North Korean Leadership Dynamics and Decision-Making Under Kim Jong-Un a Second Year Assessment
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Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. Bennett C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. -
North Korean Refugees in China
NORTH KOREAN REFUGEES IN CHINA Findings • The Chinese government continued to detain North Korean refugees in China and repatriate them to the Democratic Peo- ple’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). North Korean refugees face se- vere punishments upon repatriation to the DPRK, including torture, imprisonment, forced labor, and even execution. The repatriation of North Korean refugees violates China’s obliga- tions under international human rights and refugee law. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Demo- cratic People’s Republic of Korea has stated that such repatri- ation may amount to ‘‘aiding and abetting crimes against hu- manity.’’ • Chinese and North Korean authorities continue to impose strict border controls. These controls are meant to deter North Korean refugees from escaping the DPRK, and the South Ko- rean government reported that about 1,047 North Korean refu- gees escaped to South Korea in 2019, compared to the 2009 peak of 2,914 refugees. The majority of North Korean refugees escape to South Korea via China and Southeast Asian coun- tries. • Chinese authorities’ crackdown on and expulsions of South Korean missionaries have undermined refugee rescue work carried out by the missionaries. South Korean missionaries and organizations play a crucial role in assisting and facili- tating the movement of North Korean refugees in China. Addi- tionally, further restrictions placed by Chinese and DPRK au- thorities during the novel coronavirus outbreak indirectly ham- pered missionary efforts to facilitate the movement of refugees in China. • The majority of North Korean refugees leaving the DPRK are women, who are often vulnerable to human trafficking. -
PARK JIN HYOK, Also Known As ("Aka") "Jin Hyok Park," Aka "Pak Jin Hek," Case Fl·J 18 - 1 4 79
AO 91 (Rev. 11/11) Criminal Complaint UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT for the RLED Central District of California CLERK U.S. DIS RICT United States ofAmerica JUN - 8 ?018 [ --- .. ~- ·~".... ~-~,..,. v. CENT\:y'\ l i\:,: ffl1G1 OF__ CAUFORN! BY .·-. ....-~- - ____D=E--..... PARK JIN HYOK, also known as ("aka") "Jin Hyok Park," aka "Pak Jin Hek," Case fl·J 18 - 1 4 79 Defendant. CRIMINAL COMPLAINT I, the complainant in this case, state that the following is true to the best ofmy knowledge and belief. Beginning no later than September 2, 2014 and continuing through at least August 3, 2017, in the county ofLos Angeles in the Central District of California, the defendant violated: Code Section Offense Description 18 U.S.C. § 371 Conspiracy 18 u.s.c. § 1349 Conspiracy to Commit Wire Fraud This criminal complaint is based on these facts: Please see attached affidavit. IBJ Continued on the attached sheet. Isl Complainant's signature Nathan P. Shields, Special Agent, FBI Printed name and title Sworn to before ~e and signed in my presence. Date: ROZELLA A OLIVER Judge's signature City and state: Los Angeles, California Hon. Rozella A. Oliver, U.S. Magistrate Judge Printed name and title -:"'~~ ,4G'L--- A-SA AUSAs: Stephanie S. Christensen, x3756; Anthony J. Lewis, x1786; & Anil J. Antony, x6579 REC: Detention Contents I. INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................1 II. PURPOSE OF AFFIDAVIT ......................................................................1 III. SUMMARY................................................................................................3 -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
North Korean Identity As a Challenge to East Asia's Regional Order
Korean Soc Sci J (2017) 44:51–71 North Korean Identity as a Challenge to East Asia’s Regional Order Leif-Eric Easley Received: 9 May 2017 / Accepted: 31 May 2017 / Published online: 9 June 2017 Ⓒ Korean Social Science Research Council 2017 Introduction North Korea presents serious complications for East Asia’s regional order, and yet its identity is subject to frequent oversimplification. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) is often in the headlines for its nuclear weapons and missile programs and for its violations of human rights.1 Media reports typically depict North Korea as an otherworldly hermit kingdom ruled by a highly caricatured Kim regime. This article seeks to deepen the conversation about North Korea’s political characteristics and East Asia’s regional architecture by addressing three related questions. First, how has North Korea challenged the regional order, at times driving some actors apart and others together? How are these trends explained by and reflected in North Korean national identity, as articulated by the Kim regime and as perceived in the region? Finally, what academic and policy-relevant implications are offered by the interaction of North Korean identity and regional order? To start, measuring national identity is a difficult proposition (Abdelal, et al., 2009). Applying the concepts of national identity and nationalism to North Korea are complicated by analytical problems in separating the nation, and especially the state, from the Kim regime. This study chooses to focus on “identity” rather than “nationalism” because “North Korean nationalism” implies a certain ideology that contrasts to the nationalisms of the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea), Japan or China. -
Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney
Articles How Authoritarian Regimes Maintain Domain Consensus: North Korea’s Information Strategies in the Kim Jong-un Era Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney Te Review of Korean Studies Volume 17 Number 2 (December 2014): 145-178 ©2014 by the Academy of Korean Studies. All rights reserved. 146 Te Review of Korean Studies Pyongyang’s Strategic Shift North Korea is a society under constant surveillance by the apparatuses of state, and is a place where coercion—often brutal—is not uncommon.1 However, this is not the whole story. It is inaccurate to say that the ruling hereditary dictatorship of the Kim family exerts absolute control purely by virtue of its monopoly over the use of physical force. The limitations of state coercion have grown increasingly evident over the last two decades. State-society relations in North Korea shifted drastically when Kim Jong-il came to power in the 1990s. It was a time of famine, legacy politics, state retrenchment, and the rise of public markets; the state’s coercive abilities alternated between dissolution and coalescence as the state sought to co-opt and control the marketization process, a pattern which continued until Kim Jong-il’s death in 2011 (Kwon and Chung 2012; Hwang 1998; Hyeon 2007; Park 2012). Those relations have moved still further under Kim Jong- un.2 Tough Kim’s rise to the position of Supreme Leader in December 2011 did not precipitate—as some had hoped—a paradigmatic shift in economic or political approach, the state has been extremely active in the early years of his era, responding to newfound domestic appreciation of North Korea’s situation in both the region and wider world. -
Confidence And/Or Control? Seeking a New Relationship Between North
Hans-Joachim Schmidt Confidence and/or Control? Seeking a new relationship between North and South Korea PRIF Reports No. 62 ã Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2002 Correspondence to: HSFK Leimenrode 29 60322 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49 (0)69/95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69/55 84 81 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http:/www.hsfk.de Translation: Katharine Hughes MA, Oxford ISBN: 3-933293-64-2 € 10,– Summary The final curtain has not yet fallen on the East-West conflict in the Korean peninsula. The heavily armed forces of North and South Korea are still at a stand-off, with almost two million soldiers, supported by 37,000 US troops on the South Korean side. Since the end of the Korean War in 1953, which led to the partition of Korea, both countries find themselves technically still at war. So far, there has merely been a cease-fire in force. While South Korea has since developed into a stable democracy and one of the most economically advanced nations in Asia, the Stalinist rule in the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) is threatening to disintegrate. The economic situation there deteriorated drastically during the 1990s due to economic mismanagement and a number of natural disasters. Despite this worsening economic plight, North Korea possesses the world’s fifth largest army, with almost 1.2 million soldiers, and spends 25-33 % of its GNP on military defence (South Korea spends approx. 3 %). This fuels the fear that the Communist regime in the DPRK could very soon collapse. -
Treasured Swords: Environment Under the Byungjin Line
TREASURED SWORDS: ENVIRONMENT UNDER THE BYUNGJIN LINE by Robert Winstanley-Chesters Sino-NK Director of Research October 2013 TREASURED SWORDS: ENVIRONMENT UNDER THE BYUNGJIN LINE > A party apparatchik informs workers of the key tenets of the Byungjin line Image: Rodong Sinmun The Byungjin Line, not to mention its accompanying framing in developmental and environmental terms, the “minaturized, lightened, diversified, and precise better to understand the place of Sepho in a North Korea nukes,” is everywhere these days. And with good under this new strategic line. reason: ”Byungjin” surely merits examination and reportage, for it marks a vitally important, even definitive, AMPLIFIED LEGACY: KIM JONG-UN AS HOLISTIC change of emphasis at the dawn of the Kim Jong-un era. ENVIRONMENTALIST? Within this paper I plan to delve deeper into the Before examining the historical context for the historical context for this new strategic line, which will developmental approach in which Sepho sits, a rare support the construction of an analytical framework opportunity has been presented to the analyst which through which the place of the environmental in the new might better lay the ground for this context. The arrival theorization can be determined. It is already clear that on April 27, 2012, of Kim Jong-un’s first published one key aspect of this is the Sepho Grassland reclamation work, “On Effecting a Drastic Turn in Land Management project. Emblematic of a shift in developmental paradigms to Meet the Requirements for Building a Thriving of land reclamation and rehabilitation in North Korea, Socialist Nation,” brought with it the intriguing notion Sepho is essential to the environmental narrative of the that a youthful leader would see land management as byungjinist state. -
North Korea's Political System*
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on the international circumstances in the Asia-Pacific. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]) Citation: International Circumstances in the Asia-Pacific Series, Japan Digital Library (March 2016), http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/korean_peninsula.php Series: Korean Peninsula Affairs North Korea’s Political System* Takashi Sakai** Introduction A year has passed since the birth of the Kim Jong-un regime in North Korea following the sudden death of General Secretary Kim Jong-il in December 2011. During the early days of the regime, many observers commented that all would not be smooth sailing for the new regime, citing the lack of power and previ- ous experience of the youthful Kim Jong-un as a primary cause of concern. However, on the surface at least, it now appears that Kim Jong-un is now in full control of his powers as the “Guiding Leader” and that the political situation is calm. The crucial issue is whether the present situation is stable and sustain- able. To consider this issue properly, it is important to understand the following series of questions. What is the current political structure in North Korea? Is the political structure the same as that which existed under the Kim Jong-il regime, or have significant changes occurred? What political dynamics are at play within this structure? Answering these questions with any degree of accuracy is not an easy task. -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
Study Series 21-03 (0824).Hwp
Study Series 21-03 North Korea’s College and University and Higher Education System in an ‘Era of Knowledge Economy’ Jeong-ah Cho Choon Geun Lee Hyun-suk Oum Study Series 21-03 North Korea’s College and University and Higher Education System in an ‘Era of Knowledge Economy’ Jeong-ah Cho Choon Geun Lee Hyun-suk Oum North Korea’s College and University and Higher Education System in an ‘Era of Knowledge Economy’ Printed August 2021 Published August 2021 Published by Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU) Publisher Yu-hwan Koh, President Editor Yeowon Lim, Research Associate Registration number No.2-2361 (April 23, 1997) Address 217 Banpo-daero(Banpo-dong), Seocho-gu, Seoul 06578, Korea Telephone (82-2) 2023-8208 Fax (82-2) 2023-8298 Homepage http://www.kinu.or.kr Design Seilfocus (82-2) 2275-6894 Print Seilfocus (82-2) 2275-6894 ISBN 979-11-6589-046-9 93340 : Not for sale Copyright ⓒ Korea Institute for National Unification, 2021 All KINU publications are available for purchase at all major bookstores in Korea. Also available at the Government Printing Office Sales Center Store (82-2) 734-6818; Office (82-2) 394-0337 North Korea’s College and University and Higher Education System in an ‘Era of Knowledge Economy’ This English translation is an abbreviated and edited version of Jeong-ah Cho et al., North Korea’s College and University and Higher Education System in an ‘Era of Knowledge Economy (Seoul: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2020). The analysis, comments, and opinions presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Korea Institute for National Unification. -
North Korea's SA
JUNE 1, 2020 North Korea’s Strategic Situational Awareness Capabilities A Country Primer BY JASON ARTERBURN Executive Summary North Korea’s developing strategic situational awareness (SA) capabilities incorporate technologies that could introduce new risks in a conflict or crisis on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea possesses multifaceted command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems that support a range of provocative asymmetric operations, including but not limited to GPS jamming, communications spoofing, cyberespionage, and cyberattacks. 1 While North Korea has rapidly developed its domestic telecommunications infrastructure and advanced computing capability in recent years, its systems continue to face technical and operational limitations that may constrain North Korea’s SA in engagements across the spectrum of conflict. This report synthesizes publicly available information on North Korea’s C4ISR systems and capabilities in order to consider how technology could affect escalatory dynamics or crisis stability during conflict in East Asia. The author prioritized primary sources from North Korean institutions or companies, official reports from governments, technical reports from specialist research firms, and articles from English-, Korean-, and Chinese-language media.2 Wherever possible, the author also attempted to corroborate information across multiple sources in different languages. Because the public domain contains little information on North Korea’s C4ISR equipment,