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Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall. -
Thomas J. Christensen's CV
Thomas J. Christensen Professional Positions 2003-present William P. Boswell Professor of World Politics of Peace and War, Princeton University▪ January 2011-present Professor of Politics and International Affairs; Director, China and the World Program Princeton University ▪ July 2003-present Director, Master’s of Public Policy Program, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University ▪ July 2009-present Faculty Director, Truman Scholars Program, Princeton University ▪ July 2011-present Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, with responsibility for relations with China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Mongolia ▪ July 2006-July 2008 Foreign Affairs Expert (part-time consultant), Secretary’s Policy Planning Staff United States Department of State ▪ July 2008-present Non-Resident Senior Fellow in Foreign Policy, John L. Thornton China Center The Brookings Institution ▪ January 2010-Present Academic Advisory Board, Schwarzman Global Scholars Program, 2013-2016 Education Columbia University (September 1987-February 1993) Ph.D., Political Science, International Relations Area Specialization: Chinese Politics and Foreign Policy ▪ February 1993 Peking University, Beijing, China, Advanced Research Scholar▪ August 1990-January 1991 (Ph.D. Dissertation Research) University of International Business and Economics, Beijing, China, Business Chinese Classes▪ Summer 1987 University of Pennsylvania (September 1985-August 1987) M.A., International Relations ▪ August 1987 Cornell University. FALCON intensive Chinese language class (June-August -
North Korean Identity As a Challenge to East Asia's Regional Order
Korean Soc Sci J (2017) 44:51–71 North Korean Identity as a Challenge to East Asia’s Regional Order Leif-Eric Easley Received: 9 May 2017 / Accepted: 31 May 2017 / Published online: 9 June 2017 Ⓒ Korean Social Science Research Council 2017 Introduction North Korea presents serious complications for East Asia’s regional order, and yet its identity is subject to frequent oversimplification. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) is often in the headlines for its nuclear weapons and missile programs and for its violations of human rights.1 Media reports typically depict North Korea as an otherworldly hermit kingdom ruled by a highly caricatured Kim regime. This article seeks to deepen the conversation about North Korea’s political characteristics and East Asia’s regional architecture by addressing three related questions. First, how has North Korea challenged the regional order, at times driving some actors apart and others together? How are these trends explained by and reflected in North Korean national identity, as articulated by the Kim regime and as perceived in the region? Finally, what academic and policy-relevant implications are offered by the interaction of North Korean identity and regional order? To start, measuring national identity is a difficult proposition (Abdelal, et al., 2009). Applying the concepts of national identity and nationalism to North Korea are complicated by analytical problems in separating the nation, and especially the state, from the Kim regime. This study chooses to focus on “identity” rather than “nationalism” because “North Korean nationalism” implies a certain ideology that contrasts to the nationalisms of the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea), Japan or China. -
Forecasting China's Future," the National Interest (Fall 1986)
FORECASTING CHINA’S FUTURE: EXPERTS AND UNCERTAINTY Roger Irvine Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Asian Studies School of Social Sciences and Humanities University of Adelaide October 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................ iii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................ vi DECLARATION ....................................................................................................... vii ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................ viii SPELLING OF CHINESE NAMES ........................................................................... ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................... x 1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Challenges and Benefits of Forecasting ........................................................ 1 1.2 China Watchers and Forecasting ................................................................... 3 1.3 Dominance and Collapse ............................................................................... 6 1.4 Experts and Uncertainty ................................................................................ 7 1.5 Overview ...................................................................................................... -
The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy
01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 3 daniel w. drezner 1 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy “Avoid trivia.” —Secretary of State George Marshall’s advice to George Kennan, the first director of policy planning Strategic planning for American foreign policy is dead, dying, or moribund. This, at least, has been the assessment of several commentators and policy- makers in recent years.1 Michèle Flournoy and Shawn Brimley observed in 2006, “For a country that continues to enjoy an unrivaled global position, it is both remarkable and disturbing that the United States has no truly effective strategic planning process for national security.”2 At an academic conference in 2007, a former director of the State Department’s policy planning staff complained that, “six years after 9/11, we still don’t have a grand strategy.” Aaron Friedberg, who was director of policy planning for Vice President Richard Cheney, writes in this volume, “The U.S. government has lost the capacity to conduct serious, sustained national strategic planning.” Admiral William Fallon, the CENTCOM commander until the spring of 2008, told the New York Times that the United States would need to focus more on policy planning: “We need to have a well-thought-out game plan for engagement in the world that we adjust regularly and that has some system of checks and bal- ances built into it.”3 In this volume, Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass argues that the United States has “squandered” its post–cold war opportunity, concluding, “Historians will not judge the United States well for how it has used these twenty years.” These sorts of laments have become common in the past decade, in no small part because of the foreign policy planning of the administrations of Bill 3 01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 4 4 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning Clinton and George W. -
Treasured Swords: Environment Under the Byungjin Line
TREASURED SWORDS: ENVIRONMENT UNDER THE BYUNGJIN LINE by Robert Winstanley-Chesters Sino-NK Director of Research October 2013 TREASURED SWORDS: ENVIRONMENT UNDER THE BYUNGJIN LINE > A party apparatchik informs workers of the key tenets of the Byungjin line Image: Rodong Sinmun The Byungjin Line, not to mention its accompanying framing in developmental and environmental terms, the “minaturized, lightened, diversified, and precise better to understand the place of Sepho in a North Korea nukes,” is everywhere these days. And with good under this new strategic line. reason: ”Byungjin” surely merits examination and reportage, for it marks a vitally important, even definitive, AMPLIFIED LEGACY: KIM JONG-UN AS HOLISTIC change of emphasis at the dawn of the Kim Jong-un era. ENVIRONMENTALIST? Within this paper I plan to delve deeper into the Before examining the historical context for the historical context for this new strategic line, which will developmental approach in which Sepho sits, a rare support the construction of an analytical framework opportunity has been presented to the analyst which through which the place of the environmental in the new might better lay the ground for this context. The arrival theorization can be determined. It is already clear that on April 27, 2012, of Kim Jong-un’s first published one key aspect of this is the Sepho Grassland reclamation work, “On Effecting a Drastic Turn in Land Management project. Emblematic of a shift in developmental paradigms to Meet the Requirements for Building a Thriving of land reclamation and rehabilitation in North Korea, Socialist Nation,” brought with it the intriguing notion Sepho is essential to the environmental narrative of the that a youthful leader would see land management as byungjinist state. -
GS Energy Brochure Download
Company Introduction COPYRIGHT © 2012 GS ENERRGY. All RIGHTS RESERVED GS Energy Profile p.03 Subsidiaries p.04 Business Portfolio Refining & Petrochemicals p.05 Gas & Power p.07 Exploration & Production p.12 Green Growth p.14 GS Energy R&D Center p.18 Financial Information p.19 Contact Us p.20 History p.21 COPYRIGHT © 2012 GS ENERRGY. All RIGHTS RESERVED Corporate Profile GS Energy was incorporated on January 3, 2012 as a result of GS Holdings’ spinoff of GS Caltex, its refining, marketing, chemicals and transportation arm, creating a new independent Korean energy company. Subsequently, GS Energy assumed the high growth businesses previously operated by GS Caltex including, exploration & production and renewable energy operations. Further, by acquiring GS Caltex’s electric & gas utilities operations, GS Energy has solidified its position as an integrated energy-specialized holding company. Value chain integration and operational agility are fundamental to GS Energy’s long term growth strategy. GS Energy is organized into four interrelated segments: Exploration & Production, Refining & Petrochemicals, Gas & Power and Green Growth. Our integrated business model allows us to capture synergies among our different segments and activities. Our upstream businesses include the development of oil & gas projects across the globe, from the Middle East to the Americas and Southeast Asia. Further downstream, GS Energy is currently constructing a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) terminal in South Chungcheong Province to optimize value chain integration and to ultimately provide a steady flow of electric power and gas to customers through various subsidiaries and affiliates. Furthermore, given our focus on sustainable growth, we have been actively developing our technical know-how in the alternative energy sector. -
Self-Study Syllabus on Chinese Foreign Policy
Self-Study Syllabus on Chinese Foreign Policy www.mandarinsociety.org PrefaceAbout this syllabus with China’s rapid economic policymakers in Washington, Tokyo, Canberra as the scale and scope of China’s current growth, increasing military and other capitals think about responding to involvement in Africa, China’s first overseas power,Along and expanding influence, Chinese the challenge of China’s rising power. military facility in Djibouti, or Beijing’s foreign policy is becoming a more salient establishment of the Asian Infrastructure concern for the United States, its allies This syllabus is organized to build Investment Bank (AIIB). One of the challenges and partners, and other countries in Asia understanding of Chinese foreign policy in that this has created for observers of China’s and around the world. As China’s interests a step-by-step fashion based on one hour foreign policy is that so much is going on become increasingly global, China is of reading five nights a week for four weeks. every day it is no longer possible to find transitioning from a foreign policy that was In total, the key readings add up to roughly one book on Chinese foreign policy that once concerned principally with dealing 800 pages, rarely more than 40–50 pages will provide a clear-eyed assessment of with the superpowers, protecting China’s for a night. We assume no prior knowledge everything that a China analyst should know. regional interests, and positioning China of Chinese foreign policy, only an interest in as a champion of developing countries, to developing a clearer sense of how China is To understanding China’s diplomatic history one with a more varied and global agenda. -
Beyond Engagement? Rethinking America's China Policy
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY CHINA, 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2015.1132962 BOOK REVIEW Beyond Engagement? Rethinking America's China Policy The China Challenge: shaping the choices of a rising power, by Thomas Christensen, New York, W.W. Norton, 2015. The Hundred Year War: China’s secret strategy to replace America as the global superpower, by Michael Pillsbury, New York, Henry Holt & Co, 2015. Strategic Reassurance and Resolve: US China relations in the twenty-first century, by James Steinberg and Michael O’Hanlon, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2014. Obama and China’s Rise: an insider’s account of America’s Asia strategy, by Jeffery Bader, Washington, DC, Brookings Institution Press, 2012. A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the struggle for mastery in Asia, by Aaron Friedberg, New York, W.W. Norton, 2011. Rethinking engagement Since the Nixon Administration, the US strategy towards China has been predicated on the assumption that if the bilateral relationship is properly managed conflict can be avoided. Many Americans across the political spectrum believe that through engagement the US can reduce the chances that China will become aggressive (Bader, Obama and China’s Rise, pp. 146–147). Yet, even as US policymakers have sought to integrate China and use cooperation to shape its choices, Beijing’s increasing bellicosity has raised concerns in Washington and beyond that engagement may not prevent conflict. For five decades, the US has aided China economically, rhetorically and politically with the underly- ing objective to mollify, and if possible, avoid, the rising state’s propensity to pursue revisionism using force. -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts
University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Dissertation Thesis Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach Plzeň 2016 Lenka Caisová University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Department of Politics and International Relations Study Programme Political Science Field of Study International Relations Dissertation Thesis Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach Lenka Caisová Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Šárka Cabadová-Waisová, Ph.D. Department of Politics and International Relations University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Sworn Statement I hereby claim I made this dissertation thesis (topic: Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics ; subtopic: Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach ) together with enclosed codebook by myself whereas I used the sources as stated in the Bibliography only. In certain parts of this thesis I use extracts of articles I published before. In Chapter 1 and 2, I use selected parts of my article named “ Severní Korea v mezinárodních vztazích: jak uchopovat severokorejskou zahraniční politiku? ” which was published in Acta FF 7, no. 3 in 2014. In Chapter 4, I use my article named “Analysis of the U.S. Foreign Policy towards North Korea: Comparison of the Post-Cold War Presidents” which was published in Acta FF no. 3, 2014 and article named “ Poskytovatelé humanitární a rozvojové pomoci do Korejské lidově demokratické republiky ” published in journal Mezinárodní vztahy 49, no. -
North Korean Decisionmaking
C O R P O R A T I O N JOHN V. PARACHINI, SCOTT W. HAROLD, GIAN GENTILE, DEREK GROSSMAN, LEAH HEEJIN KIM, LOGAN MA, MICHAEL J. MAZARR, LINDA ROBINSON North Korean Decisionmaking Economic Opening, Conventional Deterrence Breakdown, and Nuclear Use For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA165-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0553-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Discerning the decisionmaking of Kim Jong-Un and the North Korean regime on issues of peaceful engagement and warlike actions endures as a mighty challenge for U.S.