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An international border or just a territorial limit? Joola dynamics between and - Jordi Tomàs (CEA-ISCTE) Paper presented at ABORNE Fifth Annual Conference, , September 22th, 2011.

Introduction

This paper aims to present an ongoing research about the dynamics of Joola population in the border between Guinea-Bissau and Senegal (more specifically from the Atlantic Ocean to the Niambalang river). We would like to tell you about how Joola Ajamaat (near the main town of Susanna, Guinea-Bissau) and Joola Huluf (near the main town of Oussouye, Senegal) define the border and, especially, how they use this border in their daily lives1. As most borderland regions in the Upper Guinea Coast, this international border separates two areas that have been economically and politically marginalised within their respective national contexts (Senegal and Guinea-Bissau) in colonial and postcolonial times. Moreover, from 1982 –that is, for almost 30 years– this border area has suffered the conflict between the separatist MFDC (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de ) and the Senegalese army (and, in the last few years, the Bissau-Guinean army as well). Despite this situation, the links between the population on both sides are still alive, as we will show later on. After a short historical presentation, we would like to focus on three main subjects. First, to show concrete examples of everyday life gathered during our fieldwork. Secondly, to see how the conflict have affected the relationship between the Joola from both sides of

1 This paper has been made possible thanks to a postdoctoral scholarship granted by FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia). My deep gratefulnees goes to this institution as well as the Center of African Studies at ISCTE, Lisbon. Most of the data used in this text has been gathered especially in Oussouye and other neighbouring Joola villages (Senegal) and in Essukujak, Kerouhey and Varela (Guinea-Bissau) during my fieldowrk of almost 3 years between January 2000 and June 2011. This text is in line with the project “Identities and borders” coordined by Cristina Udelsmann Rodrigues (PTDC/AFR/098339/2008).

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE the international border. Finally, we aim to analyse how the border is defined by the population2.

1.The international border: a brief approach

1.1. The birth of a border

The Portuguese were the first European to arrive in the Casamance area during the 16th and 17th centuries. They founded the town of in 1645, but they never controlled all the Casamance region3. The French began to be interested in the Casamance from the 1820s4. In 1886, one year after the 1885 , the French and the Portuguese defined the international border, and negotiated the incorporation of the town of Ziguinchor to the French Empire 5. Nevertheless, some parts of the treaty were not clear, and both colonial governments signed two more accords concerning this border in 1932 and in 19516. As most part of the borders in , the local population was never consulted7.

1.2.The border and the Joola population during the colonial period.

From the beginning, the local populations understood that they could use the international border to their own benefit. As far back as 1903, when the French, coming from Karabane Island, decided on the military penetration in Oussouye (the main city of the Joola Huluf Kingdom), some of its inhabitants fled to the South, to the former , with their cattle. In fact, from the end of the 19th century to the Second World War we can find a lot of examples of how the Joola crossed from one side to the other, depending on the

2 For the Joola culture and society consult Thomas (1959), N. Diatta (1998), C.S. Diatta (1998), Journet- Diallo (2007, 2010), Tomàs (2005a and b, 2006, 2008a and b, 2009), Mark and Tomàs (2010), Davidson (2007), among others. 3 For the history of Ajamaat, in Portuguese Guinea, see Lemnos Coelho (1990), Taborda (1950a and b)Carreira (1964), Journet Diallo (2007, 2010), Juillard (2000), Lopes de Lima, Pelissier (1997). 4 For more information you may see Bocandé (1856), Simon (1859), Bour (1883), Brosselard-Faidherbe (1892-1894), Maclaud (1907). 5 See Esteves (1988), Tomàs (2006). For the Gambian-Casamance border, please read Kébé (1997), Nugent (2007). 6 The sea delimitation is another question. See ONU (2006). 7 For more information on this period of Casamance history look at Roche (1970, 1985), Mark (1976), Trincaz (1981), Baum (1986, 1999).

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE colonial policies8. One of the most common reasons for crossing the border was when the colonial armies went to the villages to collect tax (especially rice). Another reason was the recruitment of “volunteers” for going to Europe to fight against the German army: in 1941, the French decided to recruit soldiers for the II World War in Casamance. Several young men fled to Gambia or to Portuguese Guinea. During the revolt organized by Alinsitowe (also transcribed as Aliin Sitoué) against the French colonial power during 1942 and 1943, the border became a solution for escaping from the French: several Joola went to the villages of their relatives in the Portuguese Guinea, South of the international border9. The same year, 1943, after the defeat of Alinsitowe and her companions, another prophetess, Gnacoufoussou, organized different prayers against the French. Finally she fled to the Portuguese Guinea as a refugee.

1. 3. The border after the independence of Senegal

Senegal became independent from in 1960. From 1961 to 1974 the Joola Ajamaat people began to cross from South to North: the Ajamaat people fled from the and refuged in Senegalese villages. The liberation war in Guinea began in 1961. In fact, already in 1961, the king of Kerouhey, Cecakosel (which may also be transcribed as Sikakusel), abandoned his natal village and crossed the border to go to Oussouye, where he was taken in by his counterpart in Oussouye, the king Sibakuyan, and his family. In 1964, soldiers from the Portuguese army crossed the border searching for members of the Guinean guerrilla. During the struggle for the liberation of Guinea, one of the most important waves of refugees took place in 1973, when thousands of people from Portuguese Guinea, went to Ziguinchor, Brin, Oussouye and other Senegalese villages escaping from the Portuguese.

1.4. The border and the conflict between MFDC and the Senegalese and Guinea- Bissau armies.

8 See the French colonial explantions in Archives Nationales du Sénégal (ANS): I3G507 (1895-1904): Journaux de poste de la Basse Casamance (4) Oussouye; I3G502: (1903) Opération de police contre les Floups d'Oussouye (4) Résidence d'Oussouye; 2G3/50 (1903) Rapports politiques mensuels: avril- décembre; 2G4/43 (1904) Rapports politiques mensuels: janvier-septembre; I3G375 (1904) Attaque dirigée contre le résident d'Oussouye en tournée à Kerouhaye; 2G9/44 (1909) Rapports mensuels d'ensemble: janvier-décembre; 11D1.226 (1944-1964) Contrôle des étrangers. Affaires de frontières. 9 See also Baum (1986, 2001), Tolliver-Diallo (2005).

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As you may already know, in 1982 a conflict between a separatist movement (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese government began10. The military actions on a large scale began in 1990, when the military conflict between the rebels of MFDC (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese army broke out. The separatist combatants used the border to protect themselves from the Senegalese army attacks, even using anti-personal mines. This conflict provoked a deep crisis in the border area, causing thousand of refugees to flee to other cities, abandoning their native villages and, as a consequence, abandoning all their social, economical and ritual practices. The Senegalese army went to the villages closest to the border and installed permanent troops there. One of the most significant cases is that of Effok, in which the army settled in the school. It could seem that the armies of both countries respected the international border. The border that, officially, we can assume they protect. According to several informants, the Guinea-Bissau troops crossed the international border and penetrated to Senegalese territory when they were persecuting a faction of the MFDC in 2006. In November 2009, the Senegalese army was accused of crossing the border to the South, and a serious diplomatic conflict started between both governments.

2. The border today: examples from the everyday life11

Despite the conflict, the relationship between the Joola Ajamaat and Huluf communities continues. As we have explained, it is also true that due to the conflict daily life has been affected and people do not cross the border as often as they did before 1990. Anyhow, the practices that entail people from both sides are alive. So, we would like to present some cases that are still common in this area today.

2.1. Kinship

The Joola people are a patrilineal and virilocal society. This means that women move to their husband’s village to start a family, to work in their husband’s rice-fields, to

10 A lot of books and articles have been published on this subject. You may see Marut (2010), Foucher (2007), Evans (2004), Robin (2006), among others. 11 The most part of the data used in this section have been gathered during my fieldwork (see note 1).

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE educate their children, etc. Different women from both sides of the border have married men from the other side. Once the family is established, women must participate in different events (social and ritual, especially) in both villages (their native one, and their husband’s). So, for example, when a child is born, his/her mother must go to her native village to organize a ceremony called kasabo in her father’s house shrine (called kuhulung) to introduce her son or daughter to the community. The same happens when someone from the woman’s family dies: the presence of that woman in the funerary ritual (ñukul) is definitely expected by all. This means that -when she’s from the other side, that happens especially in villages such as Youtou, Effok, Emaye, Essaout...- she must cross the border.

2.2.-Economy

Before the beginning of the conflict between the MFDC and Senegal, people easily crossed the border for economic purposes. As all informants confirmed, the economic relationship between villages from North and South were really strong. Today, the situation is completely different. Nevertheless, the Joola still cross the border for some economic reasons. For example, during the preparation of religious ceremonies (such as men’s initiation, organization of wedding rituals, etc.), a lot of palm wine, or a large number of pigs or goats is needed. So, if there aren’t enough products in the village, people must go to neighbouring villages to obtain them (including the villages on the other side of the border). Another remarkable example is that of the rice-field farming. The border established in 1886 separated family rice-lands in two, one ended up in Senegal and the other in the former Portuguese Guinea. But these rice-fields remained property of the ancient families. So every year women and men went to the other side of the border to farm their rice-fields. As we have already mentioned, during the most serious clashes between the military and the rebels most part of the villages were abandoned, as well as these economic practices. Recently, especially after the signature of the peace accords of 2004, some of the families have gone back to their villages and started working on their rice-fields on the other side of the border12. Crossing the border was not only a matter of agriculture and cattle. Before the beginning of the conflict, people from Oussouye went to Suzanna to buy some manufactured products in the market that were cheaper in Guinea-Bissau. People from

12 See, on refugees returned to the border area, Labonia (2006).

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE Guinea-Bissau also went to Oussouye to buy some products that could not be found in Suzanna.

2.3.-Education

In this case, the people cross the border from the South to the North because Casamance is a reputed region when it comes to schools and education. In some Casamance regions, such as the Joola Huluf area, primary education schooling rate are 100%, and 70% in the case of secondary education. Most part of this scholar institutions were founded by missionaries just after the Senegal’s Independence (1960). Others are state schools the Senegalese state. In the Oussouye Department we found schools in the main towns and villages: Kabrousse, Diembereng, Oukout, Oussouye, M’Lomp... On the other side of the border, there are only schools in Suzanna. We have gathered several examples of Joola Bissau-Guinean families that have sent their children to Senegalese schools. In the schools of Kabrousse, Diembereng or Oussouye it is easy to find some students from Guinea-Bissau. Some of them leave with their relatives during the week and they go back to their natal villages during the weekend, if their villages are not far from the border, such Essukujak or Tenhate (Guinea-Bissau), not far from Kabrousse (Senegal)... Others live in Senegalese towns during the academic year and they go back to their native villages at Christmas and during summer holidays.

2.4.-Health and Traditional Health

Another interesting contact between populations from both sides of the border, is related to health. Some Joola from the South usually go to the Oussouye hospital to be treated. On the other hand, according to our informants, traditional medicine is better in some villages in the South. So, some Joola Huluf people go to the Joola Guinea-Bissau villages to receive treatment from traditional specialists.

2.5.-Ritual and religion

As we have shown in other articles, Joola traditional religion is such a net. Several villages are included in the same rituals for a shared shrine. In some cases, especially for women shrines, the women’s priest must organize some of the initiation steps in other villages before its definitive entrenchment as a anahan báciin (shrine priest). For the

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE women of Oussouye (in Senegal) some of these ceremonies take place in villages in Guinea-Bissau.

2.6.-The Joola kings and the border

The kingdoms of Oussouye and Essaout (today in Senegal) and Kerouhey and Essukujak (in Guinea-Bissau) are closely linked. According to all our informants, historically, the Kingdom of Oussouye comes from the town of Kerouhey. According to the same sources, Kerouhey is the oldest Joola kingdom. During the major ceremonies organized by the king of Oussouye (who was proclaimed in 2000) the presence of the king of Kerouhey is definitely expected. Some years ago, the king of Kerouhey died and today the people in this town are awaiting the proclamation of a new king. Meanwhile, the protocolary functions of the Kerouhey king during the Oussouye royal ceremonies are carried out by the king of Essukujak. (The Kerouhey kingdom belongs to a bigger area called Hassouka, made up of by several villages –all in Guinea-Bissau– including Essukujak). This means that in the last 10 years the king of Essukujak has attended several ceremonies in Oussouye such as Humabel (an annual royal ceremony, celebrated almost every year from 2003) and Ewaang (the men’s initiation to the royal shrine, celebrated in June, 2011). On the other hand, the king of Oussouye hasn’t ever visited the villages of Kerouhey or Essukujak. According to his council, this is due to security reasons.

2.7.-Spare time.

Two of the greatest festive events for the Joola people are ekonkon (dance) and kataj (wrestling). These events take place especially during the rainy season -but not only- and are practised by young people (boys and girls). Young people from different villages go to other villages for a day, or even for some days, to share these events with one another. These festivities are, in fact, a way to make it possible for young people from different villages to meet. During the ekonkon and kataj, people from the same generations but from different villages strengthen bonds. There are some villages, those closest to the border, that usually wrest and dance with the villages of the other side. For example, people from Effok and Youtou (in Senegal) usually go to Bugim and Ejatem (in Guinea-Bissau), and vice-versa.

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3. The international border defined by local populations

The Joola populations have a word, in Joola language, to define all the territorial limits: álinga. This word is used for all the territorial separations: between houses, between village lands, between rice-fields, etc. For some Joola population, especially (but not only) the elderly, the international border is just a territorial limit, just “álinga”. As we have already mentioned, they usually go to the villages situated on the other side of the border for kinship, economic, political, ritual, educational and wealth reasons. For young people, educated in Senegalese schools, the perception of the border is becoming different. They use the same word, álinga, but the values attributed to it are different from those used by the elderly and by the traditional authorities. For security reasons(MFDC-Senegalese army) most of them have not visited some of the neighbouring villages on the other side of the border. On the other hand, for many years they have been to Senegalese schools. And there they are integrating concepts such as: “nation”, “territory”, “sovereignty”, and, logically, “international border”.

Conclusion

The border between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Niambalang river, has been a porous border –to a different degree– for the last 125 years (1886-2011), that is, from the date of its creation. Joola population understood this permeability from the beginning and they used the border to their own benefit for more than a century (1886-1990). During that time the Joola population crossed this border for different reasons: for kinship obligations, for economic interests, for political strategies, for religious and rituals reasons, for educational needs, even for spare time activities. These dynamics have changed from 1982 and especially from 1990, when the military conflict between the rebels of MFDC (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese army broke out. The separatists combatants used the border to protect themselves from the Senegalese army attacks, even using anti-personal mines. This conflict provoked a deep crisis in the border area, causing thousand of refugees to flee to other cities. Abandoned villages and a mined border as well caused a crisis at all levels and provoked a progressive decrease of relationships between both

THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE sides of the international border. Here is the paradox: at the beginning of the conflict the MFDC fought for a great Casamance, defined as “from the South of river to the North of River” (in Guinea-Bissau), trying to redefine international borders. But, after almost three decades of conflict, the effect was the opposite: never, until now, have the borders been so rigid. On the other hand, the dominant ideas of the State (such as “sovereignty”, “Nation”, “citizenship” and “international border”, to mention but a few) are progressively being integrated by the younger generations through different mechanisms (such as the school, for example). In spite of this insecurity and in spite of the State’s interest in creating a Senegalese/Guinea-Bissau national identity, some Joola have continued and continue to cross the border because for them this line –used by the Senegalese and Guinea-Bissau states as well as by the MFDC–, is just a territorial limit, just “álinga”.

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ARCHIVOS NACIONALES DE SENEGAL

I3G507 (1895-1904): Journaux de poste de la Basse Casamance (4) Oussouye.

I3G502: (1903) Opération de police contre les Floups d'Oussouye (4) Résidence d'Oussouye.

2G3/50 (1903) Rapports politiques mensuels: avril-décembre.

2G4/43 (1904) Rapports politiques mensuels: janvier-septembre.

I3G375 (1904) Attaque dirigée contre le résident d'Oussouye en tournée à Kerouhaye.

2G9/44 (1909) Rapports mensuels d'ensemble: janvier-décembre.

11D1.226 (1944-1964) Contrôle des étrangers. Affaires de frontières.