism-based sage kingship regarded the Sajik and Sŏnnong rituals as being closely related to prayers for the general welfare of the population, 96 the conclusion can be reached that King Sŏngjong’s actions were driven by similar motives. This proves that the scope of the national rites in which the king directly participated widened from the existing ones such as the Chongmyo and Munsojŏn to include rituals related to agricultural-oriented policies such as the Sajik, Sŏnnong, and Sŏnjam. The fashion in which King Sŏngjong managed the sajŏn (sacrificial rites) following the establishment of his own political structure naturally influenced the amendment and complementation of the contents of the . This process began in earnest in March of the 5th year of King Sŏngjong with the request from officials from the Yejo (Ministry of Rite) that the Usadan and P´oje institutions included in the be amended because they did not mesh with ancient institutions.97 During the 8th year of King Sŏngjong, a new institution known as the Ch´injamnye, which was to be led by the Queen was established to replace the existing Sŏnjamdan and Sŏnjamŭi included in the , both of which were regarded as being inconsistent with reality.98 Furthermore, it was also pointed out during the 13th year of King Sŏngjong that the section of the dealing with the color of the costume the king should wear when directly conducting the ritual for Confucius was also inappropriate.99 All in all, the criticism of the contents of the was not limited to the Gillye, but also expanded to include the Hyungnye, Garye , Kunnye, and Binnye.100 The pointing out of the problems associated with the Oryeŭi and its consequent amendment eventually resulted in the amendment of the during the 14th year of King Sŏngjong. At that point in time, King Sŏngjong ordered that a thorough amendment of the Oryeŭi be carried out on the grounds that although the Oryeŭiju had been compiled during the reign of King Sejong, not only were the rituals contained Han Hyungju 121 therein not designed to be directly conducted by the king, but some of them were not consistent with the institutions of the Ming dynasty.101 An additional amendment of the Oryeŭi can be found two years later.102 While the lack of historical records renders an exact pinpointing of the date on which the contents of the currently preserved Oryeŭi were created, it is evident that the Yŏngje(禜祭, rituals praying for an end to rain), P´oje(酺祭, rituals praying for protection from harmful insects), and Ch´ilsa(七祀, 7 small-sized rituals conducted at the Chongmyo) rituals which were included in the under the sosa category, were deleted from the Yejŏn section of the .103 Although the precise reasons why these sosa-related rituals were deleted is unknown, the mere taking of such an action demonstrates that the sajŏn system in place during the 16th year of King Sŏngjong was different from the one which prevailed at the time the was compiled during the 5th year of King Sŏngjong.

Conclusion

This study analyzed the major trends which occurred as part of the process of establishing national rites during early Chosŏn, or more precisely from the reign of King T´aejo to the reign of King Sŏngjong, as well as the relationship of such rites with the expression of royal authority. Confucian-based national rites, which began to gain preeminence during the Koryŏ era, started to be further emphasized following Chosŏn rulers adoption of the notion of Yech´i (禮治, governing through rites) as the basis for the political management of the state. Despite their overtly religious characteristics, the clear expression of royal authority that was conveyed through the ritual process made it such that Chosŏn kings were keenly interested in the issue of national rites. In the aftermath of the foundation of Chosŏn, the rulers pursued the establishment of a national rites system which could not only differentiate the new kingdom from the Koryŏ dynasty, but which was appropriate for its own circumstances. In 122 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

this regard, although the establishment of the institutional aspects of the ritual process remained the priority, the issue of how the king perceived and intended to put into practice the rites also emerged as an important variable. Chosŏn’s sajŏn system, which was based on the compiled at the beginning of the Ming dynasty was first established during the reign of King T´aejong. Although this system mostly reflected the rites system advocated for vassal states, there were many instances in which this structure went beyond what was acceptable for a vassal state, as clearly evidenced by the implementation of the Hwan´guje. While King T´aejong was interested in establishing a rites system, he remained rather passive when it came to the issue of his own participation in those rites. As such, the rites system established during the reign of King T´aejong is exemplified by the and compiled by Hŏ Cho during the latter half of the king’s reign. Meanwhile, during the reign of King Sejong, scholars from the Chiphyŏnjŏn began, based on their studies conducted on ancient institutions, to criticize the heretofore blind acceptance of the . Moreover, in order to develop a comprehensive perception of sajŏn, these scholars also conducted comparisons and analyses of ancient Chinese rites systems. King Sejong, perhaps because of his own esteemed academic background and the fact that he ruled during a period of political stability, remained lukewarm to the thought of using national rites for political purposes. His innate confidence is displayed by the fact that he even took the unheralded step of abolishing the Chech´ŏnnye. The studies of rites conducted during his reign were integrated into the Oryeŭi compiled by Pyŏn Hyomun and Chŏng Ch´ŏk. However, this Oryeŭi was embellished after his death by Kim Chongsŏ and Hŏ Hu as part of the process of compiling the , an event which resulted in the emergence of the currently preserved Orye section of the . King Sejo, who grasped power through a coup, used the sajŏn for Han Hyungju 123 political purposes as part of his efforts to establish a strong power structure. He regularly conducted the Hwan´guje, which had previously been abolished on the grounds that it consisted of rites which were reserved for the Son of Heaven, and actively pursued the direct conduct of the Sajikche and rituals for historical founders. King Sejo managed the rites system in a manner that put him on par with the Son of Heaven. While he intended to amend the Oryeŭi in order to ensure that it properly expressed the changes he had wrought to the sajŏn system during his reign, this project was eventually put on hold because of his death. The compilation of the during the 5th year of King Sŏngjong was carried out by the main actors who had participated in the amendment of the Oryeŭi during the reign of King Sejo. Although they decisively deleted the rites conducted during the reign of King Sejo, such as the Hwan´guje and rituals for historical founders conducted by the king, they nevertheless borrowed heavily from the amendments made during the reign of King Sejo to complete the . King Sŏngjong, who had been unable to intervene in the original compilation of the because of his youth, nevertheless decided to implement a thorough review of the that included the enforcing of the direct hosting of the Chongmyo, Sajik, Munmyo, Sŏnnong, and Sŏnjam rituals. His efforts resulted in the onset of the process of amending the Oryeŭi which began in earnest during the 14th year of King Sŏngjong. These efforts are reflected in the compiled during the 16th year of King Sŏngjong, and by the different contents contained in the and .

Key Word : national rites, auspicious rite, five rites. Gillyeui, Kukchooryeu, Sejong sillok's Orye, Chesasory, Chech´onnye, Hwan´guje, Chongmyo system, Amendment of the Oryeu

124 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Notes :

1 加藤常賢 (KATŌ Jōken), The Origins and Development of Rites (禮の起 源と其發達), 1943, Tokyo 2 Lee Bumjik, Study of Korean Perceptions of Rites during the Medieval Era (Han´guk chungse yesasang yŏn´gu), Ilchogak, 1991; “The Five Rites and felicitous rites during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´giŭi oryewa karye), Han´guksa yŏn´gu, Vol. 71, 1990; Ji Doowhan , Study of National Rites and Ceremonies during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´gi ŭirye yŏn´gu), Seoul National University Press, 1994; “Compilation of the ( p´ŏnch´an kwajŏng)”, Pusan sahak, Vol. 9 1985; Han Hyungju, The study of national sacrificial rites of early Chosŏn dynasty(Chosŏn ch´ogi kukka cherye yŏn´gu), Ilchogak, 2002; “Formation and Transition of 15th century Sacrificial rites code(祀典) (15 segi sajŏn ch´ejeŭi sŏngnipgwa kŭ ch´uyi)”, Yŏksa kyoyuk, Vol. 89, 2004; “The period characteristics for Sacrificial rituals in the day of Chosŏn dynasty (Chosŏn sidae kukka chesaŭi sidaejŏk t´ŭksŏng), Minjok munhwa yŏn´gu, Vo. 41, 2004; Kim Haeyoung, “A study of rites during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn ch´ogi sajŏne kwanhan yŏn´gu), The Academy of Korean Studies, PhD dissertation, 1994; Kim T´aeyoung, “The establishment of rites at the beginning of Chosŏn (Chosŏn ch´ogi sajŏnŭi sŏngnipe taehayŏ)”, Yŏksa hakpo, Vol. 58, 1973; Kim Sangtae, “The reestablishment of the Hwan´gudan during the reign of King Sejo and its characteristics (Chosŏn sejodaeŭi hwan´gudan poksŏlgwa kŭ sŏnggyŏk)”, Han´gukhak yŏn´gu, Vol. 6 and 7, 1996; 中村榮孝 (NAKAMURA Eiko), “The ritual system of Hwan´gudan during the reign of King Sejo (1), Chosen Gakuho (朝鮮學報), Vol. 54, 1970; 桑野榮治, “Analysis of the Tan´gun ritual (檀君祭祀儀禮の分析)”, Journal of Korean Studies (年報朝鮮學), Vol. 1, 1990; “National rituals during Early Chosŏn – the characteristics of Gillye in the Five State Rites”, 史淵, Vol.130, Kyushu University, 1993; Lee Wuk, “The establishment of a Confucian state and changes in national rituals during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´gi yugyo kukkaŭi sŏngnipkwa kukka chesaŭi pyŏnhwa)”, Han´guksa yŏn´gu, Vol. 118, 2002 3 For more on national rituals during the Three Kingdoms Era please see Ch´oe Gwangsig, The States and Rituals of Ancient Korea (Kodae han´gukŭi Han Hyungju 125

kukkawa chesa), Han´gilsa, 1994 4 Samguk sagi(三國史記), Vol. 17, Koguryŏ bon´gi 5, February of the 21st Year of King Dongch´ŏn; Vol. 18, Koguryŏ bon´gi 6, March of the 8th year of King Kogukyang 5 Samguk sagi, Vol. 8, Silla bon´gi 8, the 7th Year of King Sinmun 6 Koryŏsa (高麗史), Vol. 3, Sega 3, January of the 2nd year of King Sŏngjong 7 Koryŏsa,, Vol. 3, Sega 3, December of the 7th year of King Sŏngjong 8 Koryŏsa, Vol. 3, Sega 3, February of the 10th year of King Sŏngjong 9 Lee Bumjik, Korean Perceptions of Rites during the Medieval Era (Han´guk chungse yesasang yŏn´gu), Ilchogak, 1991. The Yeji (禮志) section of the , which was compiled by scholars during the early stages of Chosŏn and based on the , also included references to the , , 10 Koryŏsa, Vol. 59~ Vol. 63, 11 For more on this, please refer to Kim Kiduk, “The monarchy and the imperial state system of Koryŏ (Koryŏŭi chewangjewa hwangjeguk ch´eje)”, Kuksagwan nonch´ong, Vol. 76, 1997; Ro Myoungho, “Various perceptions of the world and of the Haedong ch´ŏnja during the Koryŏ era (Koryŏ sidae tawŏnjok ch´ŏnhagwan´gwa haedong ch´ŏnja)”, Han´guksa yŏn´gu, Vol. 105, 1999 12 Han Hyungju, “Formation and Transition of 15th century Sacrificial rites code(祀典)”, Yŏksa kyoyuk, 89, 2004, pp. 130-132 13 T´aejo sillok (太祖實錄), Vol. 1, July of the 1st Year of King T´aejo 14 With regard to the political situation and institutional reforms undertaken during the reign of King T´aejong, please refer to Ch´oe Sounghee, The History of Politics during the Early Period of Chosŏn (Chosŏn ch´ogi chŏngch´isa yŏn´gu), Ilchisa, 2002 15 T´aejong sillok (太宗實錄), Vol. 2, February of the 1st Year of King T´aejong 16 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 22, November of the 11th Year of King T´aejong 17 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 23, May of the 12th Year of King T´aejong 18 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 22, October of the 11th Year of King T´aejong 19 In fact, Koryŏ often conflicted with the Ming over the issue of rites during the period spanning from the reign of King Kongmin to King Wu. Han 126 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

Hyungju, ibid, pp. 131-132 20 Kim Haeyoung, “A study of rites during early Chosŏn (Chosŏn ch´ogi sajŏne kwanhan yŏn´gu)”, PhD dissertation, The Academy of Korean Studies, 1994, pp. 47-59 21 Han Hyungju, The study of national sacrificial rites of early Chosŏn dynasty, Ilchogak, 2002, pp. 137-138 22 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 28, September of the 14th Year of King T´aejong 23 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 31, May of the 16th Year of King T´aejong 24 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 22, September of the 11th Year of King T´aejong 25 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 23, December of the 12th Year of King T´aejong 26 T´aejo sillok (太祖實錄), Vol. 1, August of the 1st Year of King T´aejo 27 T´aejo sillok, Vol. 6, August of the 3rd Year of King T´aejo 28 T´aejo sillok, Vol. 8, November of the 4th Year of King T´aejo 29 T´aejo sillok, Vol. 13, April of the 7th Year of King T´aejo 30 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 1, January of the 1st Year of King T´aejong 31 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 22, October the 11th Year of King T´aejong 32 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 24-27 33 Sejong sillok, Vol. 4, June of the 1st Year of King Sejong 34 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 31, June of the 16th Year; Vol. 34, December of the 17th Year of King T´aejong 35 T´aejo sillok, Vol. 8, October of the 4th Year of King T´aejo 36 Koryŏsa (高麗史, History of Koryŏ), Vol. 61, Ji 15, ye 3, chenŭng 37 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 20, July of the 10th Year of King T´aejong 38 Sejong sillok, Vol. 13, October of the 3rd Year of King Sejong 39 Sejong sillok, Vol. 14, December of the 3rd Year of King Sejong 40 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 104-105 41 T´aejo sillok, Vol. 15, November of the 7th Year of King T´aejo 42 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 16, August of the 8th Year of King T´aejong 43 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 16, September of the 8th Year of King T´aejong 44 T´aejong sillok, Vol. 20, July of the 10th Year of King T´aejong 45 Sejong sillok, Vol. 55, January and October of the 14th Year of King Sejong 46 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 8, December of the 1st Year of King Sŏngjong 47 Yŏnsan´gun ilgi, Vol. 20, December of the 2nd Year of the Yŏnsan´gun 48 The direct conduct of the Hwan´guje was carried out during the period spanning from the 3rd-8th years of King Sejo; the direct conduct of the Han Hyungju 127

Sajikche was carried out during the 1st year of King Sejo and during the 2nd and 16th years of King Sŏngjong; The direct conduct of the Sŏnnongje was carried out during the 6th, 9th, and 24th years of King Sŏngjong. 49 Ji Doowhan , A Study of Rituals During Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´giŭi ŭirye yŏn´gu), Seoul National University Press, 1994, p. 112; Sukjong sillok, Vol. 12, December of the 7th Year of King Sukjong. The posthumous ancestral title Chŏngjong was bestowed to Kongjŏngwang during the 7th year of King Sukjong 50 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 103-104 51 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 120-121 52 With regard to the studies of ancient institutions during the reign of King Sejong, please refer to Han Hyungju, “Analysis of studies of ancient institutions during the reign of King Sejong (Chosŏn sejongdaeŭi koje yŏn´gue taehan koch´al)”, Yŏksa hakpo, Vol. 136, 1992 53 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp.22-35 54 Sejong sillok, Vol. 70, November of the 17th year of King Sejong 55 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 79-84 56 Sejong sillok, Vol. 86, July of the 25th year of King Sejong 57 For more on the compilation of the ŭigwe during the Chosŏn dynasty, please refer to Han Youngwu, “The compilation of the ŭigwe during the Chosŏn era and analysis of the existing ŭigwe (Chosŏn sidae ŭigwe p´yŏnch´an´gwa hyŏnjon ŭigwe chosa yŏn´gu)”, Han´guksaron, Vol. 48, 2002 58 Han Hyungju, “Formation and Transition of 15th century Sacrificial rites code(祀典) ”, Yŏksa kyoyuk, 89, 2004, pp. 141-142 59 Sejong sillok, Vol. 128, Orye 60 Kukcho oryeŭi (國朝五禮儀, Five Rites of State), preface 61 Sejo sillok, Vol. 1, July and August of the 1st Year of King Sejo 62 Sejo sillok, Vol. 6, January of the 3rd Year of King Sejo 63 Han Hyungju, The study of national sacrificial rites of early Chosŏn dynasty, Ilchogak, 2002; p.40 64 Han Youngwu, “Yang Sŏngji’s social and political thought (Yang Sŏngjiŭi sahoe chŏngch´i sasang)”, A Study of Social Thought during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´gi sahoe sasang yŏn´gu), Chisik sanŏpsa, 1983, pp. 180-186 65 Sejo sillok, Vol. 27, May of the 8th Year of King Sejo 66 Sejo sillok, Vol. 13, July of the 4th Year of King Sejo 128 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

67 Sejo sillok, Vol. 6, January of the 3rd Year of King Sejo 68 Park Mira, “A Study of Rituals to the Heavens in China (Chunggukŭi chech´ŏn ŭirye yŏn´gu)”, Ph.D dissertation, Department of Religious Studies, Seoul National University, 1998, pp.184-193 69 Sejo sillok, Vol. 6, January of the 3rd Year of King Sejo 70 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 49-55 71 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 47-48 72 Sejo sillok, Vol. 9, September of the 3rd Year of King Sejo. King Sejo sent an official to pray at the Hwan´gu for the Crown Prince’s recovery. Nevertheless, the Crown Prince died the very next day. 73 Sejo sillok, Vol. 23, January of the 7th Year of King Sejo 74 Sejo sillok, Vol. 22, October of the 6th Year of King Sejo 75 Sejong sillok, Vol. 128, Gillye Sŏrye, saengroe(牲牢) 76 Kukcho oryeŭi , Sŏrye, Vol. 1, jeonhyang ch´uk(傳香祝) 77 For more on national consciousness during the reign of King Sejo, please refer to Han Youngwu, “The perception of the state and nation during early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´giŭi kukkagwan·minjokkwan)”, The Characteristics of Social Thought during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´gi sahoe sasang yŏn´gu), Ŭlyu munhwasa, 1983 78 Han Youngwu, “Yang Sŏngji’s social and political thought (Yang Sŏngjiŭi sahoe·chŏngch´I sasang)”, The Characteristics of Social Thought during Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn´gi sahoe sasang yŏn´gu), Chisik Sanŏpsa, 1983, pp. 180-186 79 Kukcho oryeŭi, preface 80 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol.8, December of the 1st Year of King Sŏngjong 81 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 14, January of the 3rd Year of King Sŏngjong 82 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 11, August of the 2nd Year of King Sŏngjong 83 Han Hyungju, “Formation and Transition of 15th century Sacrificial rites code(祀典) ”, Yŏksa kyoyuk, 89, 2004, p.149 84 Sejong sillok, Vol. 106, October of the 26th Year of King Sejong 85 Dangjong sillok, Vol. 3, September of the 1st Year of King Tanjong 86 The style used in the Gillye in the Yeji section of the Koryŏsa compiled during the 1st year of King Munjong is reminiscent of that found in the Mingjili. 87 Han Hyungju, ibid, pp. 150-152 Han Hyungju 129

88 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 51, January of the 6th Year of King Sŏngjong 89 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 51, January of the 6th Year of King Sŏngjong 90 Han Hyungju, The study of national sacrificial rites of early Chosŏn dynasty, Ilchogak, 2002, pp. 113-119 91 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 63, January of the 7th Year of King Sŏngjong 92 With regard to state management during the reign of King Sŏngjong, please refer to Ch´oe Sounghee, “The state management system during the reign of King Sŏngjong and royal authority (Sŏngjongjoŭi kukchŏng unyŏng ch´ejewa wanggwŏn)”, Political History of Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn ch´ogi chŏngch´isa yŏn´gu), Iljisa, 2004 93 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 212, January of the 19th Year of King Sŏngjong 94 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 275, March of the 24th Year of King Sŏngjong 95 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 78, March of the 8th Year of King Sŏngjong 96 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 32, April of the 8th Year of King Sŏngjong 97 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 40, March of the 5th Year of King Sŏngjong 98 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 125, January of the 12th Year of King Sŏngjong 99 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 147, October of the 13th Year of King Sŏngjong 100 Han Hyungju, “Formation and Transition of 15th century Sacrificial rites code(祀典) ”, Yŏksa kyoyuk, 89, 2004, p. 154 101 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 161, December of the 14th Year of King Sŏngjong 102 Sŏngjong sillok, Vol. 174, January of the 16th Year of King Sŏngjong 103 Kyŏngguk daejŏn (經國大典), Vol. 3, Yejŏn

130 The Establishment of National Rites and Royal Authority during Early Chosŏn

<국문초록>

朝鮮初期 國家祭禮의 정비와 王權

한 형 주(고려대학교 민족문화연구원)

본고에서는 조선초기 국가제례의 정비과정을 국왕권과 결부시켜 그 시대적 추이를 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 유교 제례의 제도적인 정비과정과 왕권 의 상징성, 天子禮인 祭天禮의 시행여부를 둘러싼 君臣간의 갈등양상, 국왕들 의 국가제례에 대한 실제의 참여도 등을 중심으로 태조~성종연간의 국가제례 의 추이를 검토하였다. 조선초기의 국가제례는 고려의 예제를 극복한다는 명분하에 중국 역대의 제도, 그중에서도 宋代의 의례를 중심으로 明代의 의례를 혼합하는 방식으로 제도적인 정비가 이루어졌다. 그렇지만 국가제례의 정비는 각 왕대마다 다양 했던 국왕측의 제례에 대한 해석 및 국왕 전제권의 표현방식에 영향을 받아 그 방향이 바뀌게 되었다. 조선의 사전은 태종대에 명초의 예서인『洪武禮制』를 바탕으로 1차적인 정비가 이루어졌다. 그 내용은 諸侯國 체제를 표방하였지만 실제로는 국왕측 의 간여로 제후국 체제를 벗어난 경우가 많았다. 세종대에는『홍무예제』수 용의 문제점을 비판하고, 역대 중국의‘古制’를 검토하여 祀典에 대한 종합 적인 인식을 마련하였다. 세종은 禮學의 천착과 정치적 안정을 바탕으로 국가 의례의 정치적 이용에 소극적이었고, 더 나아가 제천례를 폐지하는 자신감을 보였다. 반면에 쿠데타로 집권한 세조는 천자의 예인 圜丘祭를 정기적으로 시 행하고, 社稷과 歷代始祖에 대한 親祭를 감행하는 등 天子禮에 버금가는 형태 로 예제를 운영함으로써 祀典의 정치적 이용을 분명히 하였다. 『 國朝五禮 儀』는 이러한 과정을 거쳐 성종 5년에 편찬되었는데, 당시 편찬을 담당했던 Han Hyungju 131

세조대 구신들은 세조대에 시행된 天子禮는 배제했지만 나머지는 세조대의 역사적 경험을 바탕으로『국조오례의』를 완성하였다. 그렇지만『국조오례 의』편찬에 참여하지 못했던 성종은 이에 대한 불만으로 집권 후반기에‘五 禮儀’개정을 시도함으로써 국가제례는 새로운 방식으로 나가게 되었다.

주제어: 국가의례, 제례, 오례, 길례의, 국조오례의, 세종실록오례, 제사서례, 제천 례, 환구제, 종묘제, 오례의 개정