Notes

1 Introduction

1 . See my book manuscript, tentatively titled “Kuala Lumpur, Myanmar City: Cosmopolitanism in an Indian Ocean Postcolony.” 2 . Incidentally, matrilineality as an Indian Ocean or Atlantic research subject seems to be scarce to nonexistent. It is, nonetheless, difficult to believe that matrilineality should never travel, even when people who are matrilineal clearly did, as in the case of the Minangkabau or the vari- ous groups, both Hindu and Muslim, of the Malabar Coast. There is an interesting historical counterpoint here between patrilineal male outsid- ers and matrilineal local female ancestors, as in the case highlighted by Ghosh (1993) for Malabar, but also in the case of Senegambian and other societies. 3 . See Assubuji and Hayes (2013) for an article on the life of Kok Nam, a Chinese Mozambican photographer belonging to the Guangdong diaspora. 4 . I must add here that Goans often cannot trace that connection either, at least not in terms of an ethnic ancestry. That is the case of the Le ã o family men- tioned above. In fact, when I once pressed Dr Má rio Le ã o about the ultimate origins of his family, he mentioned Afonso de Albuquerque’s famous policies of the 1510s (sic), whereby Portuguese men were encouraged or made to marry local women. This story is very much reminiscent of that of the ori- gin of Melakan Portuguese families, also supposedly somehow tracing their ancestry back to Albuquerque’s conquest of the city and marriages between Portuguese outsiders and local women.

2 Revisiting the Creole Port City

* I am very grateful to Alain Pascal Kaly, from Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro, for having introduced me to Abdoulaye Sadji’s work and also for having extensively discussed with me over the years the history and nature of Senegambian societies as well as intellectual legacies in the region, 180 Notes in addition to the deep ties between Senegambia and the Antilles. Without these discussions, the writing of this piece would not have been possible. An article related to this chapter but tackling only Senegal has appeared before (Fernando Rosa 2012). 1 . Of course, Martin Bernal’s rereading of classical Greece as a civilization at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa, was not known at the time (Bernal 1987). 2 . For information on Lima and bibliography, see, for instance, Wasserman (1992), Sevcenko (1995), Figueiredo (2004), and Engel (2009). 3 . See Wasserman (1992) for an excellent comparison between both authors. 4 . The next paragraph is based on my chapter (see Ribeiro 2010). 5 . In fact, as Teixeira (1980) indicates, Lima took almost 20 years to write out the story. It was therefore first conceived in the first years of the twentieth century. The short story was published in 1919. Both story and novel have the same plot. 6 . This is an honorary title. 7 . It is remarkable how notions of morality in Rio were not necessarily at odds with what Gouda and Stoler describe for the colonial Netherlands Indies (today’s Indonesia) of the same time (see Gouda 2008: Chap. 5; Caulfield 2000; Stoler 1989). This makes us suspect that these notions not only cut across continents but also the colonial/postcolonial divide. 8 . All translations are my own. For colonial imaginings on the nyai , see Gouda (2008: Chap. 5). 9 . It is part of his famous tetralogy, the Buru Quartet, first conceived when the author was in a labor camp as a prisoner on Buru Island. It was first published in 1980 and then swiftly banned by the Suharto government. In fact, it is only in the past decade that all of Pramoedya’s books have become widely available in Indonesia. See Foulcher (1981). 10 . Dehon (1996: 118) reads Sadji’s work, as a whole, as fundamentally conser- vative and condemnatory of his female characters. 11 . Of course, other readings are possible here: as Foulcher (1981) suggests, Anneliese’s apparent passiveness can be read as part of her strategic self- identification not as a legally European woman but instead as a Javanese one, just like her mother (her choosing Minke as a husband also points in that direction). 12 . Sadji and Senghor published together (Sadji and Senghor 1953). 13 . For a generic Luso-African identity in Senegambia, see Mark (2002), Brooks (2003), Diouf (2000). 14 . This is not to say that neither Rio nor Saint-Louis has a precolonial history. Only, differently to Surabaya’s, that history is not related to transoceanic exchanges before the arrival of Europeans (both French and Portuguese in both Rio and Saint-Louis). For Surabaya, see Faber (1931, 1952) and Dick (2003). 15 . I am grateful to Johny Kushayri, from the history department at Airlangga, for having extended the invitation to spend a couple of days there in January 2011. He and his colleagues also showed me around the Arab quarter as well as Dutch colonial buildings, including the school building Notes 181

where Tirto Adhi Soeryo—Pramoedya’s Minke’s real life model—used to study over a hundred years ago. 16 . I am a former resident of Copacabana Posto 5, an area where prostitution is rife on the beachfront. There is also transsexual and male prostitution in Rio, and therefore prostitution is not by any means an activity carried out only by women. See Pasini (2005) for an anthropological study related to Vila Mimosa, a traditional prostitution quarter in the center of Rio where foreigners are also present in large numbers. Of course, locals are also among its clients. 17 . That hybridity was seen locally as neither strictly nor mainly “racial,” is also borne out by Margana’s analysis of the Indo-Creole elite in late colonial Central Java (Margana 2010). This also seems to indicate a more complex social environment than the mere European versus native divide was. 18 . In fact, it can be argued that Lima and Pram had in common a deep disil- lusionment with their countries of origin, which lies at the root of their critical outlook on their own societies as well as their intellectual and literary work.

3 The Malabar Coast (Kerala) and Cosmopolitanism

1 . Jacobs and Malpas (2011) also offer a good summation of perspectives, issues, and literature related to cosmopolitanism. 2 . See http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A19 99.04.0057%3Aentry%3Dparoiki%2Fa (consulted on March 6, 2015). 3 . See http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A19 99.04.0057%3Aentry%3Dpa%2Froikos (consulted on March 6, 2015). 4 . I am grateful to Patrick Desplat with University of Cologne for this phrase. 5 . I am grateful to both Aqbal Singh in Singapore and Patrick Desplat with the University of Cologne for reminding me of the abiding importance of Mé rleau-Ponty’s work, which I had first encountered thanks to my father, Walter, in Brasília in the 1980s, who is a lifelong admirer and avid reader of the philosopher. 6 . I am grateful to Mark Frost with the University of Essex for having pointed this out to me. 7 . See the entry in Iranica: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/avicenna-ii (consulted on March 7, 2015). 8 . I am grateful to Arunima Gopinath, from Jawarhalal Nehru University, with whom I visited several churches in central Kerala in June 2009, for pointing this out. 9 . I am grateful to Andrea Acri, with the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre in Singapore, for having pointed out to me these ancient networks on which he works. 10 . See, for instance, the entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy online (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/cosmopolitanism/ ), accessed on March 14, 2015. 182 Notes

4 Revisiting Creoles and Other Languages in the Lusophone Indian Ocean

* This chapter is a result of research on the Luso-Creole heritage in the Indian Ocean, originally started at the University of Saint Joseph, Macau, and contin- ued for two years at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. I am particularly grateful to Professor Terence Gomez, head of the Research Cluster in Social and Behavioural Sciences at the University of Malaya. In Macau, I am grateful to Professor Ivo Carneiro de Sousa, former Vice-Rector of Universidade de Sã o José , for the opportunity to spend time there in 2009–2010. An earlier ver- sion was presented in absentia at the Inter-Asian Connections IV conference in Istanbul, October 2–4, 2014, in the panel ‘The Sounds and Scripts of Language in Motion’. 1 . I have not had access to archives and libraries in Lisbon or Goa. I have therefore only worked with sources that I could find in Kuala Lumpur and, to some extent, Macau. 2 . The Netherlands remains to this day an important hub of Creole studies. 3 . All of Dalgado’s studies on Creoles have been collected in one volume (Dalgado 1998). 4 . This contrasts with the earlier publication of his Diccionario de Komkani- Portuguez (“Konkani-Portuguese Dictionary”) when he had to use his own money to get his bulky volume printed in Bombay (Dalgado 1893). Dalgado dedicated the Gloss á rio to Jos é Leite de Vasconcellos. 5 . Jos é Gerson da Cunha (1844–1900) is a Goan also working on Konkani during Dalgado’s time. Dalgado is critical of his work, which he sees as too restricted (Dalgado 1905: X). Cunha is apparently the only other Goan in the field before the twentieth century. Bastos describes him succinctly as a “prestigious Bombay physician and intellectual” (Bastos 2010: 191). See also the brief sketch in Vaz (1997: 118–119) showing that Gerson was in fact even more of a polymath than Dalgado, though he published a single volume on Konkani, moreover in English only (Cunha 1881), whereas all of Dalgado’s publications on Konkani seem to be in Portuguese and Konkani. 6 . Dalgado complains that Sanskrit is not taught anywhere in Goa’s education system (Dalgado 1893: 11, note 5). 7 . The frontispiece of his Diccionario (Dalgado 1893) contains all his titles, both academic and ecclesiastical. 8 . In this sense, colonial Goa remained throughout an almost peerless, distinct intellectual hub in the Lusophone Indian Ocean. I can only think of late colonial Lourenç o Marques (today’s Maputo) as a (late) competitor where however Goans were also present. 9 . I am grateful to both Rui Le ã o and his father, Dr M ário C é sar Le ã o, in Macau, descendants of Francisco Luiz Gomes, for having brought their ancestor’s work to my attention, given me a copy of Gomes’s novel as well as talked to me extensively about their family and colonial Goa in 2011 and 2012. Rui Le ão was incidentally born in S ã o Tomé and Pr íncipe, a former Portuguese colony in West Africa where his father worked as a doctor, grew Notes 183

up in Macau, and studied architecture in Lisbon. See my discussion in the introduction of this book. 10 . This situation therefore replicates to some degree, in a larger setting, that of the Macanese as from the mid-nineteenth century, when many immigrated to Hong Kong as well as to Singapore, S ã o Paulo, and other places. Of course, there is also even today a tiny Goan community in Macau. 11 . The only former Portuguese territory in Asia where Catholicism is a major- ity religion is Timor Leste. Even tiny Diu in Gujarat is a majority Hindu enclave. 12 . Nowadays more properly called Sri Lankan Creole Portuguese (see Chapter 5 in Jayasuriya 2008) 13 . According to Anthony Xavier Soares, toward the end of his life Dalgado was working on a Konkani grammar. Death caught up with him and later the manuscript was deposited in the public library in Goa (Dalgado 1936: XIV). 14 . This is something that seldom happened, Cunha Rivara and other excep- tions aside. 15 . For British colonial interest in Indian languages, see Lelyveld (1993). Interestingly, Lelyveld clearly indicates that this interest only really developed as from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, becoming well consolidated only after the 1850s, the British earlier even using Portuguese (often no doubt Creole Portuguese) to communicate with Indians. 16 . See Dalgado (1893: XIV, especially note 19). The notion that Konkani was somehow “debased” Marathi endures throughout the colonial era and beyond. To complicate matters, there is an important dialect of Marathi called Konkani. Dalgado writes the name of the language as komkan î throughout (with a dot beneath both “m” and “n” to indicate that they are cerebral consonants). 17 . Konkani to this day is also written in both Kannada and Malayalam script by Konkani diasporas in respectively coastal south Karnataka (Mangalore) and north and central Kerala. Dalgado however is not much concerned with the language as it developed outside of Goa. He rejects the historical use of Kannada script for Konkani, with the scholarly argument that Kannada is a Dravidian whereas Konkani is an Aryan language, while he seems unaware of the existence of Konkani in Malayalam script (Dalgado 1893: X). 18 . Dalgado indicates that only about 10 percent of the colonial population was literate at the beginning of the twentieth century, though this fig- ure also includes literacy in both Marathi (for Goa) and Gujarati (for both Dam ão and Diu). Besides, Dalgado points out that being literate in Portuguese in the colony usually meant merely being able to read it (Dalgado 1905: XIII, note 1). 19 . Dalgado in fact mentions “heredity” (hereditariedade ), namely, the trans- mission of vocabulary from Sanskrit to Konkani, and the fact that the former is the l íngua-m ã e (“mother language”) of Konkani, rather than Marathi. He does not in fact employ the term “sister” in relation to Marathi, though this is the implication (Dalgado 1893: IX). Further on, Dalgado mentions that Goans are expected to deny ( renegar ) their language when in fact they 184 Notes

would not deny their own mothers (Dalgado 1893: XI). I am grateful to Ronit Ricci with the Australian National University for asking me to clarify this point. 20 . In this he eerily prefigures the postcolonial era in India, when Hindi for instance would be Sanskritized so as to wean it away from its Arabo-Persian influences and its official script declared to be Devanagari only, whereas its colonial predecessor, Hindustani, could be written in either Devanagari or the Perso-Arabic script now reserved for Urdu alone. See Lelyveld (1993). 21 . The intriguing question of the influence of Dalgado’s work in this postco- lonial process of standardization cannot be treated here. I suspect it may have been immense, though almost certainly through the mediation of other, postcolonial experts. 22 . Intriguingly, many people seem to consider Konkani as the modern medium in India that is closest to Sanskrit. Dalgado would most probably have con- curred. To him, the language as spoken by his own class, namely Brahmins, was closer to Sanskrit than the variety spoken by common people, closer to Marathi (Dalgado 1893: X). There is therefore a strong caste dimension to Dalgado’s view of Konkani. 23 . “In an attempt to be above all prejudices and tackle the matter with due impartiality, I have taken as my departure point the language as it is cur- rently spoken in the province of Bardez. The general opinion is that this last has conserved better the language. I also take notice, as appropriate, of those terms which are exclusively or mainly used at other places. Moreover, I have made an effort to put forth a markedly etymological dictionary and Sanskritize the language as far as possible, in what I have judged to be its purity and perfection. I have therefore made it a norm to take as purest the word which came closest to its typical origin, and mark its phonetic varia- tions as corruptions or shortened forms.” 24 . The second place apparently goes to Sinhala. 25 . I am grateful to Jing Tsu from Yale University for having stressed to me the importance of the subaltern character of Dalgado’s position in colonial society. 26 . I am grateful to Cláudio Pinheiro in Rio de Janeiro for having called my attention to this work and also for lending me his copy. 27 . Here I must refer the reader again to Pinto’s path-breaking work (Pinto 2007). 28 . Konkani however has an Indian Ocean spread, through the vast and old network of the Goan diaspora, that is still poorly understood. 29 . As Jayasuriya (2008a) shows, there are also manuscripts related to the lan- guage from before 1800 and the British colonial time. 30 . I am grateful to art historian Professor SinhaRaja Tammita-Delgoda in Colombo for his hospitality and for having shared with me his immense knowledge of Lankan history and society during a short visit in March 2009. 31 . Unsurprisingly, they are closer to varieties of spoken Brazilian Portuguese, especially as this last is considered a semi-Creole by many linguists. In both Macau and Melaka, though I am not really proficient to any degree in either Notes 185

Creole, as a Brazilian I can clearly understand better the local Creoles than Portuguese-born colleagues, unless these have some previous knowledge of either Creole. I could also understand Papiamentu in Aruba and Cura ç ao in the Netherlands Antilles, to a remarkable degree. 32 . Dalgado has one article on Goan Creole (Dalgado 1900). 33 . I am grateful to Michael Pearson for having called my attention to his article. 34 . All these processes need not be seen as excluding each other: for instance, it is quite likely that Creoles had a common origin and then quickly differentiated and became localized, but also kept in contact through the constant move- ments of people throughout Portuguese Asia. Cochin for instance to this day has a community of former speakers of Creole that trace their origins at least in part to Melaka (personal communication, Devika Jayakumari, Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, Kerala). From intermittent contact and fieldwork in both Macau and Melaka through the years, I know that there is also an old connection between Melaka and Sri Lanka, as well as one between Macau and Melaka, besides Macau and Timor, and between Goa, Timor, and Macau, on the one hand, and Mozambique on the other. These connections were strong as they subsisted into the late colonial era (i.e., the second half of the twentieth century); in some cases, they are still going on to this day, sometimes with renewed intensity (as in the case of the connection between Macau and Melaka). 35 . Adé has a postcolonial heir in Macau in lawyer and playwright Miguel de Senna Fernandes (Senna Fernandes and Baxter 2004), incidentally the son of the most famous Portuguese-language Macanese writer, namely the late Henrique de Senna Fernandes. There is also the late Girardo Fernandes in Melaka, though he hardly published anything during his lifetime (he is not related as far as I know to the Fernandes in Macau). I am grateful to Girardo’s widow, Ms. Jenny Fernandes in Melaka, for having let me have access to her late husband’s library in 2011. 36 . Recent years have also seen renewed connections between Luso-Creole communities in Macau, Melaka, and Bangkok, as I have discovered during periods of field visits in all three locations between 2009 and 2012. These connections are not necessarily any longer carried out under the aegis of any Portugal-based network but instead are direct ones between the communi- ties involved. Also, the language used in actual contacts is more often than not English. 37 . All references to the authors mentioned are also in Dalgado (1900). 38 . Smeulders (1987) shows for instance the enormous amount of ambiguity surrounding Papiamentu in colonial Cura ç ao for well over a century. During my own research in Cura ç ao in 1996, I felt many islanders often had a very hesitant attitude toward the language, especially as a medium of instruc- tion in local schools, even though they clearly used it in their everyday deal- ings as well as read the local newspapers in Papiamentu and listened to the radio broadcasts in the language (they also watched television news in it). Incidentally the vocabulary of Papiamentu is mostly of Portuguese origin with strong Spanish and Dutch influence. 186 Notes

39 . This passage is also quoted almost 20 years later in the preface to the first volume of his Gloss á rio (Dalgado 1919: VIII). 40 . I am grateful to J. Devika with the Centre for Development Studies for hav- ing pointed this out to me.

5 (Dis)connections in Macau and Melaka: Constructing a Lusophone Indian Ocean

1 . This chapter is partly based on field research carried out in Macau and Melaka between 2010 and 2012. 2 . See however Baxter (2012) for a nuanced analysis in the case of Melaka. 3 . See for instance Holm’s major reference work on Creoles and Pidgins, where Vernacular Brazilian Portuguese is mentioned fairly often, also as “the infor- mal speech of most Brazilians” (Holm 2000: 10, 65, 72). Whatever its lin- guistic value, I find this perspective useful, among other reasons because it approximates Brazilian Portuguese to Portuguese-based Creoles. 4 . In Tangassé ry in Kollam, south Kerala, house nameplates with Portuguese names are still very common; in Cochin a community subsists as an inter- esting social palimpsest though they are now entirely Malayalam-speaking Catholics and do not stand out in the public domain as Portuguese, despite the fact that they are still aware of their Luso-Creole past. They also say their ancestors came from Melaka. Nonetheless, there are currently no links between Cochin and Melaka (personal communication, J. Devika, Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum). My research in Melaka seems to confirm this piece of information. For the fate of Creole languages in Kerala, see Cardoso (2006). 5 . See for instance Morbey (2011) for a recent plea for official inclusion, where the accent is concomitantly placed on Creole, Christian, and Lusophone. 6 . See Rego (2008) for an excellent study on Cape Verde. See also Midge and Bartens (2010). 7 . I should also add that the written language at the Portuguese Settlement in Melaka seldom seems to be (Melaka) Portuguese, but rather Malay and English. The situation is therefore similar to that in Aruba and Curaç ao, where people usually speak in one language, Papiamentu (called “Papiamento” in Aruba), a Portuguese-lexified Creole, and write in another, namely Dutch, though there are many exceptions. 8 . This is an intriguing and as yet unexplored difference. See Kohl (2011). 9 . The term “Eurasian” and even “Eurasian Portuguese” are still in use. 10 . The street has currently no nameplate indicating its name nor has it any sign of past Portuguese presence. It is nowadays mostly not a residential street either. 11 . As a Creole community its social borders have been porous. Nonetheless, there are no studies of family histories yet. 12 . There are of course other links as well: Melaka has been a Chinese-majority city since the nineteenth century and there must have been intermarriage and Notes 187

other links. There are also little explored Lankan connections (see Sarkissian 1995/1996). In Indian-Portuguese couples conversion does not necessarily take place. Namely, the spouses can each keep to their different religions (Hinduism and Catholicism). 13 . C á tia Candeias, a scholarship holder from Funda çã o Cam õ es, sent to teach locals Portuguese, managed to learn Melaka Portuguese quite fast in 2010, and became thoroughly bilingual. 14 . See Kohl (2011) for an interesting recent formulation of this issue, including Papiamentu. 15 . So far no one has ever mentioned to me the very real possibility of Malay ancestors: the idea must be anathema to both the Portuguese and the Malay communities because of official ethno-religious animosity. I have however met Malays who told me they have Portuguese ancestors. I have also met a young Malay-Portuguese couple who had a daughter (they were not officially married though). To this day the community has not been allowed to build a church on its grounds by the government. Its traditional church remains therefore the St. Peter’s church, built in 1710 during the Dutch period. It is Malaysia’s oldest church building still in use. It is the community’s church though it is not within walking distance from the Settlement nor is it in a neighborhood where any Portuguese currently live. 16 . As Andaya also shows, the Orang Laut (seafaring coastal indigenous com- munities) were closely associated with Malay sultans, often providing him with a navy. In Melaka, what is nowadays St. Paul’s hill, with the ruins of the former Catholic church on top where Saint Francis Xavier was once bur- ied, used to shelter an Orang Laut community, no doubt serving the Melaka Sultan whose palace was somewhere in the immediate neighborhood (not necessarily where today’s reconstructed palace now stands). 17 . See Teixeira (1976) and Thomaz (1999). 18 . Interestingly, though discussions of the genesis and formation of Creoles are some times dominated by stress on slavery or indentureship, in the case of the Macau and Melaka Creoles slavery is not brought up. For a somewhat different perspective, see for instance Chaudenson (2001: 70–81). 19 . Much more research would be needed here, but my impression from talk- ing to people in both Melaka and Kuala Lumpur is that there is a large degree of fluidity between the denominations Serani (Malay for Christian, from Arabic “Nazarene”), Eurasian, and Portuguese. “Portuguese” is much more commonly used in Melaka, and “Eurasian” in Kuala Lumpur, whereas Serani perhaps seems more common in Penang, though I do not believe any of these terms is geographically circumscribed. During a visit to the club of the Eurasian Association in Kuala Lumpur, next to the former Pudu Prison, it became clear to me that the comparatively wealthy members (some of them lawyers) look on the Portuguese Settlement of Melaka as an important source for their identity even though nobody I met there actually speaks Portuguese any more nor apparently has any close family connections that can be readily traced to the Settlement. The Corregedor—the official head of the Settlement who in fact lives in Singapore—goes to the club. Portuguese surnames are also very common among members. 188 Notes

20 . The Siamese, or Malaysian Buddhist Thais, are also officially bumiputeras . 21 . There also used to be an Arab Peranakan community in town. 22 . Someone has apparently recently managed to obtain one, but I could not locate the person in question nor find out more about him. 23 . Chinese is usually written in traditional script, except at Universidade de Macau, where the Mainland simplified script is preferred; and it is clearly freely taken to mean Cantonese rather than Mandarin. Colleagues from Singapore tell me that the Mandarin skills of Macau university students tend to be poor. In my experience their English is also often poor to very poor. As Portuguese is not widely used, especially not in tertiary education (cur- rently there is a single postgraduate course in law at Universidade de Macau taught in the language, besides Portuguese itself), Macau in fact lacks a clear medium of instruction at the moment, though both Mandarin and English are on the ascendancy. 24 . Though usually foreign workers, Filipinos are now also locally born and have often become local citizens (Macau, just as Hong Kong, has its own separate passport and identity card. Just as Hong Kongers, Macau citizens usually enjoy more or less free untrammelled access to the West, Brazil included). Intriguingly, many Macanese have Filipino ancestors. Historically there has therefore been a strong connection between Macau and Manila in particular. Currently not even locally born Filipinos usually speak Portuguese (nor do they speak Spanish, a language that remains one of the languages of the Philippines even though only diminutive minori- ties speak it today). Though often speaking other Philippine languages, the community uses Filipino (based on Tagalog) as it is lingua franca. The language of course contains many words of Spanish origin, which approxi- mates it more than a little to local Portuguese. Filipinos are also usually Catholic, just like the Macanese and metropolitan Portuguese (but not the majority of Macau’s population). Just as in Melaka, the Lusophone com- munities in Macau are also strongly Catholic. 25 . See Cabral e Louren ç o (1993). 26 . Incidentally it is a greeting that is widespread across Indian Ocean port cit- ies in Southeast Asia: Malay-Indonesian for instance also has a version of the same greeting, and so does Burmese. Use of Cantonese phrases or even vocabulary is not the only difference between Macau and other kinds of Portuguese. 27 . Only a couple of hundred speakers, mostly middle-aged to elderly, still speak the language, though tiny groups of young enthusiasts are also learning it. It is said that no mother tongue speakers remain any more, differently to Melaka Portuguese. 28 . For more details, see Baxter (2012). 29 . Alain however only learned Standard Portuguese upon moving to Brazil as a student. He speaks half a dozen Senegambian languages, besides being flu- ent in French and Portuguese. 30 . See Mark (2002) for a historical ethnography, including Ziguinchor. 31 . I have only heard Patuá spoken during the staging of plays by Miguel de Senna Fernandes in Macau. The language is no longer heard in public Notes 189

spaces in Macau, being confined to the domestic realm only. See Senna Fernandes and Baxter (2010). 32 . Since 1999 it is a Special Administrative Region, not unlike Hong Kong next door. Education (and culture) falls within the purview of local, not the central, government. Macau usually entertains better relations with Beijing than Hong Kong, where there is a good deal of overt opposition. Interestingly, they also seem to be occasionally more successful in their resis- tance to Beijing’s meddling in their internal affairs than Hong Kong. 33 . Macau is much smaller than Melaka Tengah, the main but smallest district in Melaka state, where the Settlement is located. It is comparatively easy to walk through the whole of Macau Peninsula, where about two-thirds of the population live, or through the old territory of either Coloane or Taipa islands (for decades now the islands have been united through a large land- fill, namely the Cotai strip, now full of very large casinos). 34 . I am writing this right after the May 2013 general elections, when just over half of the electorate voted for parties other than those in government. As most of the electoral constituencies are rural (whereas most people live in urban areas), the ruling coalition has nevertheless managed to keep its grip on power (which it maintains since 1957) in spite of receiving a minority of votes nationally. 35 . As far as I know Malaysia does not a have single restaurant serving met- ropolitan Portuguese food (whereas Macau has quite a few). Interestingly, Portuguese food outside the Settlement proper is only available in outlets run by Chinese which to my mind do not quite serve authentic Melaka Portuguese food. These outlets also tend to be more expensive and upmarket than the mostly simple seaside restaurants run by the Portuguese themselves (these are enormously popular with outsiders and tourists from Singapore and Kuala Lumpur over the weekend). 36 . An encounter with Portuguese cuisine in Melaka is quite an experience for both Brazilians and European Portuguese: it is a Creole cuisine which can- not be readily identified with any metropolitan Portuguese cuisine but which exhibits more than a few links to both Macanese and local Baba Peranakan cuisine. It may also share ingredients and even recipes across other Indian Ocean Emporia with Creole cuisines whether or not these have any roots in Portuguese colonialism. 37 . I remember I considered them terribly tacky back then. After a few minutes of almost gasping in disbelief, I would change to another channel. The dis- belief came from the sense of strangeness: no one in Brazil quite dances like that, I used to think. Interestingly watching Portuguese dancing in Melaka was quite nice, no doubt to a large degree because the context was com- pletely different. It is interesting to note that in Brazil, Melaka, and Macau Portuguese folkloric dances are a minority dancing tradition closely related to local Portuguese identities. 38 . The exception is Timor Leste, where Brazilians and Brazilian institutions have been fairly deeply involved in the process of (re)Lusinatization—that is, turning the country into a Lusophone country—together with locals and Portuguese as well. 190 Notes

39 . Padre Lancelot is not originally from the Portuguese community. He of course speaks excellent Portuguese though he told me he did not know any when he first arrived in Macau as a teenager. 40 . Senior historian Lee Kam Heng with the University of Malaya remembers him during a visit to Macau in the late 1990s. It turns out that he is still remembered by many people there. He worked as the Portuguese church priest in Melaka between 1947 and 1980. 41 . His magnum opus is a three-volume study of the Portuguese missions in Melaka and Singapore (Teixeira 1961). For more information, see Macau’s library’s site: http://www.library.gov.mo/ManuelTC/pmain.htm , accessed on June 28, 2013. It turns out that like Padre Lancelot also came to Macau at the tender age of 12 and likewise studied at the prestigious Semin ário de S ã o Jos é , which ran until the mid-1960s (today’s Universidade de S ã o Jos é or University of Saint Joseph is its continuator with its faculty of Christian studies full of Myanmar seminarians). 42 . See Daniels (2005: 14–39). Macau however is commemorated as the birth- place and entry point of Western influence in China. For instance, the first daguerreotype in China was made in Macau as well as the first oil paintings. 43 . It is very difficult to come by any reliable figures, but it is some times thought that Portuguese speakers in Macau, regardless of nationality, may number just about 20,000 people in a population of over 600,000. My feel- ing in Macau is that the Portuguese and Macanese communities there often function more or less as an insulated small town where everybody knows everybody else. The Portugal-born Portuguese (far outnumbered by the Macanese) often now live in a part of Taipa functioning very much like an urban enclave, though their small numbers and the overcrowded condi- tion of the city do not allow for an ethnic neighborhood as such (namely, they necessarily live among local Chinese). By comparison, Melaka is a vast sprawling city with over 800,000 inhabitants, and the Portuguese Settlement (practically the only place left in town where Portuguese is spoken in public) probably has a population of less than 3,000 souls. Not everybody who lives in the Settlement is necessarily conversant with Melaka Portuguese. Youngsters in particular often tend to have a passive rather than active knowledge of the language. 44 . One incentive is of course government jobs as Portuguese is an official lan- guage together with Chinese. 45 . If I say in the Portuguese Settlement that I am from Sã o Paulo, I am imme- diately on the map, whereas in Malaysia in general this is not so at all. There is a tiny group of young Timorese refugees in Melaka, and they are on friendly terms with youth from the Portuguese Settlement, a couple of who have in fact spent time studying in Macau. The Portuguese in Melaka have developed therefore a particular relationship to the larger Lusophone world which the rest of Malaysia does not necessarily share. The Macau Tourism Authority has an office in Kuala Lumpur and a branch in Melaka to exploit the Portuguese connection (it is nonetheless very far from the Portuguese Settlement and has no connections to it); however, from what Notes 191

I have seen so far, the typical Malaysian tourist in Macau is a Malaysian Chinese on a gambling-cum-shopping spree (Macau’s casinos are full of luxury brand name shops from the West, much sought after by visitors from China and elsewhere). The person in charge of the Macau Tourism Authority office in Kuala Lumpur is Malaysian Chinese, and has been to both Brazil and Macau. She has no connections to the Portuguese Settlement nor is she particularly knowledgeable about it. The Macau Tourism Authority strikes me as a strictly commercial body geared to enhancing visitors’ numbers in Macau (already running into tens of mil- lions of visitors every year even though this small, grossly overcrowded, almost thoroughly urban enclave has only just over 600,000 inhabitants). It is however as far as I know the only Macau official body also present in Melaka or Malaysia as a whole. 46 . The inhabitants of Macau, even those who are Lusophone, are nowadays not used to think of Southeast Asia as a region that has been very important for Macau across the centuries, but only China and Europe, particularly Portugal. The obvious link to Malacca aside, not only many slaves used to come from Southeast Asia (from Java and Timor for instance), but also places like Makassar, Batavia (today’s Jakarta), and Timor were for a long time very important hubs for Macau’s country traders (i.e., independent traders). The connection to Manila was also significant (see Teixeira 1976; Souza 1986). Not unsurprisingly, for many decades one of the largest groups in Macau after the Chinese has consistently been the Filipinos, who work mostly in the lower echelons of the service industry. Manila is a mere two- hour flight from Macau, and Melaka is three hours away. 47 . See Castelo (1999), Ribeiro (2007), and Bosma and Ribeiro (2007), as well as Almeida’s valuable critique (Almeida 2004).

6 The Muslim and Portuguese Indian Ocean: A Reappraisal of Cosmopolitanism in the Early Modern Era

* This essay is part of my research on Lusophone South and Southeast Asia carried out under the auspices of the Social and Behavioural Science Cluster, University of Malaya, in 2011–2012. I am also very grateful to Michael N. Pearson for his encouraging comments as well as for invaluable bibliographical suggestions. Finally, I am grateful to Sumit Mandal with Nottingham Malaysia for having made valuable comments related to the authors treated here and for having commented on an earlier version of this paper. Incidentally, I am also grateful to Michael Connors at Nottingham for having offered an honorary research affiliation to me in 2014–2015 that has allowed me to finish my book manuscript. This chapter was originally presented as a conference paper at a conference, “The Dimensions of the Indian Ocean World Past: Sources and Opportunities for Interdisciplinary Work in Indian Ocean World History, 9th- 19th Centuries,” organized by Murdoch University and the Western Australia 192 Notes

Maritime Museum, in Perth, on November 12–14, 2012. A much shorter ver- sion of this chapter will also appear in a volume (Ribeiro 2015). Furthermore, I have previously treated similar themes, albeit in a much more concise manner (Ribeiro 2014). 1 . For an exploration of links, particularly in the colonial and early postcolo- nial era, see the pioneering work by Devika (2012). 2 . Unsurprisingly, Hall shows that an expanded notion of the Bay of Bengal helps a good deal in including Kerala/Malabar (Hall 2010). Perhaps equally unsurprising is the fact that his expanded notion is based on precolonial networks, what may perhaps indicate the relative weight of colonial perspec- tives in occluding relations between both regions. See also Mukherjee (2001) and Prakash and Lombard (1999). I am grateful to Michael N. Pearson for these references. 3 . See however Ray (2001). In fact, a text discussed below, namely Orta’s, hap- pens to be a source of information about the links between for instance Calicut and China which were still active until just over a hundred years before Orta’s time (Orta 1563: 56–58; Coloquio , 15). He accordingly men- tions the Chinacota or Chinese trading lodge (or fort), which was still stand- ing during his time (it no longer exists). 4 . Debates in the press and among the public center on colonial modes of reading the archive as either true or false, as the recent controversy on Hang Tuah involving a leading historian shows—Hang Tuah is one of the characters in Sejarah Melayu and a famous Malay hero with a hikayat of his own (see interview with historian Khoo Kay Kim claim- ing Hang Tuah did not exist: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/cate- gory/nation/2012/01/16/hang-li-po-hang-tuah-did-not-exist /—consulted on September 19, 2012. I am grateful to Shanti Moorthy from Monash University, Malaysia, for this link). 5 . I have found no fewer than four different English translations, not based on the same manuscripts, as well as a French one, all of them colonial works spanning a period of about 135 years (Leyden 2012 [1821]; Devic 1878; Shellabear 1967 [1898]; Starkweather et al. 2012 [1901]; Brown 2009 [1952]). I am grateful to Raman Krishnan with Silverfish Books in Kuala Lumpur for pointing out to me the importance of the Leyden translation. 6 . See Malay Concordance Project at http://mcp.anu.edu.au/N/SM_bib.html (last consulted on June 1, 2014). 7 . It should be added to this that Leyden, judging from his previous Scottish work in the romantic tradition, was in favor of retellings (sic) of traditional texts rather than mere accurate reproduction (Hooker and Hooker 2010: 38–43). 8 . It is some times known simply as Hikayat Raja Pasai . 9 . The earliest manuscript of Hikayat Raja-raja Pasai available today dates from 1815 (sic), even though the original text is much older (see the excel- lent site of the Malay Concordance Project, http://mcp.anu.edu.au/N/Pasai_ bib.html, consulted on September 24, 2012). Another interesting piece of information is that the manuscript in question comes from Raffles’ Malay Notes 193

Scriptorium in Bogor, Java. The same site tells us that the oldest extant manuscript for Sejarah Melayu dates from 1808, and it used to belong to another munshi, that is, a professional scribe ( http://mcp.anu.edu.au/N/ SM_bib.html). I remember reading somewhere in Braginsky’s voluminous study (Branginksy 2004) that there are today no extant Malay manuscripts from before the eighteenth century. The plot therefore thickens the deeper we go into the details of the origin of indigenous manuscripts. 10 . One would be hard-pressed however to figure out which texts might be a good choice—another famous text, for instance, Merong Mahawangsa , known in English as the Kedah Annals , features a complex story of an Indian princess marrying a Chinese prince, and also depicts very close rela- tions between Malays and the Orang Asli (the indigenous inhabitants of Peninsular Malaysia) as well as the Siamese (Low 2012 [1849]). Perhaps even more than Sejarah Melayu , it gives the impression of a place that is very much an in-between locale both culturally and geographically. Andaya (2008) shows that in reality Malays and Orang Asli and Orang Laut (“sea people”) for centuries lived in a relationship of great mutual interdependence well into the colonial era, with people moving across ethnic boundaries fairly often. See also Noor (2011) for a similar historical picture from Pahang, on the east coast of the Peninsula. 11 . I am very grateful to Dr. Má rio C é sar Le ã o as well as his son, Rui Le ã o, for inviting me to be a discussant at the former’s book launch in May 2012, in Macau. 12 . The full translation of the Arabic title is “Gift of the Mujahidin: Some Accounts of the Portuguese” according to Ho (2011: 403) or “A Gift to the Holy Warriors in Respect to Some Deeds of the Portuguese” according to Dale (2006: 282); or still “Tribute to the holy warriors in respect of a brief account of the Portuguese” according to Nainar (Nainar 2006: 6). 13 . Interestingly, Tuhfat has also several manuscripts and versions as well as translations in several Indian languages, not unlike other Indian Ocean texts (Nainar 2006; Vilayathullah 2006). 14 . I am grateful to Sumit Mandal with Nottingham Malaysia for pointing out to me the relevance of the issue of the contemporaneity and contiguity between Orta and Zainuddin. I often mention the number of the relevant Coloquio as well as page number, as is customary when quoting from Orta’s work (the pagination of his work is often unreliable). 15 . In fact, Orta’s well-to-do family had traditionally close relations with the Sousa family, part of the nobility in Alentejo, hence Orta’s closeness to Martim Afonso in India. It turns out that he went out to India from Lisbon in 1534 in the armada commanded by Martim Afonso himself (D’Cruz 1991: 1593; Le ã o 2011: 23). Martim Afonso also led a famous armada to Brazil (Varnhagen 1849). Subrahmanyam (2011: 23–72) indicates that Martim Afonso in India was even for the standards of his time and place somewhat of a warmonger who was very fond of pillage and wealth. Ficalho praises him to the skies at various points in his biography of Orta (Ficalho 1886). When I learned history at school in Brazil several decades ago, Martim Afonso was also presented as a grand figure in Brazilian colonial history. 194 Notes

16 . An interesting fact here is that Zainuddin, a famous Sunni scholar, has as his chosen patron a Shi’a ruler who in turn paid obeisance to the Shah of Persia. This was clearly far from uncommon. See Alam and Subrahmanyam (2008) for the great importance of the link to Persia in Bijapur and elsewhere among the Deccan sultanates. Orta’s text mentions the Adil Shah a couple of times only, and there is no indication that Orta knew him personally. This is in itself meaningful, for, as Orta clearly followed on the footsteps of Portuguese power in his relations with Deccani courts, it shows that the Portuguese were very close to Ahmadnagar and Gujarat during Orta’s time, and had generally inimical or at least more distant relations with Bijapur (for a con- firmation of this see the account of the very convoluted relations between Goa and Bijapur during Orta’s time in Subrahmanyam 2011: 23–82). 17 . Unsurprisingly as Pearson (2011: 8) indicates that the Portuguese elite in Goa routinely resorted to Hindu physicians. 18 . Pearson notes that Avicenna’s Al-Qanun is in fact the most influential medi- cal book of all times in both Europe and Asia (Pearson 2011b: 5). It turns out that it is exactly this work that Orta discussed in Ahmednagar, with the Nizam Shah. 19 . However, he ridicules to Ruano some Hindu beliefs, for instance, the trans- migration of souls (Orta 1563: 137; Coloquio , 33). 20 . A caveat must be made here: in northern Kerala there is clearly a good deal of knowledge about the Shaykh as he was a prestigious local figure (see Shokoohy 1998). See also Kurup’s introduction and Vilayathullah’s short biography (Zainuddin Makhdum 2009: xiii–xxiii). Intriguingly, as far as I know the only two places besides India and the Arab world where Zainuddin’s work remains in print are Malaysia and Portugal, respectively in English and Portuguese (Zinadin 1998 and Al-Malabari 2006; see also Ho 2011). 21 . It is in fact slightly surprising that he chose to write in Portuguese and in addition publish his work in Goa (it was one of the very first texts ever pub- lished in the city). It is a testimony to his genius and the innovativeness of his text that in spite of that for centuries it would remain a major reference work on Asian medicinal and other plants as well as some diseases. 22 . See Veluthat’s essay on the Keralolpatti : perhaps unsurprisingly, some of the issues surrounding the text are similar to those related to Sejarah Melayu , first and foremost the inevitable entanglement with colonial evidentiary modes of historiography (Veluthat 2009: 129–146). 23 . In what is yet another small piece of history connecting the Indic world and the Straits, the purported founder of Melaka in the early fifteenth century is a Hindu Javanese prince from Sumatra, namely Parameswara. 24 . Ashis Nandy indicates for Cochin that historically all the different religious communities—or at least its elite sectors—traditionally clearly shared a strong sense of a common territoriality and a shared destiny to the point that communalism in Cochin has not taken root even in the postcolonial era (Nandy 2002: 157–209). For an alternative or complementary perspective which also brings out lower caste cosmopolitanism in Kerala, see Devika (2012). See also discussion in Chapter 3 . Notes 195

25 . A visit to the nearby small port town of Chendamangalam in June 2009, together with Arunima Gopinath from Jawarhalal Nehru University, where there is a synagogue, then recently restored, showed that there was a Jewish community there until the early postcolonial era, though nowadays all its members seem to reside in Israel. The synagogue has a very small grave- yard attached to it where one of the tombstones dates to the late thirteenth century. 26 . Durians exude an extremely pungent, all-pervading smell, that many peo- ple find disgusting, and therefore this may be the reason why it was appar- ently not taken on board ships from Melaka to Goa (hotels in Malaysia for instance often explicitly prohibit guests from bringing in durians). 27 . Of course, the thorny issue to what extent there was a Creole spoken in Goa at the time also comes up here. Though no Creole seems to have been spoken in Goa after 1800, the situation must have been very different in ear- lier times, when Portuguese-based Creoles became a veritable lingua franca in Indian Ocean emporia, especially when Europeans and their slaves were involved. 28 . Orta was clearly very close also to Martim Afonso’s successor, namely Afonso de Noronha. For instance, Orta obtained from him an official par- don for a friend of his, Sancho Pires, who worked for the Nizam Shah and had converted to Islam (Markham 1913: 414, note 2). Pires was almost cer- tainly a New Christian. 29 . I found a copy of Er édia’s book in the house of Girardo Fernandes in Melaka, an intellectual from the local Portuguese community. It was very touching to see it there, inside the Portuguese Settlement. I am grateful to his widow, Jenny Fernandes, for having shown me his private library in 2011. 30 . For the intricacy of the link between the local and universal in connected histories, see Subrahmanyam (1997) and my discussion in Ribeiro (2008). 31 . Christ ó vã o da Costa, another Spanish-Portuguese convert and a doctor and botanist, was also very famous, quoted or plagiarized from (according to different sources) Orta’s work even though, differently to both Orta and Pires, who would both die in Asia, one in India and the other in China, he never went there (Costa 1964). 32 . His work is unfortunately unavailable in any other form except English translation, one or two archives in Europe aside. I would personally have liked very much to read it in the original. This is perhaps the place to note that reading Orta’s quaint Portuguese (in a text famously sprinkled with literally hundreds and hundreds of typos), rather than in translation, was important for me as a mother tongue speaker of Brazilian Portuguese, because of the nuances of some key words: for instance when Orta talks about slaves, he employs identical terms as those historically employed in Brazil and which are in use even today, over 135 years after slavery ended. 33 . This suspicion is indirectly confirmed by Er édia himself when he says that Luca actually means “island” in Java and other islands (Er édia 1997: 68). 34 . See for instance some reproductions of Er édia’s plans of the city in Thomaz (2000: 16–17). 196 Notes

35 . I have carried out research in Suriname in October and November 1998. See Ribeiro (2002). 36 . The name originated from Francisco de Orellana’s expedition in the mid- sixteenth century, which was supposedly attacked by indigenous women. However, myths of Amazon-like women are in reality indigenous to local societies (see Steverlynck 2008). I have no idea whether they are also indig- enous to Nusantara. 37 . Intriguingly, Veluthat mentions a similar attitude by another famous English colonial scholar, this time in Kerala, namely William Logan, toward the equally famous Keralolpatti (Veluthat 2009: 130). As Veluthat shows, Logan considered this last as a “farrago of legendary nonsense” and yet leaned heavily on it for his reconstruction of Kerala’s early history. 38 . In the Sejarah Melayu , Winstedt claims in his own colonial time the city was Acehnese speaking, which is not a language even remotely related to Malay (Winstedt 1996: 110). 39 . Unsurprisingly, Kurup mentions that in 1936 K. Moossankutty Moulavi brought out an Arabi-Malayalam version of Zainuddin’s text (Kurup 2006: xv). 40 . On the eve of the Portuguese attack on Melaka, the warriors are given a manuscript from the royal collection— Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiah , in reality a translation from a Persian Shi’ia-inspired original (Braginksy 2004: 180–183)—to be read aloud for their edification and bolster their bravery and courage (Leyden 2012: 200). Incidentally, nobody seems to have noted the irony of a text used to bolster Malay nationalism mentioning Malay warriors inspired by a Shi’ia-influenced text. Malay nationalism is currently strongly religious (and Sunni) and the Malaysian government is openly anti- Shi’ia, to the point of persecuting local Shi’a groups

7 Conclusion

1 . It is hard to emphasize how quotidian betel nut is in many South and Southeast Asian societies. In Kuala Lumpur, in Bukit Bintang, among young Myanmar workers, for instance, it remains a daily staple, chewed several times a day. Consumed together with lime, tobacco, and spices (say, carda- mom), in the form of a quid wrapped in betel leaf, it can be slightly intoxi- cating and give you a mild high. Some people are very fond of it, as their blackened teeth clearly show (as an ethnographer who gave in to this local usage, my own teeth have also suffered a similar fate). References

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Abdullah, Munshi, 3–5, 139, 141–3, Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao [ABC 145, 150, 152, 159, 164, 168. Islands], 107, 121–2, 130, See also Melaka 185–6 Adil Shah, 147, 158, 194. See also Asia, Asian, 4, 11, 16, 26, 32, 35, Bijapur 38, 52, 55, 58, 65–6, 68, 78, Africa and Africans, 1–3, 8–11, 84–6, 89–94, 96–7, 103–4, 15–16, 23, 30–5, 38, 47–8, 106–13, 116–17, 119, 122, 129, 50, 55, 60, 64–5, 71, 73, 131–2, 137, 146, 148–54, 157, 92–3, 95–6, 108, 111, 116–18, 163, 167, 170–4, 180, 182–3, 122–3, 125, 132, 148, 150, 185, 188, 194–5. See also East 154, 180, 182. See also under Asia, Central Asia, Middle specific place names East, South Asia, and Southeast Ahmednagar [Sultanate], 66–7, 147, Asia 149, 155, 167, 171–2, 194 Assis, Machado de, 43–4, 78 Americas, 9, 13, 19, 64–5, 108, Atlantic, 2–3, 9, 13–14, 16, 19, 133, 161 31–3, 56, 58, 64–5, 87, 90, Andaman, Sea of, 28–9, 139 177, 179 Angola, Angolan, 31–3, 75, 125 Australia, 25, 27, 157, 184, 191 Antilles, 13, 180 Auto-da-fé, 148. See also Netherlands, 107, 185 Inquisition, Orta see also Martinique Avicenna, 66–7, 86, 149, 167–8, Arab, 23, 46, 52, 180, 184, 188, 194 194 Ayurveda, 149, 154, 174 Arabia, 68, 137, 145, 151 Arabian Peninsula, 29, 68, 74, Baba Peranakan/Nyonya, 3, 124, 141 189 Arabian Sea, 135 Bahadur [Sultan], 148, 167–8, Arabic, 6, 22, 66, 73–5, 90, 93, 176–7. See also Gujarat 142, 144, 147, 149–52, 154, Bahmani [Sultanate], 66 159, 163–5, 169, 184, 187, 193 Bangkok. See Thailand in the Indian Ocean, 150 Bardez, 101–2, 184 as lingua franca, 60, 163 Barreto, Lima, 43–7, 49, 51, 55, Arabi-Malayalam, 163, 196 169, 180–1. See also Brazil, Rio Arakan, Arakanese, 28–30 de Janeiro 216 Index

Bengal, Bay of, 5, 7, 136, 192 Catholic [church, people], 7, 34, 70, Bengali language and script, 93, 75, 95–7, 99, 103, 110, 119, 144 121, 173, 183, 186–8. See also region, 85, 106 Inquisition betel, 174, 196 Central Asia, 66, 84, 167, 171 Bijapur [Sultanate], 147, 158, 194 Ceylon [Sri Lanka], 7, 26, 89, 92–3, Bombay, 96, 105, 150, 182 95, 97, 106–12, 122, 132, 160, Borneo. See Kalimantan 183–5, 187 Braginsky, Vladimir, 138–9, 144, Chandu Menon, 77–83, 85, 169. 193. See also Sejarah Melayu See also Malabar, Malayalam Brazil, Brazilian, 7, 15–16, 18–19, Chera [king, kingdom], 151, 153. 24, 26, 31, 32, 33–6, 38–9, See also Malabar 41–3, 49, 51, 54–6, 64–5, Chetties [Chitties], 3, 120. See also 75–9, 81–3, 93, 113, 116, Melaka 126–7, 131–3, 168, 176–8, China, 3, 10, 91, 109, 128, 130–1, 184–6, 188–9, 191, 193, 195 137, 145, 156, 190–2, 195 Britain, British, 28–9, 58, 72–3, Chinese, community, people, 3, 5, 75–81, 84–5, 89, 95–6, 98, 26, 33, 46, 52–4, 68–9, 123–5, 102, 104–6, 110, 118–19, 127, 129–31, 145, 179, 186, 141–2, 183–4 189–93 Buddhism, 29, 31, 86, 170, 188 language, 32, 114, 125, 188 Bugis, 138, 157, 159 Chins, 25–9. See also Bukit Bukhara, 66 Bintang, Kuala Lumpur Bukit Bintang, 26–7, 196. See also Christians, 6, 8, 27, 66, 68, 73, 75, Chins, Kuala Lumpur 84, 148–9, 152–3, 172 Buru Island and Quartet, 46, Brahmin [Goa], 94–5, 184 49–50, 55, 180 New [converts], 148, 172, 195 Byzantine [Empire], 145, 159 Cochin, 6, 70, 111, 114, 122, 138, 146, 152–3, 155, 171, 185–6, Cairo, 148–9, 167–8, 177 194. See also Malabar Calcutta, 112, 141 Coelho, Adolfo, 97, 91, 109–11 Calicut, 69, 73, 146–9, 159, 171, Colombo [Sri Lanka], 93, 106, 111, 192 184 Cambay, 24, 178 Comoro Islands, 16 Canton, 161 Concubinage, 46, 48, 50, 53–4 Cantonese [language, people], 32, Constantinople, 149 109, 118, 125–8, 130, 133, 188 conversion [religious], 5, 66–7, Cape Town, 9, 15, 36, 38–9, 56, 71, 121, 148, 150–1, 154–5, 163, 176 157–8, 160, 173–4, 187, 195 Cape Verde Islands, 31–3, 91–2, Coromandel [Coast], 7, 148 110–11, 117, 122, 127, 129–30, Correia, Gaspar, 176 186 cosmopolitanism, concept, 37, Caribbean, 13, 15–20, 64–5, 116, 57–65, 68–73, 75, 77–9, 81–7, 118, 121–3, 136 168–9, 177–9, 181, 194 Index 217 cosmopolitanism—Continued Indo-Portuguese [language], 70, in the Atlantic, 64–5 89, 91–2, 94, 97, 106–13, 117, creolization and, 62–3, 65, 78, 182–3, 186 81–2, 84, 87, 168–9, 174, Java [elite], 181 177 Jews and Muslims, 149, 152, 173 in the Indian Ocean, 2, 6–8, 12, languages [general], 14, 89–90, 21–4, 26–7, 30, 36, 72–3, 81, 107–8, 163, 185–6 84, 163, 178–9 life in Senegambia, 47 in Kuala Lumpur, 179 linguistics, 92 in Malabar, 69–71, 77, 82–3, 85, Luso-[communities, legacy, 194 ocean], 32, 114, 133, 170, Couto, Diogo do, 139, 144, 164, 175–6, 182, 185–6 168. See also Sejarah Melayu Luso-[languages], 91–2 Creole, African [language], 111 Macau [language and Arab in Melaka, 3 community], 91, 109–11, 113, Arab in Surabaya, 52 115, 126, 129, 185, 187 Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao Martinique and Guadeloupe [language], 107, 120, 129, [language], 17 185–6 Mauritius [language], 90 Asian [languages], 132 Melaka [cuisine], 35 Brazil [language], 116, 184 Melaka [languages and texts], 92, Calcutta [language and people], 96, 115–24, 137 112 Melaka Portuguese [language and Cape Verde [language], 92, community], 35, 36, 120–9, 110–11, 117, 127, 129 134, 157–8, 185–7 Caribbean, 136 nationalism, 54 Chinese in Melaka [people], 125 Neo-Latin or Romanic dialects, 110 Chinese in Surabaya [people], 52 Netherlands Antilles [language], communities in Melaka, 4, 23 107, 185 Damão and Diu [language], 92, Portuguese [as lingua franca], 108 107, 112 Portuguese and Portuguese- French in Trinidad [language], lexified [languages], 108, 115 107 Réunion [language], 16, 17, 90 glossaries, 93–4 São Tomé and Príncipe Goa [language], 107, 185, 195 [language], 117 Guinea-Bissau and Casamance studies, 91, 182 [language], 3, 117, 127 system, 71 Hadhrami, 72, 74, 141, 145, texts, 83, 94, 109, 135, 137–8, 149–50, 152, 157–8, 164 144–5, 165 Indian in Melaka, 120, 124 Thailand [community], 114, 185 Indian Ocean [communities and Trinidad Portuguese [language languages], 87, 107, 118 and people], 107, 116 Indonesia and Timor [languages], Creoleness, créolité, 18, 120, 92, 111 123–4, 144, 154, 157 218 Index

Creolistics, 90–1 95, 103, 108, 110–11, 116, creolization, 1, 3, 8–10, 30, 34, 118, 135, 145–6, 148, 150–1, 36–7, 55–6, 62–5, 69–72, 78, 154–5, 157–9, 163, 173, 180–1, 81–2, 84, 87, 108, 135–6, 160, 189, 191, 194–5 168–9, 174, 177 Indo-European, 46, 54 concept of, 12–25 cuisine and, 17, 33, 35, 126, 131, Filipinos, 33, 125, 188, 191. See 189 also Philippines Gilberto Freyre and, 41–3 France, 15, 41, 47–8, 50–1, 67, 85 Cunha, José Gerson da, 182 French [people, language], Curitiba, 33 Francophone, 3, 13, 15–18, 20, 24, 41, 47–9, 51, 53, 55, 72, 76, Dalgado, Sebastião, 37–8, 89–114, 90, 92, 104, 107, 119, 127, 169, 170, 174, 182–5. See also 180, 188, 192 Creole, Goa, Konkani, Freyre, Gilberto, 41–3, 45, 56, Portuguese 133–4. See also Brazil and Damão, 31, 92, 107, 112, 183 creolization datura, 160 Deccan, 66–7, 84, 147–8, 159, 167–8, 171–3, 175–6, 194. Gama, Vasco da, 73, 171 See also Ahmednagar, Bijapur, Ghats [mountains], 148, 155, 160, Goa, Orta 171 Delhi, 25, 66, 68 Goa, Goans, 24, 31–2, 34, 37, 43, Devanagari, 93, 98–100, 184 64, 66, 89, 91–2, 94–102, Diu, 107, 111, 171, 176–7, 183 104–7, 112, 114, 125, 134, Dubai, 34, 36 139, 146–50, 155, 157–8, 164, Durban, eThekwini, 1–2, 12 167–8, 170–2, 175–6, 179, Durian, 155, 195 182–5, 194–5 Dutch, people, 5, 46, 48, 50, 54, Gomes, Francisco Luiz, 94, 182 72, 90, 124, 149, 162 Gorée Island, 3, 52 colonialism and possessions, 24, Greek [people, language], 8, 37, 44, 58, 108, 110, 119, 122, 132, 58, 59, 67, 153 145, 159, 161, 170, 180, 187 Greece, 180 East India Company, 15, 110 Guangdong, 33, 179 language, 44, 50, 56, 110, 185–6 Guiana, 17, 161 Guinea-Bissau, 31, 34, 117, 127 East Asia, 86 Gujarat, 10, 21, 92, 108–9, 138, Erédia, Manuel Godinho de, 147–9, 159, 168, 171, 176, 183, 156–62, 169, 174–5. See also 194 Melaka, Nusantara Gupta [Empire], 86 Eurasia, Eurasian, 86, 111, 119, 123, 167, 186–7 Hadhramaut, Hadhrami, 4, 22, 72, Europe, European, 13, 15, 17, 74, 141, 145, 149–50, 152, 154, 35, 37–8, 47–50, 52–4, 56, 159, 164 64–5, 67, 75–6, 78, 83–4, 91, Hesseling, Dirk, 90–1 Index 219

Hikayat, Abdullah, 141–2 histories, 1, 9–13, 22–3, 27–8, Hang Tuah, 192 30, 36, 38, 57, 62, 87, 97, 132, Muhammad Hanafiah, 196 135, 144, 146, 157 Raja-raja Pasai, 144, 153, 192 Islamic and Muslim, 73–4, 86, see also Sejarah Melayu 170, 177 Hindus, Hinduism, 3, 22, 69–70, languages, 1, 109, 163, 174 73–4, 84, 149–53, 155–6, 159, Luso-Creole, 117–18, 170, 175–6, 161, 169–73, 179, 183, 187, 182 194 Lusophone and Portuguese, 11, Hindustani [language], 93, 101–2, 14, 31, 33, 36–7, 39, 90, 94, 105, 159, 184 96, 115–17, 123, 134, 176, 182 Hokkien, 118 Mediterranean and, 2, 60, 84, Hollanda, Sérgio Buarque de, 45 155, 159 Hong Kong, 125, 183, 188–9 Mughals and, 171 networks, 137, 139, 148–9, 159, Ibn Battuta, 59–60 164, 173 India, 6, 11, 16, 22, 24–5, 27–9, 31–2, port and port cities, 1–2, 5, 14, 34, 64, 66, 68–70, 76, 84–5, 89, 21, 52, 59–60, 63, 115, 132–3, 91–3, 95–6, 98–9, 102–3, 105–7, 151, 176, 188, 208 109–11, 116–17, 119–20, 122–5, self and, 12 132, 135–6, 138, 141, 144–5, slavery and, 4, 9, 15–16, 19, 23, 148, 151, 154, 156–60, 163, 30, 62, 123, 150, 155, 187, 168, 171–2, 176–7, 183– 4, 187, 191, 195 193–5. See also specific place societies, 21, 35, 56, 58, 108, and personal names 151–2 Indian Ocean, Africans in, 2, 9–10, studies, 3, 18, 56, 136 15, 23, 30, 32–3, 35, 71, 125, Inquisition, 67, 148, 154, 172–4. 150 See also Auto-da-fé, Catholic, Atlantic and, 3, 9, 13–14, 16, 31, Goa, Orta 33, 56, 65, 87, 90, 177, 179 Iran. See Persia circuits, connections, and links, Islam and Islamic, 4–5, 60, 67–8, 4, 6, 10, 25–6, 30, 72, 89, 145, 73, 84, 71, 121, 123, 148, 151, 154–5, 157, 164 159–60, 170, 173, 177, 195. cosmopolitanism, 6–8, 36, 57, See also Muslims 59–60, 65, 71–3, 81, 84, 87, Islands, 3, 6, 13, 15–22, 28, 32, 46, 163, 170, 177–8 50, 52, 55, 90, 108, 116, 121–2, Creole and creolization, 1, 13–16, 135, 161–1, 180, 189, 195. See 18, 23, 35, 56, 62, 64, 71–2, also under specific names 84, 87, 90, 107, 118, 123, 134, 145, 152, 154, 165, 170, 177 Java, 4, 6, 24, 46, 48, 50, 54, 145, diaspora and migrants, 4, 21, 156, 160, 181, 191, 193, 195 25–7, 29, 33, 35, 62, 73, 116, Javanese [people], 4–5, 46, 123, 132, 179, 183–4 48–50, 54, 161–2, 180, 194 emporia, 3, 6, 25, 68, 70, 117–18, language and literature, 7, 144–5, 189, 195 163 220 Index

Jews, Jewish, 6, 8, 23, 66–70, 73, Maharashtra, 101 84, 86, 148–9, 152–5, 159, 167, Makassar, 138, 157, 160, 191 170, 173, 177, 195 Malabar [Coast and colonial Johor, 139, 164 district], Kerala, 6–8, 16, 21, Jones, William, 92, 100 23–4, 30, 38, 52, 64, 68–9, 70–3, 75–7, 79–86, 114, 117, Kachchh, 10, 21 122, 132, 135–7, 146, 150–2, Kalimantan [Borneo], 16, 161 169, 176, 179, 181, 183, 185–6, Kannada, 93, 101, 183 192, 194, 196 Kant, 8, 57–8, 86, 177 and Muslims, 30, 37, 73–4, 122, Karnataka, 69, 183 146–8, 150–3, 156, 163, 194 Kerala. See Malabar and the Portuguese, 37, 73–4, Keralolpatti, 151, 194, 196. See 132, 146–8, 150–3, 156 also Malabar and Zainuddin Malacca. See Melaka Kok Nam, 179 Malagasy, 8–10, 16, 19 Kuala Lumpur, 25–6, 28, 35, 128, Malay, Melayu, fleets, 9 179, 182, 187, 189–92, 196 language and literature, 26, 29, 38, 56, 93, 109, 118–19, 121, Leyden, John, 140–2, 144–5, 162, 124, 127, 129–32, 136–8, 192. See also Sejarah Melayu 140–5, 159, 161–4, 168–9, 186, Lisbon, Lisboa, lisboeta, 31–3, 35, 192–4, 196 75, 91–3, 95, 97, 109, 122, 129, people, personages, and world, 148, 167, 177, 182, 183, 193 5–6, 25, 30–1, 122–4, 159, littorals and coasts, 3, 13, 17, 23, 187–8, 192–3, 196 25, 28, 60, 117 Scriptorium in Bogor, 192–3 Africa, 2, 8 supremacy, 123 society, 11–13, 21, 34–6, 58, 108 see also Sejarah Melayu see also Malabar and Swahili Malaya [colonial Peninsular Coast Malaysia], 7, 29 Lourenço Marques. See Maputo University of, 35, 128, 182, Lusophone, lusofonia, 11, 18, 31, 190–1 33–6, 38–9, 56, 90–1, 96, Malayalam, 7, 70, 73, 75–7, 79–82, 100, 102, 114–17. See also 109, 150, 152–4, 163, 169, Portuguese 183, 186, 196. See also Chandu luso-tropicalismo, 97 Menon, Malabar, Malayalee Malayalee, 7, 69–70, 77, 136. See Macau, 31–8, 91–2, 96, 107, also Malabar 109–11, 113–21, 123–34, 161, Malaysia, Malaysian, 3–4, 6, 10, 163, 172, 176, 182–91, 193 20, 23–7, 29, 31, 35, 91, 96, Creole, 91–2, 110, 113, 126 116, 118, 121, 123–4, 128–30, Indians in, 31–2, 34, 179, 183 132, 136–40, 161, 163–5, 168, Macanese, 32, 125–6, 128–30, 187–96. See also Malay, Melaka 183, 185, 188–90 Malpas, Jeff, 36–7, 59–63, 69, 168, Madagascar, 8–9, 15–16, 21 181 Index 221

Mangalore, 69, 101, 111, 183 Muziris [Cranganore, Kodungallur, Maputo, 32, 182 Mahodayapuram], 68, 153. See Marathi, 93, 99–101, 103, 105, also Malabar 183–4 Myanmar [Burma], 7, 25–9, 179, marriage, 53–4, 80, 122, 179, 186 190, 196 temporary, 22–4 Martinique and Guadeloupe, 13, Nabuco, Joaquim, 44 15–18, 20, 51 Nagarjuna, 86 Mascarenes, 15, 17, 56 Nairs, 151, 153. See also Malabar Mauritius, 15, 17, 90 Negeri Sembilan, 4 medicinal plants, 194. See also Netherlands, 48, 50, 54–5, 85, 182 plants and drugs Netherlands Antilles (see Aruba, medicine (s), doctors, physicians, Bonaire, and Curaçao) 32, 66–7, 95, 147, 149–50, 154, Netherlands Indies [Indonesia], 156–7, 182, 194–5. See also 50–1, 180 (see also Java and Ayurveda Indonesia) Melaka [Malacca], 3–6, 9–10, 16, Nizam Shah [of Ahmednagar], 21, 23–5, 28–9, 34–8, 71, 66–7, 147, 149, 155, 167–8, 91–2, 96, 109, 112–34, 138–9, 172, 194–5 141–2, 144–5, 152, 155–62, Noronha, Afonso de, 195 164, 170, 172, 176, 179, Novas Conquistas [Goa], 101 184–91, 194–6 Nusantara, 4, 7–9, 16, 30, 86, 138, Straits of, 4, 9, 10, 29, 71–2, 122, 145, 149, 156–63, 196 131, 135–7 melons, 150, 174 Oman, 22, 30 Mendonça, André Furtado de, 159 opium, 168, 176, 178 Mérleau-Ponty, Maurice, 63, 181 Orang Asli, 6, 29, 122–3, 193 Merong Mahawangsa [Kedah orang kecil, 7 Annals], 193 Orta, Garcia da, 37–8, 66–7, 69–70, Middle East, 6, 16, 68–9, 137, 148, 84, 144, 146–64, 167–77, 155, 167 192–5. See also Goa, Jews Minang, Minangkabau, 4–5, 30, Ottoman [Empire], 22, 159 179 overland routes, 3, 60, 86, 154, 170, Ming [Empire], 10, 86 173 Mombasa, 7, 21, 23, 71 mosques, in Kerala/Malabar, 68 Palembang, 145 in Macau, 34 Palestine, 6, 148 in Melaka, 5, 145, 170 Papiamentu, 107, 121–2, 127, Mozambique, 9, 21, 30–3, 35, 56, 185–7 96, 125, 179, 185 Parameswara, 162, 194 Muslims, 3–6, 8, 11, 21, 29–30, Parochialism, parochial, 37, 61, 69, 34, 36, 66–70, 72–4, 77, 84, 83, 106, 168–9, 175, 177 86, 121, 146–7, 149–59, 161–3, Pasai, 144, 153, 163–4, 192. See 165, 170–3. See also Islam also Hikayat 222 Index

Patuá, 126–30, 188 language and literature, 24, Pearson, Michael, 2–3, 10–12, 22, 26, 32, 34–6, 52, 76, 89, 24–5, 34, 37, 58–9, 63, 66, 92, 97–9, 103–5, 108, 110, 108, 149–50, 154, 163, 173, 112–34, 138, 144, 147, 150, 185, 191–2, 194 154–7, 160, 162, 164, 169, pepper, 148, 160 182–4, 186–8, 195 Peranakan, 3–4, 124, 131, 188–9 nau [carrack], 6 Persia, Persian (s), Persianate, 22, Settlement in Melaka [place], 35, 66, 69, 85, 93, 137, 141, 144, 118–21, 123, 128–9, 186–7, 149, 168, 171, 184, 194 189–91, 195 Perso-Arabic [script], 142, 184 prostitution, 48, 52–4, 181 Perso-Indic, 145 Persian Gulf, 29 Rakhine [state in Myanmar, Philippines, 33, 161, 188. See also people], 28, 31. See also Filipinos Arakan Pires, Tomé, 157, 195 Recife, 45 plants and drugs, 17, 67, 136, 157, Réunion Island, 15–20 174, 176–7 Rio de Janeiro, 43–5, 47–8, 52–3, Portugal, 22, 31–3, 42, 78, 85, 89, 127, 179–81, 184. See also 95–7, 104, 108–9, 117, 120–1, Brazil, Barreto, Lima 123–6, 128–33, 138, 148, 158, Rivara, Joaquim Heliodoro da 168, 185, 190–1, 194. See also Cunha, 98, 183 Portuguese Roman, empire and people, 68, 137, Portuguese, colonialism and people, 153 4–6, 9–10, 26, 31–3, 35, 37, law, 92 39, 43, 45, 49, 56, 79, 85, 90, Romance [languages and 93, 95–6, 104–6, 108, 116, linguistics], 76, 91 138–9, 144, 146, 148, 158–9, Romanic dialects, 110–11 162, 167–8, 170–7, 180, 182–5, Romanization [script], 93, 98–100, 188–90, 196 103 Creole [language and people], 3, Rome, Rum, 75, 92, 159, 172 13, 19, 21, 24, 35–7, 41, 69–70, 89, 91–4, 97, 106–7, 109–36, Sadji, Abdoulaye, 47–8, 50–3, 150, 157, 163, 183, 185–7, 55–6, 169–70, 179–80. See also 190–1, 195 Saint-Louis-du-Sénégal creolization and, 14, 116 Sahel and Sahara, 58, 62–3 cuisine, 35, 120, 126, 131, 189 Saint-Louis-du-Sénégal, 3, 24, 47, dance, 131, 189 51–3, 180. See also Senegambia in India, 37, 64, 69, 72–5, 84, 89, Salvador, 75 95–6, 101, 139, 146–7, 151–3, Sanskrit, 90, 124, 144–5, 163–4, 167, 179, 193–4 182–4 in the Indian Ocean, 37, 90, 94, in Goa, 89, 92–4, 113 115, 170 in Kerala/Malabar, 76, 81 Konkani and, 95–8, 100, 103, 182 and Konkani, 99–104 Index 223

São Paulo, 34–5, 126, 183, 190 Sumatra, 4, 6, 131, 139, 143–5, São Tomé and Príncipe, 31–2, 117, 153, 156, 163–4, 194 182 Surabaya, 46, 50, 52–3, 180 Schuchardt, Hugo, 90–2, 110 Surat, 178 Sejarah Melayu [Malay Annals], Suriname, 13, 161, 196 137–8, 140–4, 156, 161–2, Swahili coast, 1, 3, 22, 29–30, 71, 164, 168–9, 192–4, 196. See 72 also Abdullah, Malay, and Kiswahili [language], 163 Melaka people [Waswahili], society, and Senegal and Senegalese. See histories, 7, 8, 21–2, 23, 24, Senegambia 29–30, 71 Senegambia, 2–3, 23–4, 43, Syria, 6, 137 51–2, 54–5, 127, 179–80, Syrian Christians, 68–9, 75, 152 188 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 51, 180 Tagore, 85 Shembe, Isaiah, 2, 12 Tai [Vietnam], 63 Siam, Siamese [Thailand, Thai], Tamil language, 76, 93, 108–9, 144, 114, 144–5, 149, 188, 193 159, 163 Signare, 24, 52. See also people and connections, 70, Senegambia 136, 141, 145, 156, 159, Singapore, 10, 92, 112, 141, 161–2, 164 169, 181, 183, 187, 188, Tamil Nadu, 76, 136 189–90 Tang [Empire, Dynasty], 10, 68, 86 Sinhala, 93, 107–8, 184 Thailand. See Siam slaves, slavery, 4, 9, 15–16, 19, Timor, Timorese, 36, 92, 111, 23, 30, 41–4, 62, 64–5, 78–9, 113–14, 125, 132, 161, 183, 122–3, 150, 155, 187, 191, 185, 189–91 195 Toer, Pramodoedya Ananta, 46–9, Soeryo, Tirto Adhi, 46 53–5, 169–70, 180–1 Sousa, Martim Afonso de, Tommakattanar, 75, 80 146–7, 156, 158–91, 182, trade, traders, 3–5, 7, 9–10, 21, 193 23, 34, 60, 62, 68–70, 108, South Africa, 1, 9–10, 30. See also 137, 139, 148, 154, 156, Cape Town and Durban 160–1, 170, 177, 191 South Asia, 4, 11, 66, 68, 85, 103, travel, 11–12, 21, 59–60, 62, 75, 112, 154, 171 85, 153, 177 Southeast Asia, 27–8, 52, 131–3, Trinidad and Tobago, 107, 116 137, 163, 188, 191, 196 Tripoli [Libya], 155 space-in-movement [concept], Tuhfat al-Mujahideen, 146, 151, 62–4 193. See also Zainuddin Spain, Spanish, 41, 66–7, 121, 148, Tulu, Tulunad, 70, 101 157–8, 167, 185, 188, 195 Turkestan, 145 Sri Lanka. See Ceylon Turkey, 149, 168 Sulawesi, 138 Turkic, 6 6 224 Index

Urdu, 184 Zainuddin, Sheikh, 37, 72–5, 77, Uzbekistan, 66 79–80, 146–8, 150–4, 156–9, 169–70, 193–4, 196. See also Vasconcellos, José Leite de, 97, Kerala, Malabar, Muslim, and 109–10, 182 Portuguese Vergès, Françoise, 12–20, 22, 42–3, Zambezi River, 10 62–3. See also creolization Zamorin [Samudri Raja], 73, 147, Veríssimo, José, 44 149, 152. See also Calicut, Vezo, 21 Zainuddin Vietnam, 63 Zanzibar, Zanzibari, 1, 22, 30, 151 Winstedt, Richard, 138–9, 141–2, Ziguinchor, 127, 188, 207 144, 153, 156, 196. See also Zimbabwe, 10 Sejarah Melayu Zomia, 25–8 Wolof, 3 Zulu, isiZulu, 1–2, 10, 25