The Civil Service Examination System: a Vehicle for Social Mobility in Song China

Home , Civil service, Jinshi, Ministry of Personnel, Ministry of Rites, Zhuangyuan

THE CIVIL SERVICE EXAMINATION SYSTEM: A VEHICLE FOR SOCIAL MOBILITY IN SONG CHINA

Lian Wang

Introduction

In June of 2019, more than ten million high school seniors across China took the National College Entrance Examination (NCEE), or gaokao.1 A critical milestone in a student’s career, performance on this exam directly determines placement into university. While the modern gaokao was instituted in 1977, after the Cultural Revolution, the roots of the institution can be traced back to the civil service examination system in imperial China. From the Sui dynasty (581-618 CE) to the abolition of the system in 1905, the imperial Chinese government recruited bureaucrats through the civil service examination system. The system, constituted of a series of exams, was open to almost all men except certain groups such as actors, beggars, and merchants, without official restrictions on wealth or social status. The content and emphasis of the exams varied between dynasties, but in general, candidates were tested on their literary ability and knowledge of

Lian Wang is a Senior at Mercersburg Academy in Mercersburg, Pennsylvania, where she wrote this Independent Study paper in the 2019/2020 academic year. 26 Lian Wang

the Confucian classics through writing a series of essays in response to curated prompts. In Imperial China, a career in government was unequivo- cally considered the most honorable and worthwhile occupa- tion. The goal of literate men was to enter officialdom, to which success in the examinations was a prerequisite. Thus, those who could afford the time and expenses for preparation and education attempted them.2 Because this was the established route to achieve conventional success, the exams were extremely difficult and selective. While the system was abolished in 1905, its effects still permeate modern Chinese culture. The examination system set the foundations for public and private education, reinforced Confucian ideals in society, and created a culture in which education was the highest good. As with any other, it was not without its flaws. Inequality of educational resources limited opportunities for many, and while the content of the exams maintained their objectivity, it also strengthened the orthodoxy of Confucian thought. Because success in the examinations required the wealth and time to devote to education, today’s historians often cite this fundamental disadvantage of the poor as evidence against the social mobility created in the system. However, these critics apply a modern outlook to evaluate a historical system that thrived in a different social, political, and economic context. The idea of a purely merit-based system of recruitment was progressive, at a time when Europe had just begun to implement a feudal system. The scale at which the system operated and its central position in society was unprecedented and has not been replicated since. Specifically, the examination system, as implemented the Song dynasty (960-1279 CE), was effective in introducing “new blood,” or bureaucrats without previous ties to the government, into the bureaucracy. This paper will first outline the development of the civil service examination system, then summarize major reforms during the Song dynasty that contributed to the system’s success. The next sections will delve into two characteristics of the Song system—commitment to impartiality and rise of common educa- THE CONCORD REVIEW 27 tion—which allowed for fairer competition and expanded the pool of candidates, thus laying the foundation for upward ascen- sion through the system. Finally, through numerical data and case studies, the paper will evaluate the extent to which the civil service examination system fostered social mobility in Song China.

History The civil service examination system began in the Sui dynasty as an attempt to curb the political power of aristocratic clans. Since the Sui central government did not have sufficient economic ability to support the military, the state, to a large extent, relied on armies that were owned privately by government officials, positions inherited through generations. This caused -po litical and military power to be shared among aristocratic lineages, over which the government had little control. With unchecked power, the aristocracy could even overthrow the emperor. Hoping to establish a group of government officials loyal to him alone, Emperor Wen founded the civil service examination system in 587 CE. He reasoned that, by establishing a route open to the general public, he could recruit officials from lower classes, who would not have loyalties to the powerful aristocracy. At the time, however, only wealthy families could afford books and an education. Thus, those who performed well on the exams still hailed from the same aristocratic class.3 In the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE), while the bureaucracy remained predominantly staffed by the aristocratic class, success in the exams became the preferred route of gaining government positions. The emperors, as well as society at large, favored the jinshi; those who entered officialdom through parentage and family connections were not as highly regarded.4 Some still used family ties to gain minor government positions, but the more ambitious of the aristocrats, who aimed for more respected positions, ceded to the system. During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (713-756 CE), one-third of those who served as chief ministers rose through the examination system. A hundred years later, under Emperor Xianzong (806-820 CE), that ratio became sixty percent.5 The ex- 28 Lian Wang

amination system, however, was still in its early stages, with major defects. For one, the number who qualified for thejinshi degree was extremely small, as scholarly studies were still impractical and expensive to many. The emperor thus had a limited pool from which he could choose officials to fill up government positions. Moreover, the exam system itself created factions. As only a small portion of the bureaucracy was filled by jinshi, those who did enter government through the examinations shared common interests and formed their own group. Men who graduated in the same class considered each other classmates, and their examiner often led a personal following of those who he had passed. From these relationships, political factions were born. These groups within the bureaucracy undermined the system’s goal to eliminate loyalties other than those to the emperor.6 Further changes to the examination system were closely tied to the historical background of the following Song dynasty. First, the Song dynasty was a period of economic flourishing. The capital of Northern Song (960-1127 CE), Kaifeng, located at the junction of the Grand Canal and Yellow River, facilitated regional and foreign commerce. Further, the demand for Chinese silks and spices via the spice trade maintained the economic prosperity of Hangzhou, the capital of the later Southern Song (1127-1279 CE).7 The wealth of the Song dynasty allowed it to sustain a large population. The population at the height of the Tang dynasty was around 50 to 60 million, which grew to 100 million in the early Song, then 120 million by the end of the twelfth century.8 The transition from Tang to Song also marked the decline of the traditional aristocracy. In the Tang dynasty, while aristocrats began to conform to the system, families with members that held office retained their social prestige. However, in the Song dynasty, the power previously held by aristocratic clans was consolidated in the hands of the emperor, who ruled through a trained bureaucracy, selected upon merit from the examination system.9 Privileges and prestige were no longer tied to aristocratic clans, but granted to individual active officials.10 The decline of the aristocracy dissolved a major hindrance to the exam system’s meritocratic ideal. It restructured the basis of social status in Song THE CONCORD REVIEW 29 society from pedigree to intellect, which was both a driver to the effectiveness of the examinations and a product of the system.11 The Song dynasty is agreed by historians to be the fairest and most productive phase of the exam system. While there were still limitations to laws that enforced impartiality, the extent to which the Song government attempted to curb corruption and inequality was progressive for its time. The Song emperors were especially committed to ensuring that the system was a true meri- tocracy, with Emperor Taizu instituting the palace examinations to reduce factionalism. The government also introduced various measures to prevent cheating and corruption. In addition, the Song state developed a public education system, which, with the popularization of books, increased literacy among the general population. All these factors gave those from lower social classes a more equal opportunity to compete.

Overview of the Song System One of the defects of the Tang examination system was its limited scale. In the Song dynasty, wealth from trade allowed the government to support an increased number of positions in the bureaucracy. The examinations became the preferred route of entering officialdom, with jinshi degrees almost a prerequisite for high office. In order to promote studying to compete in the exams, Emperor Zhenzong of Song (986-1022 CE) wrote the following poem:12 To be wealthy you need not purchase fertile fields, Thousands of tons of corn are to be found in the books. To build a house you need not set up high beams, Golden mansions are to be found in the books. To find a wife you need not worry about not having good matchmakers, Maidens as beautiful as jade are to be found in the books. To travel you need not worry about not having servants and attendants, Large entourages of horses and carriages are to be found in the books. When a man wishes to fulfill the ambition of his life, He only needs to diligently study the six classics by the window. 30 Lian Wang

The number of candidates and jinshi in the Song examination system rose significantly.13 The total number of candidates taking the first qualifying round, the prefectural examination, increased from 20,000 in the early eleventh century to 79,000 one century later, then reached 400,000 or more by the mid-thirteenth century.14 Along with the number of candidates competing in the initial examination, the final number of jinshi degrees awarded also increased. In the early years of the Song dynasty, the number of jinshi each year remained under thirty. That consistently rose in the decades after, with an average of 334 jinshi degrees awarded annually during the years 1127-1279.15 The increase in number of jinshi, with the selectivity of the degree remaining difficult, attests to the rapid expansion of the system. This allowed the emperor to draw on a larger pool of qualified potential officials.

Several characteristics distinguished the Song examination system from its predecessors. In previous dynasties, the system was comprised of degrees in “various fields” zhuke( ), or separate examinations on specific classics or histories. In 1071, prime minister Wang Anshi designated the regular examinations as the sole path, from which graduation earned the “advanced scholar” (jinshi) degree. This track tested the candidates’ literary ability, knowledge of the Classics, and discussion of government policy.16

Second, the Song state instituted three levels held at regular intervals: the prefectural, metropolitan, and palace examinations. The prefectural examinations (jieshi) were administered every three years in the fall, usually in the capital of each prefecture. Those who passed were sent to the capital city for the metropolitan examination (shengshi) early spring. Though not technically eligible for officialdom, those who did not pass the metropolitan exams often participated in local government, due to their level of education. However, most candidates advanced to the palace examination (dianshi) in late spring, which was administered by the emperor himself.17 While some dedicated their entire lives to attempting the exams, the majority who failed to achieve the jinshi degree turned to more accessible careers. Many became schoolteachers in their villages, instructing the next generation THE CONCORD REVIEW 31 of exam candidates. Those who passed the palace examination, with the honored title of jinshi, were appointed to office based on their rank within their class and the availability of positions.18

A third characteristic of the Song examination system was its change in emphasis and content. Candidates in both the Tang and Song dynasties were tested on their knowledge of the Confucian Classics (the Four Books and Five Classics, the Analects, the Spring and Autumn Annals, etc.), composition of poetry in a set rhyme (shi and fu), and discussion of contemporary government policies.19 As they gained prominence in society, early exams were criticized to be “empty talk on paper,” testing literary style and memorization over the moral character of the candidate.20 As Fan Zhongyan (989-1052), an influential Song statesman and reformer, wrote, “those who qualify in [the examination on] understanding of the classics merely specialize in reciting from memory and do not understand their meaning… in the ci and fu there is nothing about the way to govern the empire.”21 With these concerns by reformers, the form of the Song examinations placed less emphasis on poetry composition, but rather on the candidates’ use of the Classics to advise government policies.22 Common policy ques- tions included commentary on regulations, recruiting and using human talent, natural disasters, and astronomical observations.23

The fourth significant reform to the system was the addition of the palace examinations (dianshi). In 973 CE, after the chief examiner was demoted for favoring examinees native to his hometown, Emperor Taizu (927-976 CE), the founding emperor of the Song dynasty and responsible for major examination reforms, personally conducted a reexamination in his own palace. He established the palace examination as the final stage of the system, not only to promote fairness, but also to counter the factionalism that had characterized the Tang system.24 Dur- ing the Tang dynasty, the examinations and appointments were exclusively handled by two specific branches of the government, the Ministry of Rites and Ministry of Personnel, respectively.25 As the examiners from the Ministry of Rites followed the candidates’ progress and ultimately passed them, the relationship between 32 Lian Wang

the examiner and candidate resembled that of a master to his disciple.26 The emperor, on the other hand, was detached from the system, without any direct interaction with the candidates. Thus, candidates were loyal to their examiners over the emperor. Additionally, as members of the Ministry of Personnel appointed personnel to office, candidates owed their official careers to them. Thus, officials from these branches gained a personal following within the government. Not only did this contribute to factional divide, but because of their power and influence, these offices that interacted with exam candidates became highly competitive. Fierce internal conflict between officials to acquire positions in the two ministries caused further division within the bureaucracy.27 With the establishment of the palace exam, the emperor became a direct supervisor, conducting the final examination himself, in his own palace. He barred candidates from forming master-disciple relationships with any other examiners. Officials who were suspected to lead personal followings were prosecuted for infringing upon imperial authority.28 In addition, the emperor began to directly appoint the chief examiner for the metropolitan examination, previously also a power held by the Ministry of Rites.29 Besides his increased influence in the exam process, the emperor also became more involved in the appointment of candidates to office. Starting from Taizu, the emperor reviewed all files for the recruitment of important officials. The Ministry of Personnel, previously an unjust and nepotistic aristocratic power, became simply a bureau to assist the emperor in managing official appointments.30 With the final examination and personnel appointment under his control, the emperor was able to consolidate his influence over candidates, reducing the factionalism that had arose in previous dynasties.

Measures to Address Corruption and Cheating The Song government was committed to ensuring the impartiality of the examinations, which largely eliminated an un- fair advantage for the wealthy. In previous dynasties, the absolute power of the exam officers in influencing the examination process THE CONCORD REVIEW 33 led to corruption. Wealthy candidates often bribed the examiners to overlook cheating or give their essay a higher grade. If the candidate came from a prominent family, he could also call upon familial ties with the examiner. Thus, the government instituted stricter measures to address these apparent inequalities. While the practice of checking examinees before they entered the exam began in the Tang dynasty, this procedure was more rigorous in Song.31 A poem by Li Kou (1009-1059 CE) depicts the intensity of the enforcement of these rules:32 I have waited for the examination until mid-autumn, and it is now finally ordered by the emperor. The lofty nine portals are opened; the secrecy of the three academies are seemingly revealed. The chief examiner sits behind his curtain; not to be reached, although he is seen. The eunuchs stand right in front of the entrance; they search every candidate from top to toe. Then the names are called; everyone sits on a broken mat, placed on the cold ground. Fierce guards stand directly facing me; equipped with arms, they are alert. A man may be known since his youth to be good in learning; and that he has learned how to behave himself. When he is in the prison of the examination hall, he is wide-eyed and speechless. Entering the exam hall, a candidate would first submit a family certificate and a written paper to compare with his handwriting on the examination. Then, he was searched thoroughly for any potential cheating material, allowed only his ink, brush, and paper. In the metropolitan exams, candidates were not permitted to bring candles, even when the sun had set.33 Nevertheless, there were candidates who successfully cheated the system. Some wrote extensive essays in their undergarments, while some even hired substitutes to take the exams for them.34 Answers to previ- 34 Lian Wang

ous prompts also circulated within the community, regardless of laws that explicitly prohibited the selling of “model” essays.35 This type of behavior, however, neither dominated the culture of the examinations nor loosened efforts to enforce impartiality.

In the earlier Tang dynasty, candidates were socially ex- pected to canvas examiners to forge connections. For example, it was custom for candidates to present the examiners with their own poetry and essays before the examination, to make acquaintance with the examiner and present the candidate’s previous accomplish- ments.36 However, the Song government banned candidates from meeting the examiner prior to the exam and strictly enforced the anonymity of candidates and objectivity in recruitment.37 Even if successfully bribed, the examiner could not help the candidate in a significant way, as it was difficult to discern a candidate’s identity from his paper. During the days of the exam, the examiner was isolated from the outside, only permitted to communicate with his family through a third party.38 After a candidate submitted his answers, his name and biographical information written at the top of the paper were concealed, leaving only his seat number visible for identification. The papers were then copied by clerks from the Bureau of Examination, which eliminated the possibility of an examiner recognizing a candidate’s handwriting.39 Two examiners, who were prohibited from communicating in the review process, then graded each paper. A third examiner received the two grades, verified them, and reconciled their discrepancies. As the grade of each paper was not based upon a single examiner, even if a bribed examiner managed to distinguish his patron’s paper, he could not guarantee a significantly higher grade.40 There was also a higher risk for the examiner to be found guilty of bribery, especially if the grade he gave was inconsistent with the quality of the paper and the other examiner’s judgment. If bribery or cheating was uncovered, both the examinee and examiner could be sentenced to death.41 Often not worth the consequences, examiners became more wary of accepting bribes. THE CONCORD REVIEW 35 The School System

With the decline of bribery, the candidates’ varying degrees of education became the main factor that determined their success in the examinations. However, this also created a fundamental inequality, as the access to and quality of education depended upon wealth. Before the Song dynasty, the government only provided educational facilities to the children of officials at the capital, and more well-off families either sent their sons to private academies or hired private tutors.42 While education inevitably remained unequal between social classes, the Song dynasty was the first to develop a system of public schools, which allowed more educated commoners to compete in the examinations.

As the examination system became the primary method of recruitment, there was a need for accessible education. Ordinary men recognized the practical benefits of an education, while the state wished to ensure that talent from varying social backgrounds was represented in the government. In 1040 CE, the invention of movable type greatly reduced the cost of printing and indirectly facilitated the expansion of the education system. Once books could be printed in mass for a cheap price, the state was able to fund more schools. In 1044, Fan Zhongyan, as prime minister to Emperor Renzong (1022-1063 CE), proposed to establish public schools in every prefecture and in major counties. Each school was allocated five qing (around 70 acres) of land, an officially printed set of the Nine Classics, and salaried teachers.43 During the entire reign of Renzong, 80 prefectural and 89 county schools were established.44 These schools provided students with room and board, funded by rents on government land. Although the land was granted by the central government, local officials were responsible for collecting rents and financing the schools. Because these funds were not included in the budget for local office, schools often found themselves depending on surplus funds and private donations.45 The unstable funding of local government schools caused their inconsistent functioning, which was finally eased by efforts to institute a more systematic financing of schools later in the century. In 1074, the Directorate of Education assigned 36 Lian Wang

prefectures to take charge of financing all schools within their prefectural district.46 In the early twelfth century, the government exempted local schools from paying two taxes, appointed someone in charge of finances to each school, and investigated the abuse of school lands by local families.47 With these policies in place, the system of public schools prospered. By 1109 CE, there were a total of 167,662 registered students in public schools, supported by rents from over 100,000 qing of land.48 While local public education declined after its peak in the early twelfth century, it remained active. Local officials ensured that financial support was given to schools, and confiscated land was often granted to the schools as well. By the end of the Song dynasty, at least 588 local schools were established and funded by the government, includ- ing 72 prefectural and 516 county schools.49

Along with the development of local government schools were reforms in higher education. Beginning with Wang Anshi (1021-1086 CE), many reformers of the eleventh and twelfth century went so far as to propose to replace recruitment from the examinations with selection directly from the Imperial Uni- versity.50 In 1080 CE, several reformers proposed to appoint the best graduates of the University directly into the government. In 1102, University graduates were appointed to official posts in large numbers, along with attempts to abolish the examination system. While these efforts failed and the exam system remained the primary method of recruitment, they showed the emphasis that the Song government placed on the school system.

In the Song dynasty, those who could not attend school for various reasons were still able to prepare for the examinations. Aside from accelerating the establishment of schools, the development of the printing press made books affordable to commoners.51 Evelyn Rawski estimates that 30-45% of men in the Song dynasty possessed some level of literacy, which was a definite increase compared to previous dynasties.52 Though it was illegal for people to print and sell exam aids, manuals, and annotated edits, the printing of these materials grew, allowing poorer candidates to tailor their essays to exam guidelines, without having THE CONCORD REVIEW 37 been taught by a teacher. Thus, even without attending school, many were able to self-study and succeed in the examinations.53

Social Outcome of Success in the Examinations As a product of these changes to the examination system and their implementation in Song society, more commoners with little background in the bureaucracy were able to succeed in the examinations, which almost guaranteed social status. Immediately after the results were announced, the jinshi who passed the palace examination were celebrated in several ways. First, the names of successful jinshi were posted in the city for the public to view in a ceremonious process. They were then honored to a banquet in the royal palace with the emperor, where they were given green robes and boots, a visible display of their success, and a hu tablet, the symbol of official status.54 With privileges only secondary to the imperial family, government officials could legally evade certain penalties and were subject to separate judicial laws depending on the rank of their position.55 Personally, success in the examinations also allowed a jinshi from a humble family to marry into the elite class, which further contributed to the social climbing associated with the exams.56 Many poets throughout the dynasties have written about the glory of success in the examinations. Tang poet Meng Jiao (751-814 CE), having become a jinshi at the age of sixteen, wrote “Deng Ke Hou”: 57 Yesterday’s misery is not worth mentioning, today my thoughts run free. My high horse proudly gallops in the spring breeze, I can see all of Changan’s flowers in one day. Song poet Yu Wenshou depicts the scene of announcing the jinshi results in this excerpt from his poem “Ta Suo Xing”:58 The zhuangyuan is announced before the horse, a procession of gold saddles and jade reins. In his classic Yuan play, “Tale of the Pipa,” Gao Ming describes the immediate glory of passing the exam:59 A common farmer in the morning, entering the royal palace in the evening. 38 Lian Wang

The examination system achieved an unprecedented degree of social mobility in the Song dynasty, as many of these honored official positions were gained by candidates with no familial connections to the bureaucracy. Precise records of the family backgrounds of candidates are scarce, so the numbers given by different sources slightly vary. Regardless, the percentage of jinshi from humble family backgrounds in the Song dynasty is notably higher than that from other dynasties. The officialHistory of the Song dynasty records 46.1% of jinshi from humble origins, as compared to only 13.8% in late Tang.60 Detailed records of family backgrounds showed that in 1148, 157 out of 279, or 56.3%, of jinshi with known records had no ancestors in the bureaucracy, and in 1256, that number was 331 out of 572, or 57.9%.61 From above, it is apparent that most jinshi in the Song dynasty had no prior ties to the government; instead, they earned their revered positions through success in the exams. This was a notable contrast to the previous aristocratic bureaucracy of the Sui dynasty, when the examination system was first founded. Furthermore, there were noteworthy instances of rags-to- riches. Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072 CE), a prominent Song statesman, grew up fatherless and in poverty, but his mother valued education and taught him herself. In 1030, he participated in the exams, qualifying through every round and earning a jinshi degree with first place. Eventually, Ouyang Xiu earned the revered position of prime minister and became one of the finest essayists in Chinese history.62 While his case was an exception rather than the norm for most men, this was unthinkable in previous dynasties. The examination system, in spite of its inevitable inequalities, provided hope and a definite path to ascending the social ladder.

Conclusion Several events intersected to achieve the prosperity of the Song examination system. The new ruling emperors, starting from Taizu, highly valued education and were committed to ensuring the system’s fairness. The influx ofjinshi holding high government positions countered the traditional power of the aristocracy and THE CONCORD REVIEW 39 further expanded the influence of the exam system. Since studying and schooling strengthened Confucian orthodoxy, and jinshi were both the most qualified officers and loyal subjects, emperors were driven to promote education, the examination system, and civil bureaucracy over the military.63 The expansion of the exam system was also aided by the invention of movable type, which made printing books more affordable and widespread. Many commoners, who were largely illiterate because of the previous inaccessibility to books, were now able to read. Furthermore, with reduced costs of printing and the accumulated wealth of the Song dynasty, the government was able to finance public schools. The rising influence of the examination system in the Song dynasty destroyed the already-declining aristocratic class and successfully established a merit-based official selection system. While wealth was still a considerable advantage for success in the examinations, the Song examination system did successfully abolish the rule of the aristocracy and institute a merit-based selection for official status. By enforcing impartiality in the exams, social connections and bribery ceased to be a barrier for poorer candidates. While the quality of private education continued to benefit wealthy candidates, a widespread system of public schools gave ordinary men a chance to compete in the exams. Because of these reforms and characteristics of the Song examination system, over half of the bureaucrats in the Song dynasty bore no familial ties to officialdom, instead rising to their career and status through merit in the exams. Overall, the examination system as implemented in the Song dynasty allowed the state to attain its goal of introducing “new blood” into the bureaucracy and the people to gain honor and wealth without the prerequisite of social status. 40 Lian Wang

Endnotes

1 Alice Yan, “Crunch Time as Gaokao Exam Season Starts for China’s University Hopefuls,” South China Morning Post, accessed December 31, 2019, https://www.scmp.com/news/ china/society/article/3013311/crunch-time-exam-season- starts-chinas-university-hopefuls. 2 Benjamin A. Elman, “Political, Social, and Cultural Reproduction via Civil Service Examinations in Late Imperial China,” The Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1991): 12, https://doi.org/10.2307/2057472. 3 Zhan Shi, Shuniu (Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2018), 177, 180, PDF.; Ichisada Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell: The Civil Service Examinations of Imperial China, trans. Conrad Schirokauer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981), 137. 4 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 112. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 114. 7 John K. Fairbank, China: A New History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 89. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid., 84. 10 Brian E. McKnight, “Song Legal Privileges,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 105, no. 1 (1985): 99, https://doi. org/10.2307/601541. 11 Hilde Godelieve Dominique De Weerdt, Competition over Content: Negotiating Standards for the Civil Service Examinations in Imperial China, 1127-1279, Harvard East Asian Monographs 289 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 3. 12 Hoi K. Suen and Lan Yu, “Historical and Contemporary Exam-driven Education Fever in China,” KEDI Journal of Educational Policy 2, no. 1 (2005): 18, PDF. 13 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 115. 14 De Weerdt, Competition over Content, 6. 15 Xiqing Zhang, Zhongguo Keju Zhidu Tongshi: Song Dai Juan, ed. Peiqi Mao and Shiyu Li (Shanghai, China: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 2015), 901. 16 He Gan, “Chinese Education Tradition: The Imperial Examination System in Feudal China,” Journal of Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (Fall 2008): 118, PDF. 17 De Weerdt, Competition over Content, 9. THE CONCORD REVIEW 41

18 Charles Hartman, “Sung Government and Politics,” in The Cambridge History of China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015) edited by John W. Chaffee and Denis Twitchet, 19-138, https://doi.org/10;1017/ CH09781139193061.003. 19 David L. McMullen, “The Chinese Examination System in Dynastic China: Did It Select the Brightest and the Best?,” Sunway Academic Journal 8:7, PDF. 20 Ibid., 8; Linda Walton, review of The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China, by John W. Chaffee andGovernment Education and Examinations in Sung China, by Thomas H. Lee, The Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (February 1987): 111, https://doi. org/10.2307/2056671. 21 Wiltions, 19-138, Willliam T. De Bary and Irene Bloom, eds., Sources of Chinese Tradition: From Earliest Times to 1600, 2nd ed. (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1999), 600, digital file. 22 Thomas H. C. Lee, Government Education and Examinations in Sung China (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1985), 149- 152. 23 De Weerdt, Competition over Content, 423. 24 Denis Twichett and Paul Jakov Smith, eds. aprt One: The Sung Dynastin and its Precursors, 901-1279l, vol. 5 of The Cambridge History of China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 238. 25 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 74. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 114. 28 Ibid., 115. 29 Gan, “Chinese Education Tradition,” 124. 30 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 74. 31 Rui Wang, The Chinese Imperial Examination System: An Annotated Bibliography (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 5, digital file. 32 Lee 167 (Li Kou, Wen-chi, 35:249). 33 Lee, Government Education, 167. 34 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 119. 35 Ibid., 17. 36 Lee, Government Education, 155. 37 David L. McMullen, “The Chinese Examination System in Dynastic China: Did It Select the Brightest and the Best?,” Sunway Academic Journal 8:3, PDF. 42 Lian Wang

38 Edward A. Kracke, Civil Service in Early Sung China, 960- 1067 : With Particular Emphasis on the Development of Controlled Sponsorship to Foster Administration Responsibility, Harvard- Yenching Institute monograph series 13 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968), 67. 39 Kracke, Civil Service, 67. 40 Ibid.; McMullen, “The Chinese Examination,” 3. 41 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 62. 42 Kracke, Civil Service, 19; Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Studies of the East Asian Institute (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1962), 169. 43 Denis C. Twitchett and Paul J. Smith, The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, 907-1279, vol. 5, The Cambridge History of China (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 318. 44 Twitchett, The Sung Dynasty, 295. 45 Ho, The Ladder of Success, 169. 46 Lee, Government Education, 131. 47 Ibid. 48 Peter K. Bol, “Whither the Emperor? Emperor Huizong, the New Policies, and the Tang-Song Transition,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies, no. 31 (2001): 116, https://www.jstor.org/ stable/23496091. 49 Lee, Government Education, 105. 50 Ibid., 66. 51 Kracke, Civil Service, 18. 52 Lee, Government Education, 29; Lawrence D. Kessler, review of Education and Popular Literacy in Ch’ing China, by Evelyn S. Rawski, The American Historical Review 85, no. 1 (February 1980): 191, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/85.1.191. 53 Lee, Government Education, 28.; De Weerdt, Competition over Content, 183. 54 Gan, “Chinese Education Tradition,” 119.; Lee, Government Education, 164. 55 McKnight, “Song Legal Privileges,” 99. 56 John W. Chaffee, “The Examination Life,” introduction to The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995), 12, digital file. 57 Jiao Meng, “Deng Ke Hou,” in “Deng Ke Hou,” edited by Zhiming Chen, accessed on December 31, 2019, http://www. shicimingju.com/chaxun/list/6230.html. There is no established translation for these three poems, so I translated them myself. The original poem “Deng Ke Hou (登 THE CONCORD REVIEW 43

科后)” written in Chinese is: “昔日龌龊不足夸，今朝放荡思无涯。春风得意马蹄疾，一日看尽长安花。” 58 Wenshou Yu, “Ta Suo Xing,” in Enlightening Stories to Instruct the World (Lulu.com, 2014), edited by Yeshell, 234, digital file.; The original Chinese of this excerpt from “Ta Suo Xing (踏莎行)” is: “马前喝到状元来，金鞍玉勒成行缀。” 59 Ming Gao, “Pi Pa Ji,” in “Pi Pa Ji,” accessed on January 1, 2020, https://zh.wikisource.org/zh-hans/%E7%90%B5%E7%9 0%B6%E8%A8%98.; The original Chinese of this excerpt from “Pi Pa Ji (琵琶记)” is: “早为田舍郎，暮登天子堂。” 60 Ho, The Ladder of Success, 230. 61 Johanna M. Menzel, ed., The Chinese Civil Service: Career Open to Talent?, Problems in Asian Civilizations (Boston, MA: D.C. Heath and Company, 1963), 6. 62 Ibid.; Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, s.v. “Ouyang Xiu,” accessed January 1, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/ biography/Ouyang-Xiu. 63 Miyazaki, China’s Examination Hell, 102. 44 Lian Wang

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