DPRK Nuclear Weapons Capability 2021
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North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What It Entails and What It Could Achieve
Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What it Entails and What it Could Achieve Carla Freeman Mel Gurtov April 2018 38 NORTH SPECIAL REPORT About the Authors Carla P. Freeman is Director of the Foreign Policy Institute and Associate Research Professor in China Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. She is also Editor-in-Chief of Asian Perspective. Her publications include the edited volume, China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives from a Changing China (Palgrave Macmillan, 2015). Mel Gurtov is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Portland State University and Senior Editor of Asian Perspective. His latest book is Engaging Adversaries: Peacemaking and Diplomacy in the Human Interest (Rowman & Littlefield, 2018). Unpacking a US Decision to Engage North Korea: What it Entails and What it Could Achieve Carla Freeman and Mel Gurtov April 2018 A Third Way? In a report published last January in 38 North, “Unpacking a US Decision to Use Force Against North Korea: Issues, Options, and Consequences,” Robert Jervis assesses the efficacy of using force against North Korea. Jervis cautions against assuming that superior US military and economic capabilities guarantee success in denuclearizing the North. He also underscores the uncertainties attendant to even the limited use of force: actors beyond the United States-North Korea binary will influence outcomes, and how North Korea itself will respond is unpredictable. It would be a mistake, Jervis observes, to “attribute the failure only to a lack of American willingness to be tougher.” Although Jervis’ analysis draws on lessons probably familiar to any US military commander, the White House—notwithstanding the possibility of a Trump-Kim summit meeting in the near future—has surely not abandoned the idea of using the “military option” to force North Korea to cease work on its nuclear arsenal. -
Situation in the Republic of Korea
Situation in the Republic of Korea Article 5 Report June 2014 www.icc-cpi.int Table of Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................3 II. INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................9 III. CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND...................................................................................................10 IV. PROCEDURAL HISTORY...............................................................................................................11 V. PRELIMINARY JURISDICTIONAL ISSUES ..................................................................................11 A. Territorial and Temporal Jurisdiction ......................................................................................11 B. Personal Jurisdiction ...................................................................................................................12 VI. LEGAL ANALYSIS – JURISDICTION RATIONE MATERIAE ................................................12 A. The Existence of an Armed Conflict .........................................................................................12 B. The Sinking of the South Korean Warship Cheonan on 26 March 2010..............................14 C. The Shelling of the South Korean Island Yeonpyeong on 23 November 2010 ...................17 1. War crimes of attacking civilians or civilian objects (Articles 8(2)(b)(i) or (ii)) .....................17 -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
North Korea's Evolving Nuclear Strategy
North Korea’s Evolving Nuclear Strategy SHANE SMITH AUGUST 2015 NORTH KOREA’S NUCLEAR FUTURES SERIES US-KOREA INSTITUTE AT SAIS Dr. Shane Smith is a Senior Research Fellow at the National Defense University’s Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. His current research focuses on strategic stability and the role of nuclear weapons in Asia-Pacific affairs, extended deterrence, and North Korea’s nuclear program. He is also a Special Advisor at the Defense Threat Reduction Agency, where he helps shape and support a strategic engagement and applied research program aimed at reducing WMD dangers. In 2007, Dr. Smith helped launch the WMD Center’s Program for Emerging Leaders and was the Program’s Director from 2008 to 2012. He has taught national security and nuclear policy related courses at the University of Colorado at Boulder, the National Defense University, and at Johns Hopkins University. Before joining the WMD Center, Dr. Smith worked for former Secretary of Defense William Perry and former Deputy Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter at the Harvard-Stanford Preventive Defense Project. He was also a Research Associate for National Security Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, where he coordinated two nuclear policy task forces, and a Research Assistant at the Russian-American Nuclear Security Advisory Council. He has published in edited volumes, academic journals, and leading newspapers. Most recently, he co-authored a chapter in Etel Solingen (ed.), Sanctions, Statecraft, and Nuclear Proliferation (Cambridge University Press, 2012) and authored a chapter in Jeffrey Larsen (ed.), Responding to Catastrophic Events: A Consequence Management Reader (Palgrave MacMillan, 2013). -
Cyber Warfare and Challenges for the U.S.-ROK Alliance by Dr
Korea Economic Institute of America ACADEMIC PAPER SERIES December 2, 2014 North Korea’s Cyber Warfare and Challenges for the U.S.-ROK Alliance By Dr. Alexandre Mansourov ABSTRACT Introduction Despite an inferior information communication environment, Since Kim Jong-il’s designation of his son Kim Jong-un as his suc- North Korea has a high capacity to conduct robust cyber operations cessor in January 2009, North Korea has come a long way to aimed at collecting foreign intelligence, disrupting foreign comput- develop its own doctrine of cyber operations, build the military ers, information and communication systems, networks and critical organizations tasked with the cyber warfare missions, procure infrastructures, and stirring public discontent and disorder in the the hardware and software required for cyber operations, train enemy states. The Korean People’s Army concentrated its efforts a corps of highly skilled professional cyber warriors, and develop on strengthening the cyber war capabilities through establishing a operational plans for cyber warfare. Pyongyang demonstrated command and control structure dedicated to cyber warfare, form- its cyber capabilities through the conduct of cyber warfare exer- ing military units specializing in cyber warfare, training expert man- cises and actual cyber operations aimed against what it consid- power, and advancing research and development of core cyber ers its enemy states – the Republic of Korea, United States, and technologies. North Korea critically depends on outside resources Japan. North Korea now has a credible cyber warfare capability for the conduct of its offensive cyber effects operations. threatening the world’s advanced nations. The U.S.-ROK alliance managers often find their response options This study analyzes the evolution of the North Korean thinking limited in the absence of a clearly identifiable North Korean gov- on the policy dimensions of cyber warfare and cyber war: how ernment source of cyber operations. -
North Korean Decisionmaking
C O R P O R A T I O N JOHN V. PARACHINI, SCOTT W. HAROLD, GIAN GENTILE, DEREK GROSSMAN, LEAH HEEJIN KIM, LOGAN MA, MICHAEL J. MAZARR, LINDA ROBINSON North Korean Decisionmaking Economic Opening, Conventional Deterrence Breakdown, and Nuclear Use For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA165-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0553-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Discerning the decisionmaking of Kim Jong-Un and the North Korean regime on issues of peaceful engagement and warlike actions endures as a mighty challenge for U.S. -
NIK6694A.WP5 [.Wp5]
38 North Press Briefing: June 1, 2017 THE US-KOREA INSTITUTE AT JOHNS HOPKINS SAIS VERBATIM TRANSCRIPT OF A 38 NORTH PRESS BRIEFING “TRUMP AND NORTH KOREA: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?” GUESTS: AMBASSADOR ROBERT L. GALLUCCI DISTINGUISHED PROFESSOR IN THE PRACTICE OF DIPLOMACY, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY WALSH SCHOOL OF FOREIGN SERVICE MICHAEL ELLEMAN SENIOR FELLOW FOR MISSILE DEFENSE, INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES MODERATOR: JOEL S. WIT SENIOR FELLOW AT THE US-KOREA INSTITUTE AT SAIS, CO-FOUNDER OF 38 NORTH The discussion this briefing will focus on possible next steps for the Trump administration in dealing with Pyongyang in the context of the election of President Moon Jae-in in South Korea and his upcoming summit meeting with President Donald Trump at the end of June. Michael Elleman will briefly address North Korea's latest ballistic missile test, and Joel Wit will moderate a Q&A session. ***** 1 38 North Press Briefing: June 1, 2017 1 JUNE 2017 WASHINGTON, D.C. MR. WIT: Maybe we should just start, since everyone is sort of on time. We’ll penalize the people who aren’t on time. MR. ELLEMAN: No food. MR. WIT: No food, yeah. Everyone eat all the food right now. (Laughs.) Anyway, thanks everyone for showing up. This is our monthly press breakfast for 38 North and what we thought we’d do today is two things. First, since there are continuing missile tests, we thought we’d start off with a review of what’s going on and why it’s important. So, to do that, we have a real rocket scientist, Mike Elleman, who works at IISS in Washington. -
Special Report No
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 451 | JUNE 2019 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org The Need for a New US Information Strategy for North Korea By Nat Kretchun Contents Information Control in North Korea ...............................3 New Controls for a New Economy ............................4 Uniquely North Korean Controls ............................7 Need for a Coherent US Strategy .................................. 12 Elements of a US Strategy ........ 14 Visitors use computers at the Sci-Tech Complex, a repository for digital information located on Ssuk Island in Pyongyang. (Photo by Franck Robichon/EPA/ Shutterstock) Summary • Since Kim Jong Un became its ketization Pyongyang appears to ways North Koreans receive in- leader in 2011, North Korea has be moving toward. formation and consider what they enacted an ambitious strategy to • The single caveat to this strategy might achieve with such informa- reestablish control of information is that it allows citizens to connect tion—such as establishing a shared flows into and within the country. with one another directly—beyond sense of popular opinion or forming The key to the strategy’s success state control—and could lead to social or economic constituencies. is leveraging the government’s greater nonstate economic and • US policy needs to be grounded technological sophistication rela- social coordination. in theories of change that factor tive to that of citizens. • Information operations could be an in the changing economic, tech- • The most significant advances effective component of US strate- nological, and social conditions have been at the device level. The gy, but current efforts remain inad- on the ground and seek to lever- regime’s control over hardware and equate. -
Chapter 2 the Korean Peninsula: the Start of North Korea's “New Strategic Line” and South Korea's “Trust Diplomacy”
Chapter 2 The Korean Peninsula: The Start of North Korea’s “New Strategic Line” and South Korea’s “Trust Diplomacy” orth Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, DPRK) embarked Nupon a “new strategic line on carrying out economic construction and building nuclear armed forces simultaneously” in 2013, launching a policy that was adopted at the plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) at the end of March, on the heels of the country’s third nuclear test in the preceding month. The delegates to that meeting declared that the DPRK would continue pursuing nuclear development, and reaffirmed the stance that North Korea’s nuclear weapons would not be used as a bargaining chip for eliciting economic support from the United States. Moreover, in April, the Supreme People’s Assembly passed the “Law on Consolidating Position of a Nuclear Weapons State for Self-Defense,” which can be deemed a very rudimentary but substantive nuclear doctrine and represents another step by the regime to turn North Korea’s position as a “nuclear weapons state” into a fait accompli. At the same time, the DPRK is steadily increasing its expertise in weapons of mass destruction, as underscored by its preparations to restart a graphite-moderated nuclear reactor in Yongbyon and by its ongoing development of ballistic missiles and other related technologies. This “new strategic line” is not a novel change of direction per se, and instead signals that further efforts to strengthen the country’s nuclear deterrent will also be accompanied by greater emphasis on attaining economic growth. -
CELL PHONES in NORTH KOREA Has North Korea Entered the Telecommunications Revolution?
CELL PHONES IN NORTH KOREA Has North Korea Entered the Telecommunications Revolution? Yonho Kim ABOUT THE AUTHOR Yonho Kim is a Staff Reporter for Voice of America’s Korea Service where he covers the North Korean economy, North Korea’s illicit activities, and economic sanctions against North Korea. He has been with VOA since 2008, covering a number of important developments in both US-DPRK and US-ROK relations. He has received a “Superior Accomplishment Award,” from the East Asia Pacific Division Director of the VOA. Prior to joining VOA, Mr. Kim was a broadcaster for Radio Free Asia’s Korea Service, focused on developments in and around North Korea and US-ROK alliance issues. He has also served as a columnist for The Pressian, reporting on developments on the Korean peninsula. From 2001-03, Mr. Kim was the Assistant Director of The Atlantic Council’s Program on Korea in Transition, where he conducted in-depth research on South Korean domestic politics and oversaw program outreach to US government and media interested in foreign policy. Mr. Kim has worked for Intellibridge Corporation as a freelance consultant and for the Hyundai Oil Refinery Co. Ltd. as a Foreign Exchange Dealer. From 1995-98, he was a researcher at the Hyundai Economic Research Institute in Seoul, focused on the international economy and foreign investment strategies. Mr. Kim holds a B.A. and M.A. in International Relations from Seoul National University and an M.A. in International Relations and International Economics from the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. -
IX. North Korea's Military Nuclear Capabilities
world nuclear forces 449 IX. North Korea’s military nuclear capabilities shannon n. kile and hans m. kristensen The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) main- tains an active but highly opaque nuclear weapon programme. It is estimated that North Korea may potentially have produced 10–20 nuclear weapons (see table 11.10). This is based on calculations of the amount of plutonium that North Korea may have separated from the spent fuel produced by its 5 megawatt-electric (MW(e)) graphite-moderated research reactor at the Yongbyon Nuclear Scientific Research Centre and assumptions about North Korean weapon design and fabrication skills. North Korea is believed to be increasing its limited holdings of weapon- usable plutonium (see section X), although assessments differ about the scale and pace of the increase.1 When fully operational, the 5-MW(e) reactor at Yongbyon has been estimated to produce approximately 6 kilograms of plutonium per year, enough for one nuclear weapon.2 However, the oper- ational status of the reactor since its announced restarting in 2013 has been unclear. Commercial satellite imagery and thermal imagery indicate that the reactor might be operating at low power or only intermittently.3 In August 2016 North Korea confirmed assessments made by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and several non-governmental analysts earlier in the year that it was conducting a new spent fuel reprocessing campaign at the Yongbyon radiochemical laboratory.4 In 2016 North Korea publicly acknowledged that it was producing highly enriched uranium (HEU) for nuclear weapons.5 There has been con siderable speculation that North Korea is seeking to build warheads using HEU as the fissile material in order to overcome the constraints imposed by its limited holding of separated plutonium.