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A US-Indonesia Partnership for 2020: Recommendations for Forging
A U.S.–Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Murray Hiebert Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Ted Osius SEPTEMBER 2013 Gregory B. Poling A U.S.- Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS Murray Hiebert Ted Osius Gregory B. Poling A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies September 2013 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS— 50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofi t orga ni zation headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
Confidence And/Or Control? Seeking a New Relationship Between North
Hans-Joachim Schmidt Confidence and/or Control? Seeking a new relationship between North and South Korea PRIF Reports No. 62 ã Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2002 Correspondence to: HSFK Leimenrode 29 60322 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49 (0)69/95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69/55 84 81 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http:/www.hsfk.de Translation: Katharine Hughes MA, Oxford ISBN: 3-933293-64-2 € 10,– Summary The final curtain has not yet fallen on the East-West conflict in the Korean peninsula. The heavily armed forces of North and South Korea are still at a stand-off, with almost two million soldiers, supported by 37,000 US troops on the South Korean side. Since the end of the Korean War in 1953, which led to the partition of Korea, both countries find themselves technically still at war. So far, there has merely been a cease-fire in force. While South Korea has since developed into a stable democracy and one of the most economically advanced nations in Asia, the Stalinist rule in the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) is threatening to disintegrate. The economic situation there deteriorated drastically during the 1990s due to economic mismanagement and a number of natural disasters. Despite this worsening economic plight, North Korea possesses the world’s fifth largest army, with almost 1.2 million soldiers, and spends 25-33 % of its GNP on military defence (South Korea spends approx. 3 %). This fuels the fear that the Communist regime in the DPRK could very soon collapse. -
Beijing's Reach in the South China Sea by Felix K
Beyond the Unipolar Moment Beijing's Reach in the South China Sea by Felix K. Chang ince the early 1980s, China has consistently sought to accelerate the modernization of its conventional forces. The essence of that new policy Swas captured by Chinese strategists in a "set of eight Chinese characters: zongti fanquei, zhongdian jazhan (strengthen overall national power for defending security, emphasize the main points of defense science and technol ogy)."! The policy was designed to give Chinese forces the strategic framework to "coordinate with each other in combat, react quickly, counter electronic surveillance, ensure logistical supply, and survive in the field." By relying on the wealth generated from the country's economic expansion to acquire foreign military equipment and technology, particularly from Russia, China's modern ization program has benefited significantly. Now, as Chinese leaders- become more assertive in East Asia, China's neighbors naturally monitor with growing unease the Chinese military, increasingly geared for power-projection.3 Although Taiwan has so far been this year's focus of concern, Chinese military planners have not abandoned their aim of asserting sovereignty over the Spratly (Nansha) Islands in the South China Sea. China and several Southeast Asian countries-including Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Brunei-vie for control over these islands and the rights to the sea and seabed ! John Wilson Lewis and Xue Litai, ChinasStrategic Seapouer: The Politics ofForce Modernization in the Nuclear Age (Stanford, Calif. Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 218. 2 "The Beginning of a New Phase for the Modem Construction of the PLA," Renmin Ribao, July 31, 1984, quoted in Lewis and Xue, China's Strategic Seapouer, pp. -
Reporter: Forty Years Covering Asia Online
iZXjl (Mobile ebook) Reporter: Forty Years Covering Asia Online [iZXjl.ebook] Reporter: Forty Years Covering Asia Pdf Free John McBeth *Download PDF | ePub | DOC | audiobook | ebooks Download Now Free Download Here Download eBook #4185952 in Books 2011-01 #File Name: 9810873646400 pages | File size: 56.Mb John McBeth : Reporter: Forty Years Covering Asia before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised Reporter: Forty Years Covering Asia: 5 of 5 people found the following review helpful. This is the way it was....By PBjWBest enjoyed by those who might be curious to know what it was like to be a journalist working in Asia over the last decades before the days of cell phones, e-mail and the internet. Or those who did work in media in Asia during this period. Not to mention anyone headed out to Asia, as there's more than war stories in Reporter. It's a faithful account of how Asia worked, and in many ways, still does work.McBeth holds no punches: the stories are told straight and honest; the people are real. Included are some of the best stories of their time--the bombing of a Cathay Pacific flight enroute from Bangkok to Hong Kong, military coups, meetings with some of the most famous politicians, heroes and villains of the period. Readers will recognise some of the stories from having read of them in the media. McBeth covers not only some of the stories behind these stories (what everyone now knows as the "back stories") but includes no less spell-binding tales that never made it into print, keeping this book a page-turner.Because I worked in media in Asia during this period (albeit at desk jobs), I loved this book. -
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Indonesia's Accountability Trap: Party Cartels and Presidential Power after Democratic Transition Dan Slater1 Idolization and "Immediate Help!": Campaigning as if Voters Mattered On July 14, 2004, just nine days after Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election, a massive inferno ripped through the impoverished, gang-infested district of Tanah Abang in central Jakarta. Hundreds of dwellings were destroyed and over a thousand Jakartans were rendered homeless. While such catastrophes are nothing unusual in the nation's chaotic capital, the political responses suggested that some interesting changes are afoot in Indonesia's fledgling electoral democracy. The next day, presidential frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) took a break from watching his burgeoning vote totals at the five-star Borobodur Hotel to visit Tanah Abang's fire victims. Since he had just clinched pole position in Indonesia's run-off presidential election in late September, SBY's public appearance made fantastic copy. The handsome former general comforted distraught families, then crept, head and shoulders protruding through the sunroof of his campaign minivan, through a swarm of star-struck locals. Never mind the knock-off reality-television program screening for talent just a few miles away at the swanky Semanggi shopping complex; here, in one of Jakarta's least swanky settings, appeared to be the true Indonesian Idol. 1 This article draws on a comparative project with Marc Craighead, conversations and collaboration with whom have been invaluable in refining the theoretical arguments presented here. It has also greatly benefited from the thoughtful comments of Jamie Davidson, Dirk Tomsa, and an anonymous reviewer at Indonesia; the savvy and sensitive editing of Deborah Homsher; and generous fieldwork support from the Academy for Educational Development, Emory University, and the Ford Foundation. -
North Korean Leadership Dynamics and Decision-Making Under Kim Jong-Un a Second Year Assessment
North Korean Leadership Dynamics and Decision-making under Kim Jong-un A Second Year Assessment Ken E. Gause Cleared for public release COP-2014-U-006988-Final March 2014 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
Air War Korea, 1950-53
This extensive chronology recalls key events in the first war fought by the independent US Air Force. Air War Korea, 1950–53 1950 o commemorate the Korean War, the US June 25: North Korea invaded South Korea. Simultaneously, North Korean troops made an amphibious landing at Kangnung Air Force Historian commissioned Air on the east coast just south of the 38th parallel. North Korean Force Historical Research Agency to com- fighter aircraft attacked airfields at Kimpo and Seoul, the South T Korean capital, destroying one USAF C-54 on the ground at pile a chronology of significant events in USAF’s Kimpo. operations. The result was “The US Air Force’s John J. Muccio, US ambassador to South Korea, relayed to President Harry S. Truman a South Korean request for US air First War: Korea 1950–1953,” edited by A. Timothy assistance and ammunition. The UN Security Council unani- Warnock. What follows is a condensed version. mously called for a cease-fire and withdrawal of the North Korean Army to north of the 38th parallel. The resolution asked all UN members to support the withdrawal of the NKA and to render no assistance to North Korea. Note: Each entry uses the local date, which, in Two 7th Fighter–Bomber Squadron F-84s, laden with Maj. Gen. Earle E. Partridge, who was commander, 5th Air bombs and fuel, just clear the end of the runway at Taegu at theater, was one day later than in the US. Dates Force, but serving as acting commander of Far East Air Forces (FEAF), ordered wing commanders to prepare for air evacuation the start of a 1952 mission. -
The Korean War
N ATIO N AL A RCHIVES R ECORDS R ELATI N G TO The Korean War R EFE R ENCE I NFO R MAT I ON P A P E R 1 0 3 COMPILED BY REBEccA L. COLLIER N ATIO N AL A rc HIVES A N D R E C O R DS A DMI N IST R ATIO N W ASHI N GTO N , D C 2 0 0 3 N AT I ONAL A R CH I VES R ECO R DS R ELAT I NG TO The Korean War COMPILED BY REBEccA L. COLLIER R EFE R ENCE I NFO R MAT I ON P A P E R 103 N ATIO N AL A rc HIVES A N D R E C O R DS A DMI N IST R ATIO N W ASHI N GTO N , D C 2 0 0 3 United States. National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives records relating to the Korean War / compiled by Rebecca L. Collier.—Washington, DC : National Archives and Records Administration, 2003. p. ; 23 cm.—(Reference information paper ; 103) 1. United States. National Archives and Records Administration.—Catalogs. 2. Korean War, 1950-1953 — United States —Archival resources. I. Collier, Rebecca L. II. Title. COVER: ’‘Men of the 19th Infantry Regiment work their way over the snowy mountains about 10 miles north of Seoul, Korea, attempting to locate the enemy lines and positions, 01/03/1951.” (111-SC-355544) REFERENCE INFORMATION PAPER 103: NATIONAL ARCHIVES RECORDS RELATING TO THE KOREAN WAR Contents Preface ......................................................................................xi Part I INTRODUCTION SCOPE OF THE PAPER ........................................................................................................................1 OVERVIEW OF THE ISSUES .................................................................................................................1 -
The Cambodian Civil War and the Vietnam War
THE CAMBODIAN CIVIL WAR AND THE VIETNAM WAR: A TALE OF TWO REVOLUTIONARY WARS by Boraden Nhem A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and International Relations Spring 2015 €•' 2015 Boraden Nhem All Rights Reserved ProQuest Number: 3718366 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 3718366 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 THE CAMBODIAN CIVIL WAR AND THE VIETNAM WAR: A TALE OF TWO REVOLUTIONARY WARS by Boraden Nhem Approved: _________________________________________________________________ Gretchen Bauer, Ph.D. Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations Approved: _____________________________________ George H. Watson, Ph.D. Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences Approved: _________________________________________________ James G. Richards, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Graduate and Professional Education I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standard required by the University as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. -
North Korean Leadership Dynamics and Decision-Making Under Kim Jong-Un a First Year Assessment
North Korean Leadership Dynamics and Decision-making under Kim Jong-un A First Year Assessment Ken E. Gause Cleared for public release COP-2013-U-005684-Final September 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
Indonesian Elections
Order Code RS21874 June 29, 2004 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Indonesian Elections Bruce Vaughn Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On April 5, 2004, Indonesia successfully completed the first step of a multi-phase election process for 2004. The first phase elected the national legislature and the new regional representative council. The second phase, to be held on July 5, 2004, will seek to elect a President. There will be a run-off election on September 20, 2004, if no single candidate wins a majority in July. The April election was judged to be free and fair by most observers. This bodes well for evolution of democracy in Indonesia. Nationalist and secular parties were the most popular with voters. The Islamist parties limited appeal can be attributed more to their anti-corruption and good governance policies than to an overtly Islamist agenda. This report will be updated as events warrant. April Parliamentary Elections The Indonesian General Election Commission (KPU) registered 147 million Indonesians to take part in the April 5, 2004 poll in which 7,800 candidates from 24 political parties ran for 550 seats in the national legislature (DPRD).1 One hundred and twenty eight individuals were also elected to the new Regional Representative Council (DPD). Analysis of the election attributed the decline in support for President Megawati’s Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), as compared with the 1999 parliamentary elections, to the lack of economic growth, Megawati’s governing style, and continuing government corruption.2 The vote was generally peaceful with the exception of limited fighting between Free Aceh Movement (GAM) forces and the Indonesian National Defense Forces in the region of Nanggoroe, Aceh Darussalam.3 (See table below for election results.) 1 Shoeb Kagda, “Indonesians Cast Votes,” The Business Times, April 6, 2004.