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Joola Dynamics Between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau Jordi Tomàs (CEA-ISCTE) Paper Presented at ABORNE Fifth Annual Conference, Lisbon, September 22Th, 2011

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Joola Dynamics Between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau Jordi Tomàs (CEA-ISCTE) Paper Presented at ABORNE Fifth Annual Conference, Lisbon, September 22Th, 2011 THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE An international border or just a territorial limit? Joola dynamics between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau Jordi Tomàs (CEA-ISCTE) Paper presented at ABORNE Fifth Annual Conference, Lisbon, September 22th, 2011. Introduction This paper aims to present an ongoing research about the dynamics of Joola population in the border between Guinea-Bissau and Senegal (more specifically from the Atlantic Ocean to the Niambalang river). We would like to tell you about how Joola Ajamaat (near the main town of Susanna, Guinea-Bissau) and Joola Huluf (near the main town of Oussouye, Senegal) define the border and, especially, how they use this border in their daily lives1. As most borderland regions in the Upper Guinea Coast, this international border separates two areas that have been economically and politically marginalised within their respective national contexts (Senegal and Guinea-Bissau) in colonial and postcolonial times. Moreover, from 1982 –that is, for almost 30 years– this border area has suffered the conflict between the separatist MFDC (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese army (and, in the last few years, the Bissau-Guinean army as well). Despite this situation, the links between the population on both sides are still alive, as we will show later on. After a short historical presentation, we would like to focus on three main subjects. First, to show concrete examples of everyday life gathered during our fieldwork. Secondly, to see how the conflict have affected the relationship between the Joola from both sides of 1 This paper has been made possible thanks to a postdoctoral scholarship granted by FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia). My deep gratefulnees goes to this institution as well as the Center of African Studies at ISCTE, Lisbon. Most of the data used in this text has been gathered especially in Oussouye and other neighbouring Joola villages (Senegal) and in Essukujak, Kerouhey and Varela (Guinea-Bissau) during my fieldowrk of almost 3 years between January 2000 and June 2011. This text is in line with the project “Identities and borders” coordined by Cristina Udelsmann Rodrigues (PTDC/AFR/098339/2008). THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE the international border. Finally, we aim to analyse how the border is defined by the population2. 1.The international border: a brief approach 1.1. The birth of a border The Portuguese were the first European to arrive in the Casamance area during the 16th and 17th centuries. They founded the town of Ziguinchor in 1645, but they never controlled all the Casamance region3. The French began to be interested in the Casamance from the 1820s4. In 1886, one year after the 1885 Berlin Conference, the French and the Portuguese defined the international border, and negotiated the incorporation of the town of Ziguinchor to the French Empire 5. Nevertheless, some parts of the treaty were not clear, and both colonial governments signed two more accords concerning this border in 1932 and in 19516. As most part of the borders in Africa, the local population was never consulted7. 1.2.The border and the Joola population during the colonial period. From the beginning, the local populations understood that they could use the international border to their own benefit. As far back as 1903, when the French, coming from Karabane Island, decided on the military penetration in Oussouye (the main city of the Joola Huluf Kingdom), some of its inhabitants fled to the South, to the former Portuguese Guinea, with their cattle. In fact, from the end of the 19th century to the Second World War we can find a lot of examples of how the Joola crossed from one side to the other, depending on the 2 For the Joola culture and society consult Thomas (1959), N. Diatta (1998), C.S. Diatta (1998), Journet- Diallo (2007, 2010), Tomàs (2005a and b, 2006, 2008a and b, 2009), Mark and Tomàs (2010), Davidson (2007), among others. 3 For the history of Ajamaat, in Portuguese Guinea, see Lemnos Coelho (1990), Taborda (1950a and b)Carreira (1964), Journet Diallo (2007, 2010), Juillard (2000), Lopes de Lima, Pelissier (1997). 4 For more information you may see Bocandé (1856), Simon (1859), Bour (1883), Brosselard-Faidherbe (1892-1894), Maclaud (1907). 5 See Esteves (1988), Tomàs (2006). For the Gambian-Casamance border, please read Kébé (1997), Nugent (2007). 6 The sea delimitation is another question. See ONU (2006). 7 For more information on this period of Casamance history look at Roche (1970, 1985), Mark (1976), Trincaz (1981), Baum (1986, 1999). THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE colonial policies8. One of the most common reasons for crossing the border was when the colonial armies went to the villages to collect tax (especially rice). Another reason was the recruitment of “volunteers” for going to Europe to fight against the German army: in 1941, the French decided to recruit soldiers for the II World War in Casamance. Several young men fled to Gambia or to Portuguese Guinea. During the revolt organized by Alinsitowe (also transcribed as Aliin Sitoué) against the French colonial power during 1942 and 1943, the border became a solution for escaping from the French: several Joola went to the villages of their relatives in the Portuguese Guinea, South of the international border9. The same year, 1943, after the defeat of Alinsitowe and her companions, another prophetess, Gnacoufoussou, organized different prayers against the French. Finally she fled to the Portuguese Guinea as a refugee. 1. 3. The border after the independence of Senegal Senegal became independent from France in 1960. From 1961 to 1974 the Joola Ajamaat people began to cross from South to North: the Ajamaat people fled from the Portuguese army and refuged in Senegalese villages. The liberation war in Guinea began in 1961. In fact, already in 1961, the king of Kerouhey, Cecakosel (which may also be transcribed as Sikakusel), abandoned his natal village and crossed the border to go to Oussouye, where he was taken in by his counterpart in Oussouye, the king Sibakuyan, and his family. In 1964, soldiers from the Portuguese army crossed the border searching for members of the Guinean guerrilla. During the struggle for the liberation of Guinea, one of the most important waves of refugees took place in 1973, when thousands of people from Portuguese Guinea, went to Ziguinchor, Brin, Oussouye and other Senegalese villages escaping from the Portuguese. 1.4. The border and the conflict between MFDC and the Senegalese and Guinea- Bissau armies. 8 See the French colonial explantions in Archives Nationales du Sénégal (ANS): I3G507 (1895-1904): Journaux de poste de la Basse Casamance (4) Oussouye; I3G502: (1903) Opération de police contre les Floups d'Oussouye (4) Résidence d'Oussouye; 2G3/50 (1903) Rapports politiques mensuels: avril- décembre; 2G4/43 (1904) Rapports politiques mensuels: janvier-septembre; I3G375 (1904) Attaque dirigée contre le résident d'Oussouye en tournée à Kerouhaye; 2G9/44 (1909) Rapports mensuels d'ensemble: janvier-décembre; 11D1.226 (1944-1964) Contrôle des étrangers. Affaires de frontières. 9 See also Baum (1986, 2001), Tolliver-Diallo (2005). THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE As you may already know, in 1982 a conflict between a separatist movement (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese government began10. The military actions on a large scale began in 1990, when the military conflict between the rebels of MFDC (Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance) and the Senegalese army broke out. The separatist combatants used the border to protect themselves from the Senegalese army attacks, even using anti-personal mines. This conflict provoked a deep crisis in the border area, causing thousand of refugees to flee to other cities, abandoning their native villages and, as a consequence, abandoning all their social, economical and ritual practices. The Senegalese army went to the villages closest to the border and installed permanent troops there. One of the most significant cases is that of Effok, in which the army settled in the school. It could seem that the armies of both countries respected the international border. The border that, officially, we can assume they protect. According to several informants, the Guinea-Bissau troops crossed the international border and penetrated to Senegalese territory when they were persecuting a faction of the MFDC in 2006. In November 2009, the Senegalese army was accused of crossing the border to the South, and a serious diplomatic conflict started between both governments. 2. The border today: examples from the everyday life11 Despite the conflict, the relationship between the Joola Ajamaat and Huluf communities continues. As we have explained, it is also true that due to the conflict daily life has been affected and people do not cross the border as often as they did before 1990. Anyhow, the practices that entail people from both sides are alive. So, we would like to present some cases that are still common in this area today. 2.1. Kinship The Joola people are a patrilineal and virilocal society. This means that women move to their husband’s village to start a family, to work in their husband’s rice-fields, to 10 A lot of books and articles have been published on this subject. You may see Marut (2010), Foucher (2007), Evans (2004), Robin (2006), among others. 11 The most part of the data used in this section have been gathered during my fieldwork (see note 1). THIS IS REALLY A PRELIMINARY DRAFT. NOT FOR CITATION OR CIRCULATION WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION, PLEASE educate their children, etc.
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