THE HIDDEN ABODE: AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED* 1999 PresidentialAddress

Alejandro Portes PrincetonUniversity

Purposive social action has provided the bedrockfor theoretical develop- ments and model building in several social sciences. Since its beginnings, however, sociology has harbored, a "contrarian" vocation based on exam- ining the unrecognized, unintended,and emergentconsequences of goal-ori- ented activity. I present several examples of the sociological practice of bashing myths based on the logic of purposive action and offer a typology of alternative goals, means, and outcomes illustrated by both classic sociologi- cal writings and contemporary research. The multiple contingencies docu- mented by sociologists in the past cautions against attempts to build institu- tions or implementprograms grounded on grand blueprints. The cautionary tale supported by sociological analysis of concealed goals, shifts in mid- course, and unexpectedeffects does not lead, however,to the conclusion that scientific prediction and practical interventionare futile endeavors. It leads instead to an emphasis on the dialectics of social life, and on the need to take into account the definitions of the situation of relevant actors. I offer some illustrations of successful mid-range theories that are based on the analysis of dilemmas in social processes and the importance of sensitivity to the unexpected in the implementationof programmatic interventions.

A little while ago, duringone of his pe- Businessin his privateschool was booming, A riodic trips to New YorkCity, I met despiteits steep tuition-unusual for a Third RobertoFernandez Miranda, principal of the Worldcountry. The secret was that his stu- La Luz school in the DominicanRepublic. dents were mostly children of expatriates, not those who had returnedhome, but immi- * Direct all correspondenceto , grantsstill living and workingin New York. Department of Sociology, , About the same time, an articlein TheNew Princeton, NJ 08544 ([email protected]). YorkTimes reported on the proliferationof

American Sociological Review, 2000, Vol. 65 (February: -18) 1 2 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

such schools in major Dominican indi- port that immigrants from other nations also cating that the experience of La Luz was not send their children home to protect them exceptional. 1 from what they see as the perverse conse- For this bounty, Dominican educators have quences of excessive American freedom American legislation to thank. Traditionally, (Matthei and Smith 1996.) raising children in the Caribbeanhas entailed From our first days in the discipline, we the use of physical discipline to enforce par- social scientists have been trained in the for- ents' and teachers' authority. In most fami- mulation of hypotheses about aspects of so- lies, corporal punishment is used sparsely, cial reality. Scientific hypotheses explicitly but it stands as the ultimate sanction for seri- assume the lawfulness of the real world that ous violations and as an accepted instrument makes a number of regularities predictable of proper child rearing. Upon arrival in the and observable. More implicitly, the logic of , Dominican immigrants are hypothesis formulation commonly assumes promptly deprived of this means of control. that consequences follow more or less lin- Children soon learn that they can neutralize early or rationally from certain antecedents. any threat of physical punishment by the Linearity implies a cumulative process where counter threat of calling 911 and denouncing the presence and growth of given factors lead their parents for child abuse. They are then logically to their culmination in specific ef- at liberty to explore the many lures offered fects. Rationality implies intentionality when by American youth culture, including the these effects are brought about by the delib- semi-open use of drugs. erate actions of those involved. Immigrantparents thus face a dilemma. By Many aspects of social life are linear and working in New York, they escape the grind- rational in this sense and, hence, lend them- ing poverty in which they were mired at selves to a science of cumulative and predict- home, but they risk losing their children to able consequences. Examples include the the streets-perhaps to a tragic end. Many transformation of parental aspirations into come to a logical but wrenching solution; children's educational achievements; the namely, to split the family by sending chil- translation of years of formal education into dren back to live with grandparentsor other money wages; the conquest of political kin to attend private schools in the Domini- power by movements able to mobilize hu- can Republic (Itzigsohn et al. 1999). These man and material resources; and the achieve- schools are expected to apply the same stern ment of higher growth rates by nations that discipline in which parents themselves were have invested for many years in physical in- socialized, untroubledby foreign legislation. frastructureand technology. Once some immigrant families took this The presence of so many linear regulari- drastic step, it quickly spread, to the benefit ties has stimulated many social scientists and of private educators in the island. The com- large subsets of established disciplines to passionate framers of child protective legis- constitute themselves on the basis of the for- lation in the United States could not possibly mulation and refinement of theories based on have expected that it would end up building this general assumption: The world is pre- a private school sector in another country. dictable, and consequences follow cumula- The experiences of Dominican parents are tively from certain premises. Much contem- apparentlynot isolated, since researchers re- porary economic theorizing provides a suit- able example of grounding formulations on the assumption of stable preferences and ac- I This meeting took place in the course of field- tion guided by the rational search for indi- work for a project on TransnationalCommunities vidual gain. There is certainly nothing wrong among Latin American immigrants in the United with the analysis of such outcomes or with States. The project's co-investigator is Luis E. grounding a field on a family of predictable, Guarnizo, of the University of California at cumulative events. Davis, and it has been supported by grants from the National Science Foundation and the Ford But sociology seems to have a different, Foundation. The actual interview took place in alternative vocation, defined by its sensitiv- the Washington Heights district of Manhattan, ity to the dialectics of things, unexpected November 1997. turns of events, and the rise of alternative SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 3

countervailing structures. It is to this "con- versions of doctrinal Marxism, and a consen- trary-to-expectations" family of outcomes sual perspective can pay attention to latent and sociology's affinity to it that I call atten- dysfunctional as well as functional conse- tion because it holds both the basic promise quences of institutions whose manifest pur- and the principal challenge for our discipline poses are quite different (as noted by Merton at century's end. [1949] 1968:92-96). The key feature I wish to focus on is the sociological penchant for skepticism-for looking at the "hidden SYSTEM-BUILDING AND abode" (Marx's term) behind the appearance COUNTER-SYSTEM CRITICS: of things, and for unearthing the unexpected A TWO-CENTURY TRADITION in social structures and events. This "con- Efforts to build systems of sociology have a trarian"tradition owes much to social theo- history of almost two centuries, coinciding rists of different orientations, but it is not ex- with the very beginnings of the discipline. clusively identified with them. In fact, the For the most part, system-builders grounded institutionalization of this mode of thinking their efforts in a cumulative logic that identi- owes as much or more to its empirical prac- fied certain master principles of society from titioners. which a series of predictable consequences would follow. Not only Durkheim, but every FROM THE FIELD: THE French, German, and then American sociolo- SURPRISES BASHING MYTHS gist worth his salt at the turn of the twentieth PRACTICE OF century tried his hand at this intellectual en- The military regime of General Augusto deavor. The resulting books, variously titled Pinochet in Chile succeeded in drastically Sociology, Principles of Sociology, Commu- transforming that country's economy and nity and Society and the like form a core part putting it on a "free market"footing that con- of our heritage.2 forms strictly to the neoliberal model of de- But along with these efforts, there has al- velopment. Analysts of this experience have ways been an alternative tradition that ques- described it as a drastic departure from the tions the validity of explicitly stated inten- socialist policies sponsored by the deposed tions and of linear predictions. This alterna- Allende regime and the state capitalist model tive camp has encompassed a heterogeneous fostered by earlier Christian Democratic ad- group, ranging from theorists that gave pri- ministrations. What these analysts failed to macy to nonrational and charismatic factors notice is that it was the policies of these ear- to those that elevated conflict to the category lier regimes that furnished the basis for the of the true motor of history. This second and success of Chilean neoliberalism under diverse intellectual tradition can claim Marx Pinochet. The Christian Democrat's agrarian and Engels' synthesis of Hegelian dialectics reform crippled the power of an entrenched and materialism, Simmel's analysis of the rural oligarchy, while the extensive privati- functions of conflict, Sorel's ([1908] 1961) zation of urban industry under Allende put celebration of violence, and C. WrightMills's in the hands of the Chilean state an amount (1959) critique of the Parsonian system. of economic power incommensurate with Conventionally, these broad intellectual that of the private actor. currentshave been presented in social theory Equipped with these resources, Pinochet's as the "consensus" versus the "conflict" per- economic team-the "Chicago Boys" (so spectives, but this is not what I have in mind. called because most had obtained their for- A conflict orientation can spawn theories mal training at the University of Chicago's based on incremental linear thinking, as Economics Department)-were able to documented by the Althusserian and other implement their program. They did not so much "free" the Chilean market as recreate to their own selec- 2 As a first-year student of sociology in Buenos it according blueprints by Aires, I learned my first notions of sociology tively divesting the state of the industrial re- from three such system-builders: Americans Rob- sources put in its hands by the earlier nation- ert M. MacIver and Charles H. Page (1955), and alizations. Hence, a socialist program aimed Frenchman Armand Cuvillier (1950). at breaking the power of the Chilean bour- 4 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW geoisie and promoting a more egalitarian so- and industrial assembly lines did not behave ciety ended up facilitating complete domi- as the well-oiled machines they were theo- nance by the propertied class and increasing rized to be. In particular,undetermined fac- social inequality. As the Chilean sociologist tors held down productivity among clerical Alvaro Diaz (1996) put it, "One never knows staff and factory workers. for whom one really works in the end." 3 A number of sociologists thus found Reality commonly proves more adept at themselves employed by industrial firms to flights of imagination than the most daring investigate what actually went on in corpo- theorists. Time and again, we sociologists are rate offices and plant floors. Not all of their surprised by the limitations of our concep- studies were financed by management, but tual blueprints in comparison with the com- all coincided in uncovering two significant plexities of empirical phenomena. Theory facts: First, an imperfect correlation existed likes neat, incremental processes that make between formal and real authority structures sense in terms of some formal logic. Reality in industrial plants; second, normative is subject to no such constraints and, for this structures among factory workers regulated reason, is free to roam beyond the limits of worker behavior more effectively than did mental constructions. Gaps between received company-issued rules (Finlay 1983; Roeth- theory and actual reality have been so con- lisberger and Dickson 1939). sistent as to institutionalize a disciplinary Spearheaded by the famous Western Elec- skepticism in sociology against sweeping tric Hawthorne study, this school of indus- statements, no matter from what ideological trial sociology produced a numberof insights quarterthey come. into the actual day-to-day functioning of in- The sociologist's eye for the unexpected dustrial plants and office floors (Roethlis- thus goes hand in hand with the disciplinary berger and Dickson 1939). Contrary to re- practice of bashing myths, for myths are ceived wisdom, modern organizations did commonly built on a concatenation of sup- not operate as smooth-running hierarchies, posedly predictable steps. In his analysis, but as complex entities riddled with alli- Diaz (1996) lamented retrospectively the de- ances, conflicts, personal favors, and unwrit- mise of the socialist myth that by gaining ten rules. Informal normative structuresgrew control of the means of production revolu- from interactions between people over time, tionary regimes would usher in social equal- and these informal structuresconstrained the ity. Other myths have been more proactive, operation of formal blueprints. as the following three illustrate: Consider Dalton's (1959) analysis of how departmentheads in a large industrial corpo- ration tipped each other off in advance about Myth #1: Organizational Hierarchies the "surprise"visits of central auditing staff: Are Real Weber's ideal-type of "bureaucracy"-an Notice that a count of partswas to begin pro- a flurryof activityamong the executives with voked imperatively coordinated association to hide certainparts and equipment.... Joint clearly demarcatedauthority lines and a sala- actionof a kindrarely, if ever, shownin carry- ried staff subject to codified rules (Weber ing out official directivesenabled the relatively [1922] 1965:182-86, 324-41)-corresponds easy passageof laborersand truckers from one fairly well to the image that builders and workarea to another.(Pp. 48-49) managers of corporate structures have of them. Not long after the original publication The accumulation of such evidence gave a of Weber's work, glitches had begun to ap- distinct orientation to the sociological study pear in his blueprint. Office bureaucracies of organizations. Unlike theoretical work in other disciplines which continued to take or- ganizational hierarchies at face value, soci- 3Diaz made this observation during a presen- ologists tended to see these structures as tation at the Conference on Responses of Civil Society to Neoliberal Adjustment Programs, problematic. This trained skepticism remains sponsored by the Andrew W. Mellon Program in and is evident in Granovetter's (1985) cri- Latin American Sociology, University of Texas- tique of the "markets and hierarchies" ap- Austin, April 1995. proach in modern institutional economics, in SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 5

studies of corporate cultures by Morrill black West Baltimore makes this point (1991) and Kanter (1977), and in the impor- clearly: tance assigned by Burt (1992) and Podolny One way to understandconditions in the urban and Baron (1997) to the forms of social net- ghettois by notingthat children living in it of- works within and between complex organi- ten lack meaningfulconnections beyond their zations. immediate kinship.... Social capital generated by theirfamilies can only be parlayedinto re- sourcesexisting in theirphysical surroundings. Myth #2: Poor Urban Areas Are Because those resources tend to be of poor Socially Disorganized quality, the advantagesderived from social A tradition in writings about cities has char- capital are few.... (Fernindez-Kelly 1995: acterized poor inner- areas as places of 217-18) social disorganization and pathological be- The core finding of this empirical litera- havior. These writings follow a straightfor- ture is that the poor are no different from ward logic in which the unenviable living anyone else. They simply lack the resources conditions in these areas are imputed to per- and information to climb out of this self-re- sonal and social shortcomings of their inhab- producing condition. Ultimately, poverty itants. An equally long tradition in sociology causes social pathology-not vice versa contradicts these expectations and points to (Stack 1974). Outside observers from the the existence of patterned behavior and nor- government, the elite press, and academia mative structuresin these areas.4The contro- have consistently attributed to the poor- versy remains. The apparently obvious link currently labeled the "underclass"-features between personal/group shortcomings and that distinguish them from the rest of society poverty continues to spawn a pseudo-scien- and that "cause" their permanent disadvan- tific literaturein which various authors iden- tage. Sociologists have been among the most tify the "missing element" in impoverished consistent critics of such arguments. areas and exhibit it to all as the true cause of the problem. The latest such culprit is the al- Be leged absence of "social capital" in the Myth #3: Immigration Can Stopped by ghetto and the consequent inability of its in- Legal Regulation habitants to act together. Reasoning retroac- A currently popular declaration in newspa- tively, the idea is that the poor are poor be- per editorial columns and among policy pun- cause they lack the collective spirit and soli- dits is that "America has lost control of its darity found among more successful com- borders" (Brimelow 1995:4-5). To stop the munities. Contraryto such pronouncements, flow, critics have whipped up public senti- empirical studies by sociologists such as ment to compel the government to enact re- Uehara (1990), Edin (Edin and Lien 1997), strictive immigration laws. The argument is and others document the presence of social simple: Enact rules that prohibit the continu- networks and reciprocity in the inner city ation of immigration and the flow will sim- and heavy dependence of its inhabitants on ply stop. Sociologists studying immigration these social resources. The problem in poor have not so much advocated its continuation areas, they say, is not that people do not as they have focused on the unanticipated know each other or help each other, but that consequences of trying to stop the movement the resources to do so are meager and the so- by legislative means. cial ties so insulated as to yield meager re- This particularcontroversy has had several turns. A recent study of community ties in ups and downs. Public outcry about rising immigrationflows in the mid-1980s led Con- gress to pass the Immigration Reform and 4 Whyte's Street Corner Society (1943), Control Act (IRCA) of 1986. The Act was Liebow's Tally's Corner (1967), and Suttles's to all The Social Order of the Slum (1968) are examples designed stop illegal immigration by of this early literature. Nevertheless, the charac- granting amnesty to undocumented immi- terization of poor urban areas as places where grants already in the country and crimin- cultural pathologies lead to deep poverty rather alizing the hiring of new undocumented im- than vice versa continues to our day. migrants by American employers. Supporters 6 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

were enthusiastic about the measure, arguing ployers to get the necessary papers and come that it would bring the illegal population back the following day (Bach and Brill "above ground" and end the impunity with 1991). When Immigration Service raids be- which produce growers and other employers came too frequent, employers resorted to had used cheap illegal labor. As one promi- subcontractingwork to informal jobbers and nent congressional staffer told me at the gang leaders, driving illegal labor furtherun- time, "American employers are law-abiding derground(Cornelius 1992). citizens and, once the loopholes are closed, Through these adaptive strategies by im- they will obey the law." 5 migrant workers and their employers, a law Researchers studying migration thought designed to control and reduce immigration differently, however. They noted the resil- ended up increasing it substantially in the ience of social networks linking would-be following decade. Both the legal and the il- immigrants in Mexico and other sending legal flow have continued apace. Figure 1 countries to kin and prospective employers presents the time series for legal admissions in the United States and the vital importance and illegal alien apprehensions after passage for many American firms of a continuous of the 1986 Immigration Control Act. supply of low-wage labor (Bach 1978; Though the number of apprehensions does Cornelius 1998; Massey 1998). By and large, not equal the actual number of illegal en- U.S.-bound immigration has been sustained trants, over time the figures have reflected less by the goals of the immigrants them- fairly accurately the ebb and flow of the selves than by the demands and political will movement. With the evident failure of their of their prospective employers. This correla- project, the pre-1986 proponents of immi- tion of forces continues and features a fit be- gration control faded from view, only to be tween employers' labor needs and immi- replaced by new militants unwilling to learn grants' goals so tight as to defy attempts to from the past. To them the proposition break it down by legislative fiat. The event- "change the law and reality will follow suit" ful history of the 1986 ImmigrationAct sup- remains self-evident, and sociologists have ported these warnings. continued to cast the skeptical vote, point- First, amnestied illegals promptly used ing to the unintended and frequently per- their new status to strengthen their networks verse effects of these legislative attempts at with family and friends back home and bring immigration control. Their analysis of the in their kin as soon as they could. Second, 1996 immigration reform laws echoes those contrary to the prediction of my congres- advanced a decade earlier: sional friend, employers complied with the The combinedeffects of the 1996 Immigration letter of the law, but not with its spirit. As andWelfare Reforms will be to produceunin- requiredby the Act, they dutifully completed tendedand possible undesirable consequences. forms indicating that they had been shown The acts reflect Congressionalfailure to con- proof of legal residence by prospective em- sider how individuals and institutions are ployees, but they made little effort to check likely to reactin the face of new policies . . .. the authenticity of that proof. Predictably, an the 1996 reformmeasures, instead of preserv- instant industry sprung up in Los Angeles ing legal immigrationand discouragingillegal and in other large cities to provide illegal immigration,are likely to reduce the former and expand incentives for the latter. workers with the requisite papers. Immi- (Espenshade,Baraka, and Huber 1997:77D, grants were often told by prospective em- italics in original)

5This remark was made by a staffer of then- congressman Peter Rodino at a conference on QUESTIONING APPEARANCES: "America's Immigration Law" (held at the Uni- FORMS AND EFFECTS versity of California-San Diego in 1982). Pro- This contrarian vocation of the discipline, ceedings of the conference, including debates starting with the classics and continuing to about the alleged consequences of immigration control, were published the following year and the present day, has been the prime source of provides a rich source of sociological and official sociological insights and intellectual excite- analyses of the topic prior to the actual enactment ment. A cumulative linear logic seldom pro- of the law (see Cornelius and Montoya 1983). duces surprises. The positive relationship be- SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 7

1,800,000-UT 1,700,000 - 3 Immigrantslegally admitted 1,600,000 - Illegalaliens apprehended a 1,500,000 - 1,400,000 - - 1,300,000 1,200,000 - 1,100,000 1,000,000 6 A ...... 800,000 A 700,000 AL~j .. I~u jfIS01j I~iI

10 0 ,0 0 0 -......

0 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1993 1994 1995 1996 Figure 1.Immigrants Legally Admitted for Permanent U.S. Residence and Illegal Aliens Appre- hended, 1984 to 1996 Source: U.S. Departmentof Justice (1997, tables 1 and 58). a Figures representnumbers of apprehensions,not numbersof persons (i.e., persons can be apprehended more than once). tween education and earnings can be demon- this literature, adding the concepts of "self- strated and theorized, but is fully expected fulfilling prophecy," "latent functions and by the social scientist and lay public alike. dysfunctions," and "the serendipity pattern" At best, a linear approach codifies and de- (Merton [1949] 1968, [1989] 1998). My line fines sensible, expectations; at worst, it bor- of argument follows his lead, seeking to ex- ders on truism. When we are told, for ex- tend the original contribution on the basis of ample, that cities where authorities and citi- other common alternatives to a purposive zens are imbued by a "civic spirit" are better means-ends continuum. The goals of an ac- governed and more economically prosperous tivity may not be those actually announced than those riddled by self-interest and free- and may not even be well understood by riding, we can readily accept the notion with- participants;goals may not be accomplished out being greatly excited by it. The opposite by the intended means, but by a fortuitous would indeed be surprising. concatenation of events. Written more than 60 years ago, Merton's Let me be systematic about this. A linear (1936) article, "The Unanticipated Conse- process is one represented by a straight ar- quences of Purposive Social Action," con- row between the avowed goal of actors-in- tinues to be as relevant today as when it was dividual or collective-and the achieved first published. Merton's article did two end-state. It is possible to identify five dif- things: It summarized the tradition of socio- ferent conditions that trigger skepticism logical skepticism from the classics to its about the routine implementation of this lin- time; and it drove a wedge into the ambi- ear relationship: (1) The announced goal is tions of sociological system-builders of the not what it seems-that is, it is not what the period that were grounded on the assump- actor or those in authority in a collectivity tion of purposive action. In so doing, the ar- actually intend; (2) the announced goal is in- ticle opened the door to a number of modern tended by the actors, but their actions have sociological concepts, all of which high- other significant consequences of which they lighted the paradoxical nature of social life. are unaware; (3) the goal is what it seems- Merton himself was a prime contributor to but the intervention of outside forces trans- 8 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Goals Means End-States ~~ 7 -IN /,~_ -,,IN TypeofAction A B C A B C D LinearPurposive Manifest 3PPlanned -l ntended Action

Alternatives: (1) The"Hidden Concealed 4g Planned*.-intended Abode" (2) The Latent Manifest i:0o Planned-UUnre ognized Function (3) The Mid-Course Mantif e st- Emergent Improvised Initially Shift Upninendd

(4) The Unexpected Manifest. Planned Unintended Outcome.... (5) The Lucky Manifest ImprovisedamInteded.. Turn-of-Eve nts

Figure 2. Linear Purposive Action and Five Alternative Action Sequences forms it mid-course into a qualitatively dif- In modern times, the works of neo-Marxists ferent one; (4) the goal is what it seems- and critical sociologists, from Mills (1956) but the intervention of outside forces pro- to Piven and Cloward ([1971] 1993) repre- duces unexpected consequences different sent efforts in this tradition, unearthing the and sometimes contrary to those intended; power structurebehind the apparently repre- (5) the goal is what it seems-but its sentative institutions of formal democracy. achievement depends on fortuitous events, Recent analyses of the cultural superstruc- foreign to the original plans. tures of advanced capitalism oscillate be- In summary form, these alternatives repre- tween the first and second types in Figure 2- sent different end-states from those assumed that is between portraying them as a deliber- by a purposive logic as follows: (1) the real ate tool for legitimating the existing class goal is not the apparentone; (2) the real goal structureor as having an autonomous origin, is not what the actors actually achieve; (3) but unwittingly serving that end. Thus, the real goal emerges from the situation it- Harvey (1989), in The Condition of Post-Mo- self; (4) the original goal is real, but the end- dernity, sometimes depicts post-modern cul- state is contrary to its intent; (5) the original tural forms as the deliberate creation of ad- goal is real, but it is achieved by an unex- vanced capitalism in its latest incarnation, pected combination of events. Figure 2 sum- that of "flexible specialization," but at other marizes my argument and the examples that times presents them as autonomous growths follow. which, nevertheless, function the same way Marxist and neo-Marxist analyses of social that superstructures have always done- structurehave made a specialty of unearthing namely to mystify the economic realities un- the real ends of capitalism-the ones behind derneath. Similarly, Bourdieu's (1984) study its political facade and cultural superstruc- of cultural "refinement"and the consumption ture. This is the "hidden abode" that Marx of high art looks behind the apparent enjoy- described in such poignant detail and that ment that such activities bring to unearththeir Edwards (1973) documented a century later significance as markers of status and sym- in his analysis of labor market segmentation.6 bolic schisms between masses and elites.

6 The original reference for the "hidden abode" face and in view of all men, and follow them both is in volume I of Capital: "Accompanied by Mr. into the hidden abode of production, on whose Moneybags and by the possessor of labor power, threshold there stares us in the face 'No admit- we therefore take leave for a time of this noisy tance except on business"' (Marx [1867] 1967: sphere, where everything takes place on the sur- 176). SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 9

Consequences that are not recognized but argument:namely, how "preferences"are not are nonetheless real find their classical repre- stable at all but can change under the press sentation in Durkheim and his followers. Re- of events. In Weber's account, ascetic actions ligious rituals organized to propitiatethe gods originally intended to bring about other- have the real, albeit unrecognized, conse- worldly salvation were reoriented, by the in- quence of strengtheningcollective solidarity. fluence of external forces, into the search for Marriage and extended families, though or- business success and wealth accumulation. ganized around various manifest goals, actu- This analysis of a mid-course shift-from the ally function to protect individuals from the ascetic puritan to the rational capitalist en- destructive consequences of anomie (Collins trepreneur-remains one of the most intel- 1994:190-91; Durkheim [1897] 1965:171- lectually appealing argumentsleft to us from 202). An entire school of anthropology oper- sociology's classic period. ated on these theoretical premises, seeking to Nor is it the only example. Michels's uncover the unrecognized functions of primi- ([1915] 1968) Iron Law is grounded on a tive cultural practices (Levi-Strauss [1949] similar logic. In this case, logic prompts 1969; Mauss [1925] 1967). idealistic bands of reformers and revolution- The study of modern institutional forms aries to shift goals over time-from the has also been based on the logic of looking single-minded pursuit of altruistic aims to for the system's real outcomes, underneath the selfish defense of privileges they ac- its announced and "intended"goals. Thus the quire in the course of the struggle. If for work of Meyer and associates (Meyer, Pareto ([1920] 1980, chaps. 9 and 10) his- Ramirez, and Soysal 1992; Meyer et al. tory is but a cemetery of elites, for Michels 1997) suggests that modern institutional it is the scenario for the continuous degen- structures, such as research institutes and eration of lofty undertakings into material programs of advanced education, when pursuits. transplanted to the remote confines of the In modern sociology, the shift in mid- Third World have the manifest goal of pro- course is a common script in both political moting scientific advancement, but the latent and economic sociology. In the political effect of serving as symbols of the country's realm, the play of external forces can lead to modernity and, hence, relative parity with changes in legislation that not only moderate the developed world. Closer to home, the ex- original goals, but actually change their con- istence of such governmental institutions as tent. Thus, Pedriana and Stryker (1997) the Border Patrol and the Drug Czar are ame- document how Title VII of the 1964 Civil nable to the same kind of logic. Though they Rights Act, designed originally to guarantee fail, year after year, in their goals of stop- equal employment opportunity based exclu- ping the flows of illegal immigration and il- sively on merit, evolved into "affirmativeac- legal drugs, they are kept on the job, at least tion," a policy explicitly aimed at furthering in part, because of their latent role as sym- the employment opportunities of discrimi- bols of a national determination to defend nated minorities. In economic sociology, the certain values (Dombois 1998; Massey 1998; concept of embeddedness introduced by Tokatlian 1995). Functionariesof these agen- Polanyi (1944) and developed decades later cies may not recognize what they are really by Granovetter (1985, 1992) is illustrated in doing and instead orient their efforts toward numerous instances of goal shifts among their office's manifest ends, even if it is the market actors. The growth of a "tradesman latent consequences that actually keep them culture," the power of mutual obligations, on the job. and the development of distinct social net- The third departurefrom linear purposive works not only restrain the profit motive action in Figure 2 has to do less with the ex- among business players, but may redirect istence of concealed or latent ends beneath their action.7 manifest ones than with the actual shift of goals during the course of a given activity. 7 Thus Morrill (1991) describes the culture of a Weber's ([1904] 1985) famous thesis of the New York corporate headquarters so obsessed effect of Puritanism on economic behavior with "executive honor" that top executives in the derives its appeal precisely from this type of firm spent most of their time defending their sta- 10 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

The fourth departurefrom linear purposive ends paradigm. Thus, Coleman (1994) noted action is arguably the most important. It in- that when a number of actors pursue their volves end-states that are qualitatively dis- goals without preestablished institutional re- tinct, and sometimes the opposite of, those straint, their actions often lead to conse- originally intended. The concept of "cumu- quences that are exactly the opposite of lative consequences" finds in this family of those intended. He offers market "bubbles," events its exact opposite (Becker 1963; "stampedes," and "panics," as examples of Portes 1995). Instead of the past leading in these processes. straight incremental steps to the present, In economic sociology, the study of un- events sometimes take unexpected turns derground economic activities has offered coming full circle. Among classical sociolo- fertile ground for a dialectical analysis of gists, it is undoubtedly Simmel ([1908] the unexpected outcomes of regulation. It 1964) who showed the keenest eye for these turns out that these activities are often a di- outcomes. rect outgrowth of attempts to control the For Simmel, the formal facts of numbers economy, because legal constraints open, and space play havoc with purposive action ipso facto, opportunities for their profitable leading to unexpected forms of sociability. violation (Lommitz 1988; Portes 1994). Thus, the peaceful assembly turns into the Thus, governmental attempts to fix the ex- violent mob under the influence of numbers change rate lead to a currency black market; and contagion. And the success of the reli- high tariffs stimulate contraband; and at- gious sect in recruiting new members leads tempts to tightly regulate the labor market necessarily to dilution of its original radical- result in ingenious forms of bypassing them ism, under the influence of dispersion and through informal subcontracting (Lozano growing heterogeneity (Spykman 1965). For 1989; Sassen 1989.) Simmel, social conflict is not the unmiti- A final example comes from Castells's gated disaster that it seems to be because it (1998, chap. 1) analysis of how, in its quest possesses certain emergent positive conse- for military parity with the United States, the quences. This argument, codified and devel- Soviet Union ended up deeply dependent on oped decades later by Coser (1956), antici- its rival's technological capacity. As the pace pated numerous treatises in political sociol- of innovation in electronics accelerated, So- ogy about the nation-building potential of viet military planners became increasingly war and the legitimacy extracted by ruling worried that their scientific establishment elites from confrontations with outsiders. would miss a crucial step, leaving the coun- This fourth variant also comes closest to try behind in the arms race. Hence, they Merton's (1936) original treatment of unin- opted for the safer approach of copying the tended effects. In that article, he stressed the latest Western computer equipment, fur- role of the paradoxical in social life, a per- nished or stolen by KGB agents. In the pro- spective that came into full bloom in subse- cess, the Soviet government succeeded in quent analyses of self-fulfilling prophe- hollowing out their country's own autono- cies and the clash between cultural ends mous technological capacity. Castells (1998) and the structural opportunities to attain puts their reasoning as follows: them.8 The influence of the original concept [L]et us have the same machines as "they" is pervasive in modern sociology, even have, even if we take some extratime to repro- among those who endorse a rational means- duce theircomputers. After all, to activateAr- mageddon,a few years' technologicalgap in tus and reputation rather than seeking to improve electronic circuitry would not really be rel- the firm's bottom line. Even among Wall Street evant.... Thus the superior military interests traders, arguably the most individualistic and of the Soviet state led to the paradoxof mak- profit-driven types in American capitalism, ing the Soviet Union dependenton the United Abolafia (1996) finds evidence of social Statesin [this] crucialfield. (P. 31) embeddedness that directs and refocuses their be- havior. This example also introduces the fifth and 8 See Merton's classical analysis of social last departurefrom linear purposive action in structure and anomie (Merton 1938, [1949] Figure 2. For additional illustrations, I de- 1968). pend on Tilly (1996), who actually devel- SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 11

oped the concept,9 and on another incident The analysis of latent consequences, mid- in this country's rather lucky external wars. course shifts, unexpected effects, and impro- Tilly tells us how, by the end of his long vised means are part of a disciplinary tradi- reign, Louis XIV was able to reflect on his tion unique to the social sciences. It repre- achievements in bringing peace and internal sents one of sociology's distinct contribu- order to France. With the wisdom of hind- tions and one well worth keeping in mind sight, he presented the achievement as the when sociologists adopt the role of policy outcome of a foresighted, well-thought-out analyst. For the bearing of this analysis on plan. Closer scrutiny reveals that there was the question of policy advice and policy pre- no such plan. Instead the king and his minis- scriptions, I turn to the work of one of my ter, Colbert, engaged in "determined,but of- most distinguished predecessors, James ten desperate improvisation in the face of Coleman. unexpected reactions-both popular and elite-to royally sanctioned initiatives" REBUILDING SOCIETY ON A (Tilly 1996:590). As is the case even today, RATIONAL, PURPOSIVE BLUEPRINT history is continually reconstructed into neat means-ends narratives, when the actual pro- In 1992, Coleman presented a memorable cess of reaching a goal required on-the-spot presidential address before the American So- decisions, sudden improvisation, and numer- ciological Association. In his opening story, ous departuresfrom the intended course. he compared his canoe leisurely cruising the This also happened to Colonel Jimmy Wisconsin and Mississippi Rivers at four Doolittle and his marauders as their aircraft miles an hour with the much faster tugboats carrier,the Hornet, approachedTokyo Bay in chugging the river and the trains onshore, 1942. After Pearl Harbor, the United States whizzing by at 20 times the canoe's speed. stood in dire need of a psychological uplift, His comparison documented the rapid evo- and this is what Doolittle and his men in- lution from social organization based on the tended to deliver by bombing the Japanese family and relations between real persons to- capital. The raid was scheduled to take place ward organizations based on relations be- at night and was meticulously planned. Un- tween fictive persons and the progressive re- fortunately, hundreds of miles before the moval of individuals from family bonds. planned takeoff, the Hornet was spotted by In his remarks,Coleman echoed a long tra- Japanese fishing trawlers-the key element dition of social thought that documented the of surprise was destroyed. Doolittle decided passage from feudalism to industrial capital- to attackimmediately to prevent the Japanese ism, and from "community" to "society" from strengthening their defenses. The raid (Eisenstadt 1964; Tbennies [1887] 1963). He took place in broad daylight, and was went beyond these earlier descriptions, how- launched a great distance away from its tar- ever, to make a central point: Social control get. Against all odds, it was successful be- and, hence, social order, in earlier times had cause the trawlersnever actually alertedJapa- depended on the structureof community net- nese air defenses and because, by an extraor- works that monitored individual behavior dinary coincidence, that day had been singled and ensured normative compliance. This out in Japan for civil defense exercises form of "primordial" social capital eroded against the very threat that Doolittle's planes with the weakening of family and commu- posed. The planes reached their target unde- nity bonds, and with the rapid replacement tected, in part because they were initially as- of local society by national corporate struc- sumed to be part of the fake maneuvers.10 tures (Coleman 1993a). The result is that the achievement of so- 9 As opposed to Adam Smith's "invisible cial goals has come to depend on the deliber- hand," Tilly (1996) offers the "invisible elbow" to signify the patched up, improvised characterof actions leading to a specific end. I am indebted to from the series broadcast by the History Channel for bringing Tilly's essay to my as "Secrets of World War II," which includes ad- attention. ditional evidence in support of the present ac- 10 There are alternative versions of what hap- count of events (The History Channel, March 24, pened on that day. The present account draws 1999). 12 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ate application of incentives and coercive The real problem with Coleman's view is power by large organizations, in particular somewhat different-namely that the delib- the state. In lieu of the spontaneous family- erate design of organizations clashes inevi- based organization of the past, we have new tably with the paradoxes of social life. The corporate organizations where community task of social engineering relies on a linear social capital is replaced by a deliberate logic in which goals are manifest and the schedule of incentives to individuals. task consists of devising means to achieve Coleman saw this trend as unstoppable and them. Such means consist, for the most part, proposed that sociology's task should shift in the manipulation of incentives so that oc- from analyses of historical events to the con- cupants of given roles would want to enact struction of social organization based on ra- behavior X ratherthan Y. Even sophisticated tional blueprints. analyses that take into account the spontane- As an example, Coleman observed that ous emergence of norms assume that these family care for children has declined because can also be manipulatedtoward the desirable the flow of material resources has increas- goal. This may be true in some cases, but not ingly shifted from parents to children, mak- always. Some possible derailing factors to ing it uneconomical for parents to pay such purposive designs include: greater attention to their offspring: hence, his * The goals of some of the avowed support- proposal that the state should step in to pro- ers of the constructedorganization are con- vide a schedule of incentives to parents and cealed and differ from their declared in- guardians proportional to the difficulty of tent. raising their particularchild and to the "value added" of his or her proper upbringing * Factors of a habitual and emotional order (Coleman 1993a:13-14, 1993b). As an expe- enter the picture, altering the schedule of rienced sociologist, Coleman recognized that incentives for participants and their cost- social relations, cultural expectations, and benefit calculations. normative structures still developed among * Participantsreact to being manipulated by people in large organizations and that these a higher authority and devise means of by- forces could either support or derail collec- passing the intended consequences of their tive goals. Accordingly, he sought to harness actions. the assumption of individual rational interest and sociological knowledge about networks * External factors grounded in the history to the solution of problems through deliber- and circumstances of participants lead to ately constructed organizations: divergent and unanticipated responses to Whatdoes this transformationmean for sociol- the same set of incentives. ogy and sociologists? It implies a future in the * Solutions to the motivational problems design of organizations, institutions, and social among one class of actors trigger protest environments-designs intended to optimize and discontent among others. relevant outcomes.... This involves, of course, social theory-but social theory di- The constructed organizations of the now- rected to this task, not to chronicling and con- defunct command economies of Eastern Eu- ceptualizing changes of the past. (Coleman rope offer a suitable illustration of some of 1993a: 14) these pitfalls. These structureswere not built Coleman's arguments were attacked as irrationally. On the contrary, after the early conservative, because deliberately con- revolutionary effervescence, planners delib- structed organizations usually correspond to erately sought to incorporate schedules of in- the interests of powerful actors, or are seen centives for firms, managers, and workers. as ushering an Orwellian world of Big The problem was that these schedules and Brother rule. In my view, these criticisms the plans they supported clashed with reali- were misplaced. Coleman's urgent call to the ties on the ground-leading, in time, to per- discipline to take an active role in the reso- verse consequences. Kornai (1992:263-75) lution of social problems and his vision of noted how communist authorities' goals of applying sociological theory to this end are full employment, high material production, crucial. and monitored interdependence between SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 13

firms produced an economy of "soft budget not commonly achieved by "social engineer- constraints." In this system, firms could not ing" but by complex trial-and-error pro- go bankrupt,and they benefited from hoard- cesses in which the original blueprints are ing supplies and avoiding innovation abandoned and constant adaptations are (Castells 1998; Grossman 1989). made to the contours of reality. These com- The blueprints of socialist planners sought plex dynamics are often ignored in calls to to organize material incentives for the reconstruct society on a purposive blueprint. achievement of state goals. However, they did not know and could not cope with the play of unexpected forces that eventually CONCLUSION: THEORY, POLICY, AND SKEPTICISM brought the entire experiment crashing down. Stark (1989) has made this point com- A reasonable objection to my argument is pellingly: that it can lead to paralysis in both policy and As with childrenin the domestichousehold, so theory. Because the dialectics of social life with firms in the socialist economy:responsi- are so complex and everything depends on bility is inverselyproportional to dependence. the specific context in which it is embedded, An enterprisewhose directordutifully follows it becomes nearly impossible to predict how detailed instructionsto the very letter of the individuals and groups will behave or what rule can scarcelybe blamedwhen it produces outcomes will extend from deliberate policy. only losses.... The attempt to scientifically The role of sociologists as engineers of the managean economy as if it were one factory future dissolves into the much less attractive prevents the scientific managementof any role of professional doubters and critics. given factory.(Stark 1989:648-49) There is truth in this: Awareness of the Despite the greater informational freedom paradoxical character of social structure of democratic societies, there is no dearth of leads naturally to caution. Despite its limita- examples closer to home. Efforts to "recon- tions, the role of informed contrarian seems struct"existing organizations for the sake of preferable to that of the enthusiastic but certain goals commonly yield perverse con- naive visionary. This is not the whole story, sequences. Thus, the decision of the Reagan however, because a skeptical stance can lead, Administration to weaken administrative under certain conditions, to more sophisti- controls on the banking industry had the cated theory and more effective policy. This manifest goal of promoting competition and, outcome requires staying close to the ground hence, stimulating savings and investments. and avoiding broad generalizations or uni- The result was the savings and loans debacle, versally applicable blueprints. Much socio- triggered by the decision of a number of logical theorizing of the mid-range consists owners and managers to pilfer their own or- of just such narratives about how things got ganizations for personal advantage (Calavita, "from here to there," including the multiple Tillman, and Pontell 1997). Their schedule contingencies and reversals encountered in of incentives had not been taken into account the process. At this level of analysis, it is by framers of this costly policy. possible to delineate, at least partially, the A longer list of examples would only lead structuralconstraints and other obstacles af- to the same conclusion: There is danger in fecting a specific individual or collective deliberate attempts at reconstructing society pursuit. because, even if the manifest goals are real, Consider Evans's (1995) analysis of the the means of intervention can clash with role of states in national economic develop- complex social forces, derailing the entire ment. He begins his book with Adam effort or taking it in unexpected directions. Smith's inquiry into the factors promoting To be sure, institutions can be built that serve the "wealth of nations" (Smith [1776] 1979; their intended purpose, and goals of the most Todaro 1977). To try to address this ques- diverse kinds can be achieved. Louis XIV tion, Evans takes us through a zigzag did restore internal order to France and course, where solutions at a given step cre- Doolittle managed to bomb Tokyo, but they ate problems at the next. (Figure 3 summa- did not achieve their goals on the first try or rizes the successive steps of Evans's argu- on the basis of well-polished plans. Ends are ment.) He considers first the neoclassical 14 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Problem: How to bringabout o Solution: Open the economy the sustained growthof to marketforces. national economies?

Problem: How to avoid special - Solution: Involvethe state in zation in low value-added exports? the economy to protect new industries.

Problem: How to avoid the capture >-Solution: Constructa "Weberian- of state privileges by privategroups? type"state bureaucracy.

Problem: How to avoid isolation mSolution: Selectively"embed" fromsociety and a self-serving the state in civil society, orientationby the bureaucracy? nurturingstrategic economic sectors.

OUTCOME:International competitiveness and sustained economic growth (e.g., Japan, South Korea, Taiwan).

Figure 3. Evans's Theory of Embedded Autonomy Source: Evans (1995).

solution to development, which consists of nurturing of industrial and commercial the enriching potential of free trade: Just let firms until the latter are able to compete ef- the market perform its magic and it will fectively in world markets. yield the greatest good for the greatest num- The trick is to preserve the state's role as ber. Yet, poorer nations that have followed incubator of promising economic initiatives, this path have often found themselves con- but without allowing emerging firms to fined to the role of specialized producers of colonize state agencies in turn. Evans low value-added commodities. The logical (1995) offers Japan as the archetypical ex- solution is then to have the state take an ac- ample of the embedded state, although re- tive hand in developmental efforts. Still, cent evidence of corruption in high places this next move runs into the problem that and "rental havens" for well-placed bankers weak states in poor nations are easily colo- has partially tarnished that image. Even nized by powerful economic interests, with this and other explanatory problems,11 which turn their developmental projects into Evans's theory represents one of the most "rental havens" for business groups. Instead sophisticated approaches to national devel- of the state developing the nation, it ends up opment in the discipline today. developing the fortunes of a few individuals At the level of policy, awareness of the able to bribe and co-opt their way into offi- dialectics of social life does not lead to pa- cial favor. ralysis either but to more cautious forms of The solution to this second-level problem intervention. These alternative forms require is to construct a "Weberian bureaucracy," well-insulated from civil society and im- 11 Evans (1995) does not offer clear empirical mune to bribe-taking. This new solution cre- criteria to differentiate appropriately"embedded" ates, in turn, its own set of problems in the states from those colonized by interests in civil form of an isolated and increasingly self- society. This omission can make the theory cir- serving officialdom lording over society but cular by defining as "embedded states" only those incapable of guiding it effectively. (The that have succeeded in promoting economic state bureaucracies of the defunct Soviet growth. When this identification is done ex post facto, the theory is reduced to saying: If a state block come to mind as a partial illustration.) succeeds in promoting economic development, The remedy to this third-level problem is then it is embedded. This shortcoming can be then to fashion a "modified Weberian state" overcome by an explicit and measurable specifi- or "embedded state," in which competent cation of differences between states captured by officials involve themselves in the selective private interests and those autonomous of them. SOCIOLOGY AS ANALYSIS OF THE UNEXPECTED 15

relentless questioning of the initial blueprints Getting from "here" to "there" is never and an examination of the various contingen- easy, in terms of either theory or policy. So- cies at each step of programimplementation. ciology has remained, for the most part, In particular, this approach results in two faithful to its empirical tradition and, along practical considerations: First, change must with it, true to a focus on the complexity of proceed in measured steps, with close atten- social processes. More than "social engi- tion to fortuitous events and pressures from neers" or "social architects," high-flown la- outside forces; second, one must know the bels that carry with them the danger of pre- actors involved and their actual goals in or- maturehubris, I would propose the label "so- der to anticipate their reactions to external cial craftsmen" to describe those engaged in intervention. building or reconstructing social institutions. Consider, for example, a program to im- Like the artisans of yore, who applied their prove the quality of education in public skills with painstaking attention to the qual- schools by increasing "social capital" among ity and uniqueness of their materials, so can parents and teachers. Social capital, in the deliberate interventions in the real world pro- form of greatermutual knowledge and higher ceed and progress. If my analysis is correct, levels of trust, is expected to lead to overall sociology's chance at helping rebuild society improvements in the quality of schools at century's end does not hinge on the elabo- (Coleman 1993b; Putnam 1993). For this ration of grand engineering blueprints, but purpose, a schedule of incentives is devised instead in careful analyses of social pro- to encourage parents' attendance at PTA cesses, awareness of their concealed and un- meetings and their presence at other school intended manifestations, and sustained ef- events. The logic of the program is clear and forts to understandthe participants' own re- can be portrayed as a linear sequence of actions to their situation. Without this pains- steps: Intervention occurs in the form of eco- taking effort, any organizational blueprint, nomic incentives promoting greater social no matter how well devised, is likely to yield interaction -* parents and teachers come to- unexpected outcomes, thus following the fate gether and in the process develop greater of so many failed interventions of the past. mutual understanding -- which leads, in turn, to greater parental supportfor teachers' Alejandro Portes is Professor of Sociology at efforts and mutual assistance in educating Princeton University and Faculty Associate of the the children. Woodrow Wilson School of Public Affairs. He is Maybe. But the process is fraught with currently conducting research projects on immi- the adaptation of the im- contingencies that could lead to quite differ- grant transnationalism, migrant second generation, and urbanizationpat- ent outcomes. For simplicity, contingencies terns in Latin America. His forthcoming book, co- can be summarized into three families of authored with Ruben G. Rumbaut and co-pub- variables: (1) the perceptual framework in lished by the University of California Press and which the policy is interpreted by parents Russell Sage Foundation, is titled Legacies: The and teachers and the possibility that one Story of the New Second Generation. In 1998, he party or the other has concealed goals at vari- received the Distinguished Career Award from ance with those overtly announced; (2) un- the Section of International Migration of the expected consequences of increased interac- American Sociological Association. tion, including racial cleavages and greater awareness of the other party's shortcomings; awareness of teachers' and the school's short- (3) external factors preventing the imple- comings leads them to seek other alternatives, in- mentation of collectively reached decisions. cluding private school vouchers; threatened by Contingencies in each of these three catego- independent parental initiatives, teachers and ad- ries are multiple and lead to outcomes very ministrators withdraw support from the program -it folds, leaving a worse situation than at the different from those intended.12 start; parents and teachers come together to im- prove things, but discover that what they actually 12 Among such alternative effects are: Parents need is material resources to improve school in- have been "burned"by failed programsin the past frastructure and facilitate students' outside con- and do not attend-the program folds; parents at- tacts-demands are not met by the school admin- tend and socialize in good faith, but growing istration, leading to widespread demoralization. 16 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

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Lester F. Ward Edward B. Reuter Donald Young J. Milton Yinger William G. Sumner Ernest W. Burgess Amos H. Hawley Franklin H. Giddings F. Stuart Chapin Robert K. Merton Hubert M. Blalock Jr. Albion W. Small Henry P. Fairchild Robin M. Williams Jr. Peter H. Rossi Edward A. Ross Ellsworth Fadis George E. Vincent Frank H. Hankins Howard Becker George E. Howard Edwin H. Sutherland Robert E. L. Faris Alice S. Rossi Charles H. Cooley Robert M. Maclver Paul F. Lazarsfeld James F. Short Jr. Frank W. Blackmar Stuart A. Queen Everett C. Hughes Kai T. Erikson C. Homans Matilda White James Q. Dealey George Riley Melvin L. Kohn Edward C. Hayes George A. Lundberg Wilbert E. Moore Herbert J. Gans James P. Lichtenberg Rupert B. Vance Charles P. Loomis Ulysses G. Weatherly Philip M. Hauser Charles A. Ellwood Carl C. Taylor Arnold M. Rose Robert E. Park Ralph H. Turner James S. Coleman John L. Gillin E. Franklin Frazier William I. Thomas William H. Sewell William A. Gamson John M. Gillette Leonard S. Cottrell Jr. William J. Goode William F. Ogburn Robert C. Angell Mirra Kornarovsky Maureen Hallinan Howard W. Odum Peter M. Blau Neil J. Smelser Emory S. Bogardus Samuel A. Stouffer Lewis A. Coser Luther L. Bernard Alfred McClung Lee Alejandro Portes