North Korean Decisionmaking
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Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. Bennett C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. -
DPRK Nuclear Weapons Capability 2021
DPRK nuclear weapons capability 【Overview】 The nuclear and missile capabilities of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) continue to become enhanced but there are varying estimates regarding their strengths. For example, RAND Corporation, a U.S. think tank, and the South Korean Asan Institute for Policy Studies predicted that in an April 2021 report that in 2020 North Korea had between 67 and 116 warheads, and that this amount would increase to reach between 151 and 242 in 2027 (Bennett, Bruce W. et.al 2021). Elsewhere, Dr. Siegfried Hecker of Stanford University said in an April 30, 2021 interview with the 38 North site, which analyzes North Korea, that “20 to 60 is possible, with the most likely number being 45,” (38 North 2021). Few nations have made any official pronouncements, but the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) estimates the maximum size of the North Korean arsenal currently to be 60 warheads (Nikitin, Mary Beth D. & Ryder, Samuel D. 2021). In addition, in October 2018 the South Korean Minister of Unification, Cho Myoung-gyon, said that the Ministry’s Intelligence and Analysis Office believed North Korea had between 20 and 60 warheads (Kim, Hyng-jin 2018). Our estimate here of the North Korean stockpile, as of June 2021, is 40 warheads. North Korea, with its research facility in Nyeongbyeon as the hub, continues to produce plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU), and fissile materials for nuclear weapons (Nikitin, Mary Beth D. & Ryder, Samuel D. 2021、International Atomic Energy Agency 2021、United Nations Security Council 2021). The International Panel on Fissile Materials (IPFM) estimated in 2020 that the current amount of weapons-grade plutonium owned by North Korea was 40kg (International Panel on Fissile Materials 2021). -
Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: on the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea
Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: On the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea Alzo David-West This essay responds to the argument of Brian Myers that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955 is not nationalist (or Stalinist) in any meaningful sense of the term. The author examines the literary formalist method of interpretation that leads Myers to that conclusion, considers the pro- grammatic differences of orthodox Marxism and its development as “Marx- ism-Leninism” under Stalinism, and explains that the North Korean Juche speech is not only nationalist, but also grounded in the Stalinist political tradi- tion inaugurated in the Soviet Union in 1924. Keywords: Juche, Nationalism, North Korean Stalinism, Soviet Stalinism, Socialism in One Country Introduction Brian Myers, a specialist in North Korean literature and advocate of the view that North Korea is not a Stalinist state, has advanced the argument in his Acta Koreana essay, “The Watershed that Wasn’t” (2006), that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955, a landmark document of North Korean Stalinism authored two years after the Korean War, “is not nationalist in any meaningful sense of the term” (Myers 2006:89). That proposition has far- reaching historical and theoretical implications. North Korean studies scholars such as Charles K. Armstrong, Adrian Buzo, Seong-Chang Cheong, Andrei N. Lankov, Chong-Sik Lee, and Bala、zs Szalontai have explained that North Korea adhered to the tactically unreformed and unreconstructed model of nationalist The Review of Korean Studies Volume 10 Number 3 (September 2007) : 127-152 © 2007 by the Academy of Korean Studies. -
Democratic Republic of Congo Constitution
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, 2005 [1] Table of Contents PREAMBLE TITLE I GENERAL PROVISIONS Chapter 1 The State and Sovereignty Chapter 2 Nationality TITLE II HUMAN RIGHTS, FUNDAMENTAL LIBERTIES AND THE DUTIES OF THE CITIZEN AND THE STATE Chapter 1 Civil and Political Rights Chapter 2 Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Chapter 3 Collective Rights Chapter 4 The Duties of the Citizen TITLE III THE ORGANIZATION AND THE EXERCISE OF POWER Chapter 1 The Institutions of the Republic TITLE IV THE PROVINCES Chapter 1 The Provincial Institutions Chapter 2 The Distribution of Competences Between the Central Authority and the Provinces Chapter 3 Customary Authority TITLE V THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL TITLE VI DEMOCRACY-SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS Chapter 1 The Independent National Electoral Commission Chapter 2 The High Council for Audiovisual Media and Communication TITLE VII INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS TITLE VIII THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION TITLE IX TRANSITORY AND FINAL PROVISIONS PREAMBLE We, the Congolese People, United by destiny and history around the noble ideas of liberty, fraternity, solidarity, justice, peace and work; Driven by our common will to build in the heart of Africa a State under the rule of law and a powerful and prosperous Nation based on a real political, economic, social and cultural democracy; Considering that injustice and its corollaries, impunity, nepotism, regionalism, tribalism, clan rule and patronage are, due to their manifold vices, at the origin of the general decline -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
North Korean Identity As a Challenge to East Asia's Regional Order
Korean Soc Sci J (2017) 44:51–71 North Korean Identity as a Challenge to East Asia’s Regional Order Leif-Eric Easley Received: 9 May 2017 / Accepted: 31 May 2017 / Published online: 9 June 2017 Ⓒ Korean Social Science Research Council 2017 Introduction North Korea presents serious complications for East Asia’s regional order, and yet its identity is subject to frequent oversimplification. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) is often in the headlines for its nuclear weapons and missile programs and for its violations of human rights.1 Media reports typically depict North Korea as an otherworldly hermit kingdom ruled by a highly caricatured Kim regime. This article seeks to deepen the conversation about North Korea’s political characteristics and East Asia’s regional architecture by addressing three related questions. First, how has North Korea challenged the regional order, at times driving some actors apart and others together? How are these trends explained by and reflected in North Korean national identity, as articulated by the Kim regime and as perceived in the region? Finally, what academic and policy-relevant implications are offered by the interaction of North Korean identity and regional order? To start, measuring national identity is a difficult proposition (Abdelal, et al., 2009). Applying the concepts of national identity and nationalism to North Korea are complicated by analytical problems in separating the nation, and especially the state, from the Kim regime. This study chooses to focus on “identity” rather than “nationalism” because “North Korean nationalism” implies a certain ideology that contrasts to the nationalisms of the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea), Japan or China. -
Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney
Articles How Authoritarian Regimes Maintain Domain Consensus: North Korea’s Information Strategies in the Kim Jong-un Era Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney Te Review of Korean Studies Volume 17 Number 2 (December 2014): 145-178 ©2014 by the Academy of Korean Studies. All rights reserved. 146 Te Review of Korean Studies Pyongyang’s Strategic Shift North Korea is a society under constant surveillance by the apparatuses of state, and is a place where coercion—often brutal—is not uncommon.1 However, this is not the whole story. It is inaccurate to say that the ruling hereditary dictatorship of the Kim family exerts absolute control purely by virtue of its monopoly over the use of physical force. The limitations of state coercion have grown increasingly evident over the last two decades. State-society relations in North Korea shifted drastically when Kim Jong-il came to power in the 1990s. It was a time of famine, legacy politics, state retrenchment, and the rise of public markets; the state’s coercive abilities alternated between dissolution and coalescence as the state sought to co-opt and control the marketization process, a pattern which continued until Kim Jong-il’s death in 2011 (Kwon and Chung 2012; Hwang 1998; Hyeon 2007; Park 2012). Those relations have moved still further under Kim Jong- un.2 Tough Kim’s rise to the position of Supreme Leader in December 2011 did not precipitate—as some had hoped—a paradigmatic shift in economic or political approach, the state has been extremely active in the early years of his era, responding to newfound domestic appreciation of North Korea’s situation in both the region and wider world. -
Mayo - Junio 2015
Revista Número #08 I Mayo - Junio 2015 Publicaciones The limits to German power in the Eurozone Japanese cultural values in business relationships The EU-Pakistan relationship: looking beyond the trading partnership Un paraíso turístico entre la tradición, la modernidad y el crimen organizado: España vista por el cine extranjero Un nuevo discurso para las relaciones económicas entre Marruecos y España Normalización de relaciones entre EEUU y Cuba: causas, prioridades, progresos, obstáculos, efectos y peligros The ‘New Turkey’ that was not in Erdogan’s plans: the aftermath of the critical June 2015 elections El Partenariado Oriental de la UE a la deriva Entrevista con... Los españoles, la amenaza yihadista y el Estado Islámico Jorge Domecq ¿Por qué Rusia es una amenaza existencial para Europa? Towards more effective global Actividades security governance through UN-EU Patronato cooperation del Real Instituto Elcano Pautas de europeización de los Conectados Jornada sobre la españoles al valorar los líderes Elcano en las redes sociales Industria de Defensa internacionales Coordinadora: Mª Dolores de Azategui © 2015 Real Instituto Elcano C/ Príncipe de Vergara, 51 28006 Madrid www.realinstitutoelcano.org ISSN: 2341-4006 Depósito Legal: M-14968-2014 En este número... La sección de Publicaciones nos ofrece temas tales como los límites del poder alemán en la Eurozona; los valores culturales japoneses en las relaciones de negocios; las relaciones comerciales entre la UE y Pakistán; España vista a través del cine extranjero; las relaciones económicas entre Marruecos y España; la normalización de las relaciones entre EEUU y Cuba; la “nueva Turquía” con la que no contaba Erdogan; el Partenariado Oriental de la UE; los españoles y la amenaza yihadista; Rusia como amenaza existencial para Europa; la cooperación entre Naciones Unidas y la UE para una mejor seguridad global; y, finalmente, la valoración que de los líderes internacionales hacen los españoles. -
Federal Register/Vol. 83, No. 42/Friday, March 2, 2018/Notices
Federal Register / Vol. 83, No. 42 / Friday, March 2, 2018 / Notices 9085 FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: meeting. Members of the public may applicable legal criteria were satisfied. Michael R. Brickman, Deputy contact the OCC via email at MSAAC@ All property and interests in property Comptroller for Thrift Supervision, OCC.treas.gov or by telephone at (202) subject to U.S. jurisdiction of these (202) 649–5420, Office of the 649–5420. Members of the public who persons, and these vessels, are blocked, Comptroller of the Currency, are deaf or hearing impaired should call and U.S. persons are generally Washington, DC 20219. (202) 649–5597 (TTY) by 5:00 p.m. EDT prohibited from engaging in transactions SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: By this on Wednesday, March 14, 2018, to with them. notice, the OCC is announcing that the arrange auxiliary aids such as sign DATES: See SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION MSAAC will convene a meeting on language interpretation for this meeting. section. Attendees should provide their full Wednesday, March 21, 2018, at the FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: OCC’s offices at 400 7th Street SW, name, email address, and organization, if any. For security reasons, attendees OFAC: Associate Director for Global Washington, DC 20219. The meeting is Targeting, tel.: 202–622–2420; Assistant open to the public and will begin at 8:30 will be subject to security screening procedures and must present a valid Director for Sanctions Compliance & a.m. EDT. The purpose of the meeting Evaluation, tel.: 202–622–2490; is for the MSAAC to advise the OCC on government-issued identification to enter the building. -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. DEGIOIA, PRESIDENT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY Anthony P. Carnevale Nicole Smith Lenka Dražanová Artem Gulish Kathryn Peltier Campbell 2020 Center on Education and the Workforce McCourt School of Public Policy Reprint permissions [TK] Reprint Permission The Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce carries a Creative Commons license, which permits noncommercial reuse of any of our content when proper attribution is provided. You are free to copy, display, and distribute our work, or include our content in derivative works, under the following conditions: Attribution: You must clearly attribute the work to the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce and provide a print or digital copy of the work to [email protected]. Our preference is to cite figures and tables as follows: Source: Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce, The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes, 2020. Noncommercial Use: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Written permission must be obtained from the owners of the copy/literary rights and from Georgetown University for any publication or commercial use of reproductions. Approval: If you are using one or more of our available data representations (figures, charts, tables, etc.), please visit our website at cew.georgetown.edu/publications/reprint- permission for more information. For the full legal code of this Creative Commons license, please visit creativecommons.org. Email [email protected] with any questions. 2 THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN TAMING AUTHORITARIAN ATTITUDES The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. -
Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What It Entails and What It Could Achieve
Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What it Entails and What it Could Achieve Carla Freeman Mel Gurtov April 2018 38 NORTH SPECIAL REPORT About the Authors Carla P. Freeman is Director of the Foreign Policy Institute and Associate Research Professor in China Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. She is also Editor-in-Chief of Asian Perspective. Her publications include the edited volume, China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives from a Changing China (Palgrave Macmillan, 2015). Mel Gurtov is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Portland State University and Senior Editor of Asian Perspective. His latest book is Engaging Adversaries: Peacemaking and Diplomacy in the Human Interest (Rowman & Littlefield, 2018). Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What it Entails and What it Could Achieve Carla Freeman and Mel Gurtov April 2018 A Third Way? In a report published last January in 38 North, “Unpacking a US Decision to Use Force Against North Korea: Issues, Options, and Consequences,” Robert Jervis assesses the efficacy of using force against North Korea. Jervis cautions against assuming that superior US military and economic capabilities guarantee success in denuclearizing the North. He also underscores the uncertainties attendant to even the limited use of force: actors beyond the United States-North Korea binary will influence outcomes, and how North Korea itself will respond is unpredictable. It would be a mistake, Jervis observes, to “attribute the failure only to a lack of American willingness to be tougher.” Although Jervis’ analysis draws on lessons probably familiar to any US military commander, the White House—notwithstanding the possibility of a Trump-Kim summit meeting in the near future—has surely not abandoned the idea of using the “military option” to force North Korea to cease work on its nuclear arsenal.