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PRESTON, Frederick William, 1941- RED, WHITE, BLACK AND BLUE; THE CONCEPT OF RACE IN AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY: AN EXPLORATION IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1970 Sociology, race question

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THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED R5D, ’vHITK, BLACK AND BLUE; TÎÎR CONCRPT OF RACE

IN AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY: AN EXPLORATION

IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Frederick William Preston, B.A., M.A,

The Ohio State University 1970

Approved by

Over the years one is aided by nany in his intellectual development. I am particularly indebted to Nason Hall, Leon Warshay and Carl Nissen who as members of this department took much interest in my growth as a student and scholar.

For their suggestions in the formulation of this study I

thank Larry Reynolds and Don Noel. I ar.i very such indebted to the members of my dissertation committee for their many hours of effort in behalf of this investigation. John Cubor, who has served as my major advisor and chairman of the committee, has al/ays been very encouraging and of particular assistance in

editorial advice. Douglas Card, in representing the positivists,

has been very helpful in arranging the data, and in setting forth

specific I'elationships. Jora Nysong, tho third member of the

dissertation committee, made numerous helpful and insightful

suggestions. His assistance on the broad intellectual level as

well as editorially is .greatly appreciated.

For aiding in the daily research and typing I thank my son,

Eric. His vigilance during the early months of research prevented

many gaggles from destroying tho data while in the latter stages

of "writing his technical knowledge of typewriters and his constant

information about buses, rucks, and sacs are greatly and warmly

ii apprécia bed, Finally, to ;.iy wifo Jeaniiio a'hoae patience, v.’arath, understanding, insight, and lo/e have nado r;o both a better human being and sociologist I dedicate this work.

Xll VITA

April l3, 1 9 4 1 ...... Born - Toledo, Ohio

1 9 6 5 -1 9 6 6 ...... Research Assistant, Disaster Research Center, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1966 ...... B.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1966-I967 ...... Research Assistant, Richland County Education Project, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

19 6 7 -I9 6 8 ...... Teaching Assistant, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1 9 6 8...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1 9 6 8 - 1 9 7 0...... Teaching Associate, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

TIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Sociology

Studies in Sociological TTieory. Professors Leon War shay. Mason K. Hall, Jere Wysong and Ted R. Vaughan

Studies in Principles and Methodology. Professors John F. Cuber, Douglas Card and Patrick Cleaver

Studies in Race and Ethnic Relations. Professor Don Noel

XV TABLE OF CCNTEIiTS

Page ACKiJGV/I-EDGMEI-TS...... ii

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF FIGURES...... vii

LIST OF PLATES...... viii

Chapter

I. IÎTTAODUCTION...... 1

Background and Statement of the Problem Methods and Objectives The Hypotheses In Iroduc t.lon to the Presidential Work

II. PRIOR TO 1 9 2 0...... 2 3

Use of the Concept Equal!by Facial Contact Summary

III. 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 3...... 0 45

Use of tho Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary

IV. 1931-1945...... 6 7

Use of the Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary CA3LÏÏ OF CCNTFN'l’S (Continued)

Chapter Page

y. 1946-1970 ...... 9 5

Use of the Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary

VI. THE HYPOTHESES...... 126

Discussion Data Social Structural Cultural In terac tionist Summary

VII. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ...... I5 7

No thodological Considerations Discussion of the Findings Summary and Conclusions

APPENDIX

A. THE PRESIDENTIAL DA T A ...... 172

3. THE A.JS D A T A ...... 1 7 4

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... I75

vx LIJT OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Uneaployaeat and Equality ...... 1 3 0

2. Comparison, of Black Migration Ratos with Sociological Work regarding Equality . . 1 3 3

3» Comparison of European and Asian Immigration Ratos with Sociological Work regarding Equality ...... 1 3 5

4. Presiontial and AJS Deviation from Cultural Standards regarding the Concept of Race ...... 1 3^

5 . Black Definitions and Presidential Separatism ..... 1 3 9

6. Comparison of Sociological work with Changes in the American legal Systaa ...... ih)

7 . Egali tarianis.n and Academic Training ...... 1 5 0

3. Unorthodox Theoretical Positions and Academic Appoxn T^nicn ts ...... 132

9 . Graduate 'Training and Faculty Appointments for AoA Presidents ...... 134

Vll LIST OF PLATES

Plate Page

I. Correlations of Various Aspects of Sociological Work Regarding the Concept of Race with Each Other ..... 1 5I

II. Consistoucy of Presidential Assumptions of Equality and Social Definitions of tho Concept ...... l48

Vlll CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

General Theoretic En.ck.g;ro;:nd nud Statement of the Problem

The study of "race" .in one or another form or taxonomy is as old as nan's attempts to explain his environment and as varied as his particulai* experiences of migration and ethnic contact. The

concept itself continues to bo used by both scholars and laymen although many maintain that its usefulness has long since passed.^

"Race" is a concept around which many ideological debates have

centered and, thus, an ideal area of analysis from the perspective

of the sociology of knowledge. The debates themselves have changed

soi.iewhat ever the years. Prior to the thirties much of what was

offered as "sciezice" was o .' i.en little more than unimaginative

speculation. Indeed the first "sociology" studies in the United 2 States were such efforts. Yet even after such speculation has

given way to more legitimate "science" and "the scientific method"

firm conclusions to several of the most basic questions have not

1. There have boon several major discussions of this issue. During the early oO's the debate was carried in the pages of Current Anthropo1ocy. One of the most thorough treatments is that of Ashley Montagu, ed., The Concept of Race, Collier-MacMillan, London; 1959. 5. Both George /itshugh's Goclology f or the Couth oz'. The Mai lure of Free Society and Henry Hughes ' Treatise on Sociology v;hi.ch were publi.ohod in iffp^ defended the institution of slavery. bocu reached. Although Gor.e of the isoues have changed as well as has the method of study, several of the most critical controversies continue. Acadamicinns still dcbo.te the assunipticns of innate racial inequality and the desirability of racial assimilation as well as the form and usefulness of the concept itself.^ An under standing of those disputes as they represent the ongoing quest for knowledge is the basic purpose of this investigation.

The sociology of knowledge is used to explain what is held to be true in different historical periods and in particular environ ments by groups and individuals. It is also used to explain the 4 persistence of some "facts" long after they have been "disprovou."

To veiw the development of the concept of race in American sociology it is necessary to employ both of these aspects. It is perhaps inaccurate to speak of "the" perspective of the sociology of knowledge, since the focus has tended to be vague and often only a residual category of investigation. I'erton commented on this as he noted tîiat the sociology of knowledge "... is pi'imarily conccrnod with the relations between knowledge and other existential factors in the society or culture. General and oven vague as this formu lation of tho con tirai focus may be, a more specific statement will not serve to include the diverse approaches which have been

3. For a discussion of these issues as they are debated today see Luis Schneider, "Face, Reason and Rubbish Again," Rhylon. Vol. 2 3, Isabella Black, "Race and Unreason: Anti-Megro Opinion in :oiGSsionalf» _ 1 and .'1Scientific Literature Since r* * . _ 1934," ^ y-\ f— #. It Phylon, TVol. f _ 1 26. / 4. Rather than a question of methodology and what constitutes "proof" and verification, the focus hero is related more to tho persistence of come ideas long after they have been discarded by an overwhelming majority of the discipline. dovolopod.In tho sano article Merton offered a paradigm to delineate the divorce approaches to the cooiology of knowledge but failed to formulate a distinctive methodology. Indeed the diversity of approach in the sociology of knowledge is parallel to certain aspects of the continuing debate between conflict and consensus theorists and therefore clearly not amenable to a single methodology. The system of Sorokin tends to emphasize the role of culture and ideas in determining knowledge and social reality while the approach employed by both Marx and Mannheim emphasizes the influence of structure and social reality on know ledge and ideas.^ In both instances, however, knov/ledge is seen to be influenced by societal factors, be they cultural or structural.

For this reason the sociology of knowledge suggests an altern ative model of science to that offered by the cxponants of a self- contained scientific community which employs "the scientific method." Only in extreme postures are these alternative models of scientific inquiry mutually exclusive, but surely tho models presented by many of the standard methodology texts and even that in tho presentation of Kaplan are distinct from those offered by 7 the sociology of knowledge. The first views the scientist as being isolated and largely i.r.depondsnt from extra-scientific

5. Robert K- Merton, "The Sociology of Knc.,-ledge, " in Gurvitch and Moore, ods., ^voii^tieth C ..ntury Sociology, New York; 19'<-5» p.3 6 6. 6. For discussions of the contras ts be tween Sorokin, Mannheim and Marx see Stanley Te.ylor, Concertions of Institutions and the Tl.eory of i-hio-.;led,-re, New York; 1956, p. L39 and Jacques J. Manu.et. The Socjnlo,-y of Mr.o--/l:d.se, Iîosto7i; 1951. 7 . Often cited as typical of the methodology texts is that of Goode o.nd Hatt, Me th.ods of S ocial Research,Me w York ; 1952. Kaplan's discussion is fully presented in Abraham Kaplan, The Conduct of lunu.i r.7 , Chandler, Gan Francisco ; 19-64. influences. For the extz'er.e positivist, science presents an independent body of knonlcd^^ v;hich has been obtained through the use of a distinctive ziethod of analysis. It is orderly, ci;nulative, self-correcting and value-free, ilio second reodel of science, that of tho sociology of kncv;ledge, emphasizes the place of the scientist and his knowledge in tho total environment. Those who take this perspective find that not only is scientific knowledge pai't of its surrounding culture and social structure, but, consequently, it is not 30 cumulative, self-correcting, orderly, and value-free as the first model suggests.

Over the years there have been several applications of the perspcctivo(s) which serves as the background for this investigat ion, First, the approach which is often taken as THF sociology of knowledge - a blend of historical changes in the structure of a society or nation state with intellectual change - was used by

Leiberman as an crplauatoiy device in understanding the debate over g whether or nob "race" is a meaningful concept. A distinguishing

feature of this approach is its c.aphasis on structural change

rather then change in the ideological climate. Thus, Leibcrman

emphasizes change in American international relations during the

Second World V/ar as a basis for the ideological changes which he

views as a determinant in the intollectual debate surrounding the

concept. Despite tho possibilities for specificity, however, such

attempts are often sketchy, subjective, impressionistic, and

8. T.conord he ib or man, "The Debate Over Face; A Study in the Sociology of Knowledge," Phylon. siü'for from nuriorous other "no,i-3cientil'ic" nmladios. ■ Yet they are often li.ooful, if only to provide a Getting for more specific applications of the perspective.

A second application of the pci'sijective is clearly in the cultural tradition of the sociology of knowledge. Kootink in his discussion of racial identity in the Caribbean and VanderZanden in his noting of cross-cul tui'al racial identification have both used this approach."Pace" is seen to be a concept that is, on the professional as well as the lay level, very much bound to a parti cular culture. Indeed the Amei'ican dichotomy of black and white appears to be something of an anomaly. Quite obviously this particualr aspect of the perspective is useful in viewing any peculiarities of the concept which are specific to American sociology.

A further v.^riant of the perspective which is applicable to

this study is a derivation from the general tîicsis of Mannheim, the

question of the role of ideology in the treatment of "race.

The remaining variant which is applicable could be called that of

the interne ticnis t school. Analyses from this perspective tend

9. Harry Hoetink, liie Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations, Oxford University Press, View York; 19b7* 10. James VanderZanden, "The Concept of dace; A Case in the Sociology of Knowledge," Columbus; 1969» 11. Karl Mennhoiui, Ideology and Utopia, TTarcour t, Brace, and World, New York; 1996, pp. 1-$A. Mannheim, whose "Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge" distinguished between ideological and utopian tiiought (generally conservative and liberal), used three basic elements in his system; the gz'cuu, the situation, and collect ive action. Although enjoying wore of a reciprocal approach than ties.t of Marx, Maunhoim still viewed a causal relationship. Of the three do termina.nts of knowledge the indepsnd.:ri t v.ariable is the to blend tho tz'aditions of Marx and Soz'okin, thongh they are IP 13 primarily conccrnod with cnltvral variables. ’’

In a larger sense this investigation follo'/s the tradition of 14 the sociology of ideas as opposed to the sociology of research.

Father than considering the on-going process of investigation and shifts in methodology the ccnccrn is with the development of ideas, an undertaking which is necessarily on the macro level.

Methods and Ob.-]oo tives

There are two major objectives of this study: (l) documenting specific treatment of the concept of race by American sociologists and, (2) placing such efforts within the framework of the sociology of knowledge.

group with "situation" and "collective action" being dependent. One mus t examine the situation that the group \;as in during a particular epoch and then vie'.; the objectives that were part of its scheme for social action, •./’'other the objectives wore ideological oz* utopian, 12, An example of this paz'ticualr appZ'Oach i-s seen in Ted R, Vaughan and Larry T. Reynolds, "The Sociology of Symbolic Inter- actionism, " The Amsz-ic-an Sociologist, August, 1968, pp, 208-213* 15* This may vary from the rather broad theme presented by G, Wright Mills', "The Profezisional Ideology of Social Pathologists," in Po'.;er, Politics and People, Irving Louis Hoi*ov/its, ed., New York; 1963, pp. 5^5-592, to the specific idcntification of scholars with certain institutions, e.g., in the early years of American sociology the dl.scipline tended to have two major nuclei, Chicago and Columbia, the fii'st tending toward li’ooralism and social process under S.eall and the second toward ccnsoi'vativism under Giddings, l4. James 0. Smith, "Social Research in a Psychiatric Setting: The Natural History of a Roseai’ch Project," Di.s.uertation, Columbus; 1969, p?- 1-5* Smith dis tin guishe.s between the tradi tion of the largely m.acro level studies of the sociology of ideas and the pi’imarily micro level efforts concerned with the sociology of z'osearch. Any atK'r;;ipt to trace an idea through the work cfocholars, any attor.ipt at intellectual hi.ntory, rnuat necessarily be sowowhat arbitrary. The question of whose work is to bo included forces the selection of a "sanple.” One aspect of this problem has been overcome simply by defining the focus of the investigation to be on the work of American sociologists. Another choice, though, remains. While an investigation might focus on the work of those who specialize in the stu.dy of "race," this work concentrates on those who are generally recognized as "leading scholars." It is difficult,also, to operationally define what constitutes "leading," but for the purposes of this study men who were elected president of the American Sociological Society/Association have been defined as influential and "leading." There are, certainly, other criteria that are often used such as those vrho were most quoted in texts and those who did the most publishing. Each ha.s its own particular shortcoming. The list of "mos t quoted" changes ever the years and for that reason becomes unweildy and is filtered by subsequent generations of textbook ’.rritors. Another liability for the "most quoted" list is that the number of wide circulation textbooks is relatively small; those who decide who will be quoted are a small group as opposed to the much larger voting membership of the

S o c i e t y / A " s o o i e. t i on . ^ ^

15- It is interesting to note that there is a great deal of convergence in this area. In I'eviewing tho data compiled by Mark Jo.y Cromaner, "The Most Cited .Sociologists: An Analysis of Intro ductory Te:c t Cit'iti.ons, " The Ai.i.erican Cojciologist, May 1968, pp. 12'i-126 and Read Main, Letter, "The Most Important Cociologists?" Related to this decision, is t}ic assumption that those who are specialists in a particular area are influenced less oy some of the existential features of knowledge than would be the case with the non-specialist.^^ Presumably the specialist is better acquainted with "scientific" efforts in the particular area- This, though, is partially begging the question. The most crucial reason for the choice of the presidents is that it provides a minimally arbiti'ary sample of American sociology. If one centers on those who have concentrated on "race" he, by shear volume of printed material, is obligated to depend, at least in part, on previous efforts made in attempting to trace the history of the 17 concept.

America.: Sociological Review, Vol. 27, pp. 7^+5-7^r8, it was found that consistcntiy core than 5$;^ of the ":;iost cited" were elected president. 16. The con t.in tion that tlio sociology of knowledge denies the existence of verifiable knowledgo within given systems is invalid. Indeed Mannheim referred to "objective knowledge" and "objective thought" as well as ideological and utopian thought. Mills' "Methodological Conséquences of the Sociology of Knowledge," Power , Politics and People, pp. notes the same issue from a slightly diff.iront perspective when he comments that practitioners of the sociology of knowledge are also within a particular context but that this in no way detracts from the perspective. To say that all people view truth from a restricted context, therefore the viewer of other historical contexts has his view dis tor tod by his own particular situation and therefore the con textural view must be discarded is seen by Mills to bo an invalid criticism. 17« There are many obvious di.fficul ties hero, that of primary concern being that previous biases have filtered the data to the point that major differences in work have been overlooked or elimin ated. An example of this dix'ficulty is evident in Howard '•/. Odum, A■ • r-r ican Sociolo ,-ry, Mew York ; 1959 (1951), a work which was highly recommend.:! by the executive officer of the Association for this investigation. In his chapter on race and ethnic groups, pp. 5^2- in a book devoted entirely to the work of the forty men who had been Prc.sident of the Society up to the time it was written. A r;a,}or portion of the investi^potion v;as completed concentrating on the v;ork of the sixty presidents. There were, of course, certain areas ox the presidential work on race which were seen as crucial to the study and these provided the initial criteria for item analysis. The categories of anlysis which were eventually developed centered around three areas of work : (1) the use of the concept of race, (2) decisions regarding inherent racial differences or equality and, (3) preference for a future tending toward assimilation or separatism. A more detailed explanation of these categories a.nd the criteria used in item analysis immediatly precedes the revievx of the presidential work. Of importance here is the fact that in reviewing the work of the presidents a set of criteria for item analysis was dev.e?.oped.

After reviewing tho data that had been collected and after much consideration, it was decided that the data derived from the presidential work would pcovido only an incomplete test of tho

Odum neglected to mention his own early work and certainly misrepresents the classically racist writings of the fourteenth president, Charles A. Ellwood. l3. Certainly the examination of the works of sixty scholars is a monumental if not impossible task, at least in any depth. The fact that specific categories of interest wore developed, however, focused tho investigation to tho point that it was a reasonable undertaking. A second difficulty entailed attempting to collect complete bibliographies of "race" related work of the sixty presi dents. This was done through the indexes of the major journals, previously collected bibliographies, and using the six editions of The Mabional Union Catalogue avtd the Catalogue of the Library of Con;,ress. This proved to be quits satisfactory in locating the major works, yet some sources were i;r.poosible to find within the limitations of this study, e. ,g., nev.'spa,per articles by early presidents. Where gaps appeared in the data of the work by living presidents, they wore contacted to verify that there were no omissions. This proved to be very satisfactory as a method for gathering px’c-sidential work. 10 various hypotheses. Therefore, a brief sampling of articles in the American Journal of Sociology was also undertaken using the same categories of item analysis that were employed with tho presidential work. In this way several criteria for evaluations of the original sample could be considered.

First, if the work of the presidents could be shown to lag considerably behind that of presumed "experts" in "race," any conclusions about the intellectual position of the discipline would necessarily have severely limited validity. 19 Second, if the work of the presidents could be shown to significantly deviate from that of presumed "experts" the validity of the primary

findings would again be limited.

The first objective of this investigation, that of documenting specific treatment of the concept of race by American sociologists,

is met, then, by d o ely examining the works of the sixty presidents

of the American Sociological Association. The resulting data are

then compared with a sample of articles from the AiP.erican Journal

of S o d ology.

Tho second major objective, that of placing this work within

the framework of the sociology of knowledge centers on specific

areas within the general pers2:cc tivc. It must be remembered that

this investigation is not an attempt to present a portion of "the

sociology of sociology"; rather it is an attempt to test specific

1 9. "Experts" is a category which is operationally defined here a.s simply anyone who publishes an article dealing with "race" in the A merican Jo u rna1 of Sociology. 11 hypothoGCo which could o/cntually aid in 3uch an el'foTt- Previous studies which have taken the sociology of ideas perspective have, at best, been broad and insightful with the usual effort being oxtrei-ely vague and of only marginal use to serious intellectual 20 inquiry. As was noted in the discussion of the general theoretic background, the dominant theme of this investigation is one which poses two alternative explanations for the development of the concept of race in American sociology - that offered by the perspect ive of the sociology of knwoedge and that offered by those who view science as an autonomous enterprise. If the development of the concept is found to be linear, then the positivist model of science would be supported. Conversely, if the development of

"race" in American sociology proves to be one which fluctuates with specific existential variables which are related to the sociology of knowledge perspective, then the alternative model will be supported. The difficulties of such a theme are obvious and

immense with the most critical-problem being the generation of specific hypotheses from a macro theory. Attempts at quantifying

the sociology of knowledge are almost always on the micro level

whereas in this investigation an attempt is made to operationalize

and quantify several hypotliescs which are traditionally treated in

a vague manner. It is recog'nized that much of this portion of the

20. Examples of the "broad and insightful" contribu tions are C. './right Mills, "The Prof essicnal Ideology of Social Pathologists, " American •Journal of Sociclosy, Kurt H. Wolff, "Notes Toward a dooiocul tu.ral Intorprotation of Am-rrican Sociology," Arorican .Sociological Review, Vol. 11, while of somewhat loss assistance in 12 study is of an oxploratoz’y nature and that we are not. testing hypotheses in any strict methodological sense of the tern. The data are seen as either tending to support or tending not to support the various hypotheses rather than to ascertain their acceptcznce or rejection.

The Hypotheses

The hypotheses themselves fall into two general traditions;

the first being structural and usually associated with Marx and

Mannheim, the second being cultural and often associated with

Sorokin. A third category of hypotheses, that of the internetionist

perspective, involves both structural and cultural variables but

on the micro rather than macro level of analysis. The following

are seen within these tliroe traditions:

I Social Structural

The three social stra.ctural hypotheses all are encompassed by

one general proposition. Shifts in structural relationships,

particularly those shifts which may easily be related to identifi- 21 able ethnic groups, promote "racial conflict" and tension:

1. Changes in the rate of unemployment will be reflected in the scholars' work regarding "race." It is expected that as unemployment increases, the frequency of the egalitarian view will decrease.

specifying relationships are Leonard Leiberman, "The Debate over Race : A Study in the Sociology of Knowledge," Phylon, and Dusky Lee Smith, "The Sunshine Boys : Toward a Sociology of Happiness," The Activist, Spring, 1$G4. 21. This proposition has supported many studies in ethnic relations and is also related to tha general assumptions surround ing the Marxists' interpretations of interracial contact. 13

2- Variations in tho rato of migration of blacks froj.i the South will bo reflected in tho scholars’ work regarding "race." It is expected that as the rato of migration rises or falls tho view of equality will reflect this change v;ith periods of high migration being accompanied by periods of a high frequency of belief in racial inequality.

3 . Variations in the rate of immigration of both Asians and Europeans will be reflected in the "scientific" discussion of "race." It is expected that the higher the immigration rato, the higher will be the frequency of non-egalitarian views.

II. Cultural

1. The cultural quirk of the United States' population viewing the "races" as dichotomous will be reflected in the work of American sociologists. 22

2. Since the white group is dominant in American culture it is expected that those scholars who adopt a non-egalitarian position will view the white rather than tho black as being superior. Likewise it is expected that those scholars who suggest that some group iray be superior in some way, though not necessarily taking the non-egalitarian position which assumes innate differen ces, will also view the dominant group as tho superior". 2 3

3 . Though the traditional perspective dictates that the majority definition is crucial, the concept of race also varies with the minority definition of the situation. Specifically, as blacks see solutions in integration and assimilation fade and become less viable, sociologists also tend to retreat from such a pei'spective. 24

22. The reference here is to the fact that historically the United States has been without a widely rocogniued mulatto group or groups. Individuals are classified as either white or black. This is the "racial dichotomy" of concern. Certainly other "races" are recognized by both scholars and laymen. 2 3. William Peterson, "The Classification of Subnotions in Hawaii : An Essay in the Sociology of Knowledge," American Sociolog ical Review, Vol. 34, pp. 863-877. In this work Petersen proposes a number of useful hypotheses. Of particualr interest here is the change in tho words haole and hapa-haoles which took place as the racial dominance of the islands changed. 24. For a discussion of racial change and pressure on intellectual inquiry and scholarship see Harold Cruse, Tho Crisis of the Uegro In tell cc tual, William Horrow, Nov/ York; 196?. 14

4, Changes in tho legal system will tend to be related to the concept of race. Under this general proposition there are two specific hypotheses which will be evaluated. First, the continu ing legal adaptation to different aspects of the historical "racial issues" have shown marked periods of crisis and change. Such periods of crisis and change should be reflected in the work of American sociologists. Second, it is expected that the sociological work in the area of "race" will reflect legal change (legal change being seen as an index of cultural change) rather than precede it. 2 $ ,2 6

5. Scholars who emphasize the biological aspects of "race" will tend to be less egalitarian than those who define the concept in terms of social definitions. 2 7

III. Interactionist

1 . Tîie treatment of the concept of race varies with the scholar’s specific academic training. In this instance it is expected that Giddings' influence at Columbia tends to be reflected in conservative work of its graduates while the dominance of Small will be reflected in the more liberal work of Chicago graduates.

2. Scholars who evidence divergent thoorotical positions, particularly those who are highly unorthodox within the context of the period of their work will have careers marked by patterned similarities in giuwiuate training and faculty appointments. 28

2 5. Howard V.'. Odum, A r. er i c an Scciolo g y, Greenwood Press, Now York; 1969 (1951), p. 336. 2 6 . Felton D. Freeman, "Theoretical Bases for Action Programs in Race Relations," (Doctoral Dissei-tation, University of North Carolina), Chapel Hill; 1949. 27» This hypothesis is very much in the Mannheimian tradition of distinguishing between liberal/utopians and conservative/ Ideologists. What is looked for here is tho expected relationship between categories of the concept. A lack of emphasis on socially determined charactoris tics should be related to a belief in the status-quo. 2 8. Larry T. Reynolds, "The Sociology of Symbolic Interaction- ism," (Doctoral Dissertation, The Ohio State University), Columbus; 1 9 6 9. 15

Introduction co the Preside ; itinI Work

The work of the precidonts has boon divided into four time periods and centers on throe aspects of the concept of race. The primary motivation for dividing the presidential work into time periods is simply one of clarity. Without some such organization it would be difficult to present the work in any coherent manner.

Tlie actual choice of what periods v;ould be delineated rested broadly on the perspective of the sociology of knowledge.

The first period, that which precedes 1920, represents the formative years of American sociology. It was during this time that most of the work of "the fathers" of the discipline was done and that tho field became established in the American academy.

The year 1920 was chosen as a dividing line since it approximates

the close of the first World War. This choice, of course, is

dictated by the hypothesis which postualtes a relationship bo tween periods of crisis and the concept of race. The next breaking

point in the presentation is 1 9 3 0, the start of the great depression.

The thirties represent a time in American history of unprecedented

structural and economic change, a fact which is clearly reflected

in the various structural indicators used in tho hypotheses. The

final division is made in 19'^5, the end of World War II. V/e are

concerned then with four periods: (1 ) the period of development

ending with World War I; (2) the economically prosperous twenties;

(3) the period of the great depression and World War II;(4) finally

the period of rapid social change which followed the end of World

War II. 16

It ifj onphasized that the primary purpose of dividing the works of the presidents into historical periods was one of providing a coherent présentation. I am very aware that other periods could have been chosen with comparable justification. It is felt, though, that given the purposes of this presentation the choice fulfills its purpose by making the review of the presidential work coherent and readable. When the data are presented for the hypotheses both the four periods and the seven decades are used to structure the work.

Within each period three aspects of the concept of race are focal points of the presidential work. Each of these aspects is then subdivided into five categories. . The first is the use of the concept itself. With some assistance from Berry's efforts, five 29 categories of usage were developed.

1. Ambiguous and Confused. Much of the presidential work, particualrly in tho early years, simply could not be placed in any distinct category because the concept was used with such lack of precision and with such diversity that any other choice would be a misrepresentation.

?.. national and Language. As the title implies, this category encompasses the work of those who employed the concept in a manner which is now covered by the term "ethnic group." References to tho "German and English races" as well as such ill-defined groupings as "the Slavic race" were placed in this category. Interestingly, after tho proposal of the terra"othnic group," none of the presidential work could be defined as "national and language."

3. Traditional Biological. This category includes the work of those presidents who tended to emphasize the traditional classification of mongoloid, caucasoid, and negroid as well

2 9. Brov.'ton Berry, Pace and Ethnic Relations, Houghton Mifflin, Boston; 1965» ?• 31. Berry lists ten different "groups and categories" ’which represent various ways that the concept has been used. 17

as those who clearly specified that "race" is a biological category. The latter distinction is crucial after the advent of those who viewed "race" as being socially rather than biologically defined.

4. Hypothetical Supposed. This serves as a kind of inter mediate category between the biological and social definitions. The work which is included here is best exempified by the demographers. The hypothetical biological distinctions are the basis for their use of the concept, but such usage is based on the society's use of such distinctions rather than the scholar's choice. For that reason this category is included in the social side of this area when it is dichoto mized.

5. Social. Included in this category are the works of presidents who clearly rely on social definitions of the concept. They specifically recognize chat racial distinctions are dominantly a product of societal usage and that regardless of biological differences, social definitions are the determining factor.

A further distinction is made within the "social" category; whether the work views the definition by the society as resting primarily on structural or cultural differences. In many instances this distinction is impossible to make and therefore has not been made a part of the dominant categorization scheme, but it is important to note that references to "minority groups" tend to be structural distinctions whereas divisions resting on "perceived differences" tend more toward cultural distinctions.

The second aspect of the concept of race which is used in

presenting the work of the presidents relates to the question of

inherent racial equality. Again five categories are employed with the distinction for dichotomization being made between "reserve

equal" and "center."

1. Unequal. As the title implies, this category includes the work of presidents who gave strong endorsement to the belief 18

of inhorank racial inequality. Such statements of inherent racial inequality are without qualification.

2. U:iequa 1 Resorved. V/or’c placed in this category indicated a belief in racial inequality, but such statements carried with them various qualifications. A common qualification was the inclusion of such phrases as "perhaps" or "seems to indicate" in the conclusion. Another frequent occurance was the inclusion of a reference to modifying data.

3* Center. All work which is either ambiguous or somewhat contradictory is placed under this heading. Some of the presidential writing simply could not be classified as dominantly egalitarian or unequal.

4. Equal Rcsorvod. In this category is work which indicated a belief in racial equality and simialr to the unequal reserved classification such statements carried qualifications. Authors whose work is included in this category indicated some reservations in their endorsement of the egalitarian position.

3. Equal. Under this heading is found the work of presidents who maintained an unqualified egalitarian position.

The final aspect of the concept which serves as a focal point of this inquiry, that of attitudes toward racial contact, proved to be the most troublesome. The obvious difficulty is that there are several dimensions involved. At one level the attitudes of the scholars are reflected in their solutions to "racial problems."

These solutions may suggest particular programs of change or they may broadly view "I'acial" and cultural change. References to particualr solutions ranged from educational and cultural shifts to changes of institutional and structural bases. These differences are noted in the discussion of presidential work though unlike those of the broader dimension of attitudes toward racial contact they are not readily adaptable to any diagrama tic presentation.

The attitudes and "solutions" of a broader base tend to fall on a continuum ranging between the extremes of separatism and 19 arTial;;a:nation. Five categories are included in this continuum*

1. Ana 1 gg:riation* Presidents who suggest that the "solution" to racial difficulties will be found when "i'aces" are no longer discernable have their work included in this category. Such suggestions tended to be rather far rew.ovod from specific problems and were centered more on long term solutions.

2. Assimilation . This category is distinguished from the first in that it does not involve biological "mixture of the races." Those who suggested assimilation and cultural rather than physical mixture as a solution are included here.

3. Some Mixture. The center of the continuum includes work which offers suggestions with aspects of both assimilation and pluralism. These may be clearly developed programs of desired change or, like the work of the other center categories, may actually seem quite confused.

4. Pluralism. Work included under this heading suggests that "racial" harmony will be reached under a system which maint ains "i'acial" and cultural differences. Such statements, though, are clearly distinct from suggestions for separatism.

3. Separatism. This final category includes the work of presidents who wished to keep "races" physically separated from each other. Their suggestions ranged from those who wanted to remove all "foreign races" from contact with "Americans" with the hope that the "natural superiority" of "Americans" would be preserved to those who felt that differ ent peoples simply could never live in harmony.

We have, then, three aspects of the concept of race around which the work of the presidents is focused. The work itself is presented within four periods which, though selected somewhat arbitrarily, represent shifts in the history of this country which are related to the sociology of knowledge.

The following list presents an index to the presidents. 20 Periods in whIch Year elected Birth ani work is cited President Death

Angell, Robert C. 1951 1 8 9 9

Becker, Howard P. k 1950 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 6 0

Beadix, Rcinhard 4 1971 1 9 1 6

Bernard, Luther L. 3 1932 1331-1951

Blacknar, Frank W. 1 1919 1 8 5 4 -1 9 3 1

*Blumer, Herbert 4 1956 1 9 0 0

^‘Bogardus, Emory S. 1 ,2 , 3,4 1931 1 8 8 2

Burgess, Ernest W. none 1934 I8 8 6 - 1 9 6 6

Chapin, F. Stuart 2 1935 1 8 8 8

Cooley, Charles Horton 1 1918 1864-1929

Cottrell, Leonard S. 4 1950 1 8 9 9

Davis, Kingsley 4 1959 1 9 0 8

Bealey, James Q. 1,2 1920 1 8 6 1 -1 9 3 7

*Ellv;ood, Charles A. 1,2 1924 1373-1946

*Fairchild, Henry P. 1,2,4 1936 1 8 8 0 -1 9 5 6

Faris, Ellsworth 2,3 1937 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 5 3

Faris, Robert S.L. 4 1961 1 9 0 7

*Frasior, E. Franklin 2,3,4 1948 1 8 9 4 -1 9 6 2

Giddings, Franklin H. 1,2 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 1 1 1 8 5 5 -1 9 3 1

Gillette, John M. 1,3 1 9 2 8 1 8 6 6 -1 9 4 5

Gillin, John L. 2,3,4 1 9 2 6 1 8 7 1 -1 9 5 8

*Hankins, Frank H. 2 1 9 3 8 1 8 7 7

Hauser, Philip M. 4 1968 1 9 0 9

Hayes, Edward C. 2 1921 1868-1928 21 Periods ill which Year elected Birth and work is cited President Death

Honians, George C« none 1951 1 9 1 0

Howard, George E. 1 1917 1 8 4 9 -1 9 2 8

*Hughes, Everett C. k 1563 1 8 9 7

Lazarsfeld, Paul F. none 1962 1 9 0 1

Lichtenberger, Janos P. 1 1 9 2 2 1 8 7 0 -1 9 5 3

Loomis, Charles P. 4 1967 19 0 5

Lundberg, George A. 4 1 9 4 3 1 8 9 5 -1 9 6 6

*MacIver, Robert M. 4 1940 18 8 2

Merton, Robert K» 4 1 9 5 7 1 9 1 0

Moore, Wilbert E. 4 1 9 6 6 1 9 1 4

*Odum, Howard W. 1,2,3,4 1 9 3 0 1 8 9 4 -1 9 5 1

Ogburn, William F. 3,4 1 9 2 9 1 8 8 6 -1 9 5 9

■‘'Park, Robert E. 2,3 1 9 2 5 1864-1944

Parsons, Talcott 4 1 9 4 9 1 9 0 2

Queen, Stuart A. 2 1 9 4 1 1 8 9 0

*Reuter, Edward B, 1,2,3,4 1 9 3 3 1381-1946

*Rose, Arnold M. 4 1 9 6 9 1 9 1 8 -1 9 6 8

*Ross, Edward A. 1,2,3 1914-■1915 1 8 6 6 -1 9 5 1

Sanderson, Dwight 3 1942 1 8 7 8 -1 9 4 4

Small, Albion W. 1 1 9 1 2-•1913 1 8 5 4 -1 9 2 6

Sorokin, Pitirim A. 2 1965 1899-1968

Stouffor,.Samuel A. 4 1 9 5 2 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 6 0

Sumner, William G. 1 1 9 0 8-■1909 1840-1910

Sutherland, Edwin H. 3 1 9 3 9 1 8 8 3 -1 9 5 0 22 Periods in which Year elected Birth and work is cited President Death

Taylor, Carl C. 3 1946 1884

Tho’;;as, Dorothy S. 3,4 1952 1 8 9 9

Thomas, William I. 1 1 9 2 7 1 8 6 5 - 1 9 4 7

Turner, Ralph H. 4 1 9 7 0 1 9 1 9

Vance, Rupert B. 3 1 9 4 4 1899

Vincent, George E, 1 1 9 1 6 1864-1941

Ward, Lester Frank 1 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 0 7 1841-1913

Woafchorly, Ulysses G. 1 1 9 2 3 1 8 6 5 - 1 9 4 0

*Williams, Robin M. 4 1 9 5 8 1914

*V/irth, Louis 2,3 1 9 4 7 1 8 9 7 -1 9 5 2

*Young, Donald 3 1 9 5 5 1 8 9 8

’■'Young, Kimball 2,3 1 9 4 5 1 8 9 3

Znaniecki, Florian 3,4 1954 1882-1958

* considered "race" to be an area of particular specialization

As can be seen in the listing, only three of the presidents

did not write about the concept of race or of the various issues

which surround it while seventeen considered "race" to be one of

their areas of specialization. The depth of presidential work

varies greatly and as can be noted in the bibliography and in the

footnotes, the number of sources cited for each president also

varies greatly. Charts presenting the frequency of citings for

both the presidents and the sample of work from the American Journal

of Sociolo;?:/ in the categories of the three aspects of the concept

will be found in Aarendizes A and B. CHAPTER II

PRIOR TO 1 9 2 0

For the discipline of sociology the years preceding 1920 were those of finding a place in the academic establishment. "The fathers" of American sociology did much of their work during this

time. For the country, the thirty years prior to 1920 witnessed the dramatic shift from a dominantly rural to an increasingly urban society. By 1920 the percentage of urban population was $1.2; the

United States had become an urban nation.

In matters of "race," though, the United States was hardly

urbane. Feeling against the black man moving to the Nox’th and against the oriental in the Test was very }iigh. Immigration was

perceived to be a thi'eat and the idealism of World War I was

strongly tainted with ethnic hatreds.

Use of the Concept

The use of the concept race in early American sociology is

best described as being diverse or perhaps, confused. Many used it

synonomously with nationality, some as a physical grouping, a few

as having its basis in social interac tion, and many in a variety of

other ways which rendered its usage very ambiguous. Among the

first group were Bogardus who viewed the French, English, Greek,

Portugese, and Italian "races," and Henry Pratt Fairchild who

23 2h spoke of the "English race."^*^

One of the early presidents, Weatherly, articulated come of the difficulties involved in the use of the term. Me attempted to clarify the discussion by noting that "Race implies ethnic unity, people cultural unity, nation actual or potential political 3 4 unity." ile also stated that Jews were not a race. Yet for the most part, the discussion of race was rambling and never clearly defined. Gillette, who would later help clarify the concept spoke of "racial and stock strains" in a very ambiguous manner.^ Sumner did not discuss the basis of race other than loosely to tie it to

the mores, yet he did not restrict its use to the social sense as did Small and Thomas as is seen in his acceptance of "the two races"

in the United States as a physical reality.^ Even Franklin Henry

Giddings who attempted to be quite precise in his formulations and

who constantly worked for the "science" of sociology had difficulty

in using race in a consistent manner. lie spoke of "...cephalic,

glottic, and ethnic races and nationalities ... Teutonic, Celtic,

and Iberic races” as well as using the color aspect in referring 7 to "chromatic races."

1. Emory S. Bogardus, Essentials of Americanization, University of Southern California Press, Los Angeles; 1919» p. 73» 2. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1917 (1913), p. 130. 3. Ulysses Grant Weatherly, American Journal of Sociology, "Race and Marriage," Vol. 15, p. 456. 4. Ulysses Grant ’Weatherly, American Journal of Sociology, "The Racial Element in Social Assimilation," Vol. l6, p. 607• 5- Joh)i H. Gillette, Constructive Rural Sociology, Sturgis and Walton Company, New York; 19%7» P« 26. 6. William G. Sumner, ’•'ar and Other Essays, Keller, cd., Yale University Press, New Haven ; 1911 (1 8 6 5I , ?. 2J. 7 . Franklin H. Giddings, Inductive Sociology, The MacMillan Company, New York; I9OI, pp. 59-56. 25

It is probably nost sui'prisinf^ to find Los ter Frank Ward among those v:ho could never clearly define the concept. His zoological background would seemingly have prepared him for precise taxonomic usage of the terra. Yet he referred to a pre-Darwinian g biologist as "the last of his x'ace" and mentioned "the human race."

At one point, he attempted to clarify his seemingly vague use of the terra. "Without insisting upon close ethnological distinctions

I propose to use chiefly the sufficiently vague and comprehensive terra race as a general designation for all the different kinds of social groups that were formed during the process of social differentiation. We shall therefore be dealing with essentially 9 the races of men." This usage, ho\/ever, is rendered meaningless as he speaks of the "human race" and comments that "It is generally agreed that France is inhabited by five principal races.

Other presidents of the society who worked during the early

years even exceded Ward in their vague and inconsistent usage of

the concept. Lichtonberger mentioned the "Negro race" and spoke

also of the "untutored race."^^ He saw "Immigrant stocks being

combined into a new American race creating a people not essentially 12 different from that of the great English race." Elwood and

8. Lester Frank Ward, Pure Sociology, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1925 (1905), pp. 195,19^'. 9. Ibid., p. 202. 10. Lester Frank Ward, Applied Sociology, Ginn and Company, Boston; 1906, p. 157• 11. James P. Lichtenberger, "Negro Illiteracy in the United States," in The Negro's Progress in Fifty Years, American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, Philadelphia; 1915, P- 177. 12. James P.= Lichtenbergox*, "Race-Making Process in the United States," in the University of Pennsylvania Lectures, Vol. I, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia ; 1915, P» 401« 26

Cooley both used the term as synonomous with ethnic groups (Jews), to make color distinctions, and as a national grouping. A further example of the confusion in the use of the term "race" is seen in the work of Frank W. Blackmar where the use of the concept is varied and often vague. He spoke of "vigorous racial stocks" meaning people of different nationalities.^^ He also identified lif the American Indian as a "race."

Yet the difficulties involved in the use of "race" during this period are never more clearly evidenced than in the efforts of Edward Alsv/orth Boss. He spoke of the Swedish race and other national groups, but the usage was more complex than the mere confusion of national and physical cha'racteristics.^^ In one incredible outburst, Boss displays much of the difficulty. "How few are aware that a third of Sicily, from which so many immigrants come, is chiefly Saracean in stock, so that the heredity of the

Bedouin tribes of Hohamet's time is to be blent with the heredity of our pioneering breed! Who reflects that, with Chinese and

Japanese, Finns and Magyars, Bulgars and Turks, about half a

million more or less Mongoloian in blood have cast in their lot

with us and will leave their race stamp upon the American people

of the future?The concept itself becomes embroiled in the

13. Frank W . Blackmar, Elements of Sociology, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1903, p. SB. 14. Frank V/. Blackmar, "Spanish Colonization in the Southwest," in Johns Hockins University Studios, Vol. 8, Baltimore; I8 9O, pp. lt'f-Î43. 1 5. Edward Alsworth Boss, The Old World in the New, The Century Company, New York ; 19l4, p. 63. 1 6 . Ibid., p. 1 6 8. 27 ideological debates which surround it. Indeed, they are here inseparable.

Tn contrast, W.I. Tho:nas concentrated on the social bases of the concept. "Different human races tend to make more prominent the characteristic racial marks," he noted. 17 He placed much emphasis on the role played by selective perception in defining 18 racial groupings. The other scholar of early American sociology who emphasized the social aspects of the concept was Albion Small.

"I am deliberately using the phrase (race) now in a sense which physical anthropology would outlaw. I do not mean literally physical amalgamation as the oxlcusive or even the principal factor. I mean such a sort and degree of consciousness of kind..."19

The use of the concept of race in the early years of American sociology is seen, then, to be marked by confusion and ambiguity.

Physical, cultural, color, national, ethnic, and traditional characteristics were all used, often interchangeably by the same author, with reference to the concept.

Equality

The question of racial equality, unlike the confusion which surrounded the usage of the concept in the early presidential work, was answered in the negative with near unanimity. With the exception

1 7 . William I. Thomas, "The Psychology of Race Prejudice," the American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 9, p. 598. 1 8. William I. Thomas, "Race Psychology; Standpoint and Quest ionnaire, With Particualr Reference to the Immigi'ant and the Negro," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 17, p. 725. 1 9. Albion W. Small, General Sociology, University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1505, p. . 28 of George E. Howard and with some equivocation on the part of

Weatherly and Gillette, the presidents agreed that there were

innate differences in the abilities of races. There were, of

course, variations in the certitude with which such statements

were made with some being quite bold while others were extremely

careful to qualify such assertions. The central focus, however,

is evident; the first presidents of American sociology maintained

that there are innate diffoi'ences of a critical nature between the

races.

Most of the presidents* work during this time refuted the

claims of equality. Some of the efforts during the period were

clearly reflections of popular mythology and stereotypes. Howard

Odum found the American Negro to possess "...a spontaneous, shifting,

erratic, rambling, incoherent nature seeking freedom from restraint,

gratification of impulse, and the experience of sustained languor

finds natural satisfaction. The Negro's is an easy-going indolence

seeking freedom to indulge itself and seeking to avoid all

circumstances which would tend to coerce or restrain its freedom."

The Negro is a man "... with little conception of honor or right

or virtue, over-religious, dishonest and untruthful."^^ For Odum

this difference was not one of culture as was suggested by others.

"The Negro differs from the whites not only in development but 21 also in kind." Charles Ellwood was even more enthralled with

20. Howard W . Odum, Social and Mental Traits of the Negro, Columbia University Press, New York; 1910, ?• 2?4. 21. Ibid., p. 2 6 5. 29 the popular stereotypes.

Suffice to say that the African environment of the ancestors of the present negroes of the United States deeply stamped itself upon the innate traits and tendencies of the race. For example, the tropical environnent is generally unfavorable to severe bodily labor. Persons \;ho work hard in the tropics are, in other words, apt to be eliminated by natural selection. On the other hand nature furnishes a bountiful supply of food without much labor. Hence the tropi cal environment of the negro failed to develop in him an energetic nature, but favored the survival of those naturally shiftless and lazy. Again, the extremely high death rate in Africa necessitated a correspondingly high birth rate in order that any race living there might survive; hence, nature fixed in the negro strong sexual propensities in order to secure such a high birth rate. 22

During this same period Emory Bogardus, who would later do much pioneering work in the area of "race" and ethnic relations, was also championing this brand of geographic determinism. "The climate favors indolence and supresses ambition, exertion, and initiative. The over-energetic individuals are cut off ; the indolent survive, and become the parents of successive generations.

The abundance of raw foods makes exertion unnecessary in order to secure a living. Natural factors combine to discourage ambition, intellectual effort, and progress, and to foster lethargy and mental retrogression. Those tribes with a normal birth rate - in an American sense - soon die out. Only those groups survive in whose members the sex instinct assumes a greatly exaggerated 23 expression." Bogardus, though, felt that there were certainly some very positive aspects to these differences. "By nature the

22. Charles A. Ellwood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, American Book Company, New York ; I9IÔ, 1913, 19191 192?1 p. 249. 2 3. Emory S. Bogardus, Essentials of Americanization, Univers ity of Southern California Press, "j.os Angelos; 1919, p. IO3. 30

Negro is affectionate, teachable, willing. Ke possesses talent 24 for public speaking and a remarkable love of music."

The remaining scholar who chose to repeat common views of racial characteristics was Edward Alsworth Ross. In speaking of

Orientals, both Chinese and Japanese, Ross noted "that these immigrants lack physical and moral courage is conceded even by their friends. As the Romans found these people at the eastern end of the Mediterranean, so we find them today, good looking, pliant, clever, sometimes brilliant, but shifty and wanting in 25 charactei'. "

Two of the early presidents were not only convinced that there were innate intellectual racial differences, but also felt that values of equality which tended to contradict such differences were dangerous. Sumner commented that "It has always been a domestic dogma in spite of its absolute form, and as a domestic dogma it has always stood in glaring con tradition to the facts about Indians and Negroes and to our legislation about Chinamen. 27 "I do not believe that all men are equal in any sense."" The

similar concerns of Blackmar can be seen as a part of the then

24. Emory S. Bogardus, Essentials of Americanisation, University of Southern California Press, Los Angeles; 1919» pp. 1 1 5-1 1 6 . 2 5. Edward A- Ross, The Old World in the New, Tlie Century Company, New York; 1914, p. 193» 2 6 . William Graham Sumner, War and Other Essays, A. Keller, ed., Yale University Press, New Haven; 1911(1^93), P« 309. 27- William Graham Sumner, The Challenge of Facts and Other Essays, A, Keller, ed., Yale University Press, New Haven; .1914 Tîbo'6T, p. 3 0 3. 51 diminishing hold of social Darwinism.

It is a wrong hypothesis to suppose that equality is essential to a working democracy, and the sooner the word can be dropped from the consideration of any construction of policy the better ... The individual still must survive the heredity traits which have been handed down through generat ions of his forebearers which are the potentials of his destiny. The hope of civilization is in taking the strong and making them stronger rather than protecting the weak. 28

This concern with making the strong stronger was not simply restricted to individual differences for it was apparent to Blackmar that racial factors were one determinant of such inequality. "The race problem of placing a superior race upon the sane soil with an inferior race and attempting to give them equal rights was 29 then, as now, difficult to solve."

Seven others who addressed the question of equality before

1 9 2 0 also concluded that racial differences are innate, but they include a wide range of opinion as to just how important such fact ors were in explaining the differences in human behavior then

evident. Host cei'tain was James Q. Dealey who still looked to the

cephalic indexes as an explanation. "The difference in races is

not so much physical as psychical. A comparative study of the skull

3.nd the physical structure of the brain scorns to show that

superior races have a real advantage over others in the size.

2 8. Frank W. Blackmar, "A Working Democracy; Presidential Address," Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. 14, Chicago; 1920, pp. 9-10. 2 9. Frank W. Blackmar, "Spanish Colonization in the South west," in Johns Hookins University Studies, Vol. 8, Baltimore; 1890, p. 51. ^2

developnont, and quality of the brain.The cities too reflected the racial differences which had been brought about by

migration and immigration. ''The evils in our present genetic

system can plainly be seen in the development of a rapidly multi

plying slum and crowded tenement population ... the mathematical

outcome of any such system plainly is the elimination of the

higher in favor of the lower.

Fairchild spoke of differences related to both geographic

development and intellectual capacities. "They (southern races)

could never have migrated under the conditions of difficulty,

uncertainty, and hardship v/hich marked the earlier movement, and

which the more hardy, adventurous, and daring northern races 32 faced without hesitation," The study of literacy rates enabled

him to conclude that "Where there is such a marked difference

between races as is exhibited in the foregoing table (on illiteracy)

it seems fair to assume that there is a corresponding difference

in the intellectual condition of the respective peoples - if not

in their potential capacity, at least in the actual mental aquip- 33 ment of the immigrants themselves."

Charles Horton Cooley wrote that "It is true, no doubt, that

there are differences in race capacity, so great that a large

30. James 0. Dealey, Sociology, Silver, Burdett, and Company, New York; 1909» ?• 201. 31. Ibid., p. 211. 32. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1917 (1913), p. 132. 33. Ibid., p. 198. 35 part of mankind ai’e possibly incapable of any high kind of 3k social organization." In an earlier effort, however, Cooley had been much more reserved in his embrace of racial differences.

"It is true that knowing so little as we do of the forces governing

heredity and degeneration, we cannot be sure that the seeds are

sown wi th anything like uniformity, that the amount of natural

ability produced from a given stock is approximately constant.

But this is certainly the simplest supposition, and it would seem

reasonable to accept it until the contrary is shown.

Small, Ward, Thomas, and Lichtenberger were quite reserved in

their belief that observed differences were innate. Indeed, Small

commented that although heredity may be a factor it may not be

important "... nor does it mean differences in potential capacity.

Thomas was somewhat more explicit. "There is certainly great

difference in the mental ability of individuals, and there a ire

probably less marked differences in the average ability of different

races; but differences in natural ability is, in the main, a

characteristic of the individual, not of race or sex." "Differ

ences in intellectual expression are mainly social rather than 38 biological." Ward and Lichtenbez'gcr both felt that further data

3k. Charles H. Cooley, Social Organization, Charles Scribner's Sons, Schocken Books, New York; l^o3 (19C9), p. 28. 33« Charles II. Cooley, "Genius, Fame and Comparison of Races," Sociological Theory and Social Research, Henry Holt and Company, New York; 1930 "(18977% p. 139. 3 6 . Albion '•/. Small, General Sociology, University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1905, p. 6 3 6 . 3 7 . William I. Thomas, "The Mind of Woman and the Lower Races," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 12, o. 438. 3'S. Ibid., p. 439. 3k would lend less support to those who adhered to theories of innate characteristics. Lichtenberger commented that "When due allowance is made for differences in distribution in which the vast majority of Negroes share the inadequate facilities for education of the minority of whites, the disparity in the amount of illiteracy is partially explained without reference to racial qualities of ability." 39 Ward wrote thaf'A mass of evidence seems to be accumulating everywhere to show that social efficiency /fO does not depend to any considerable degree upon race differences."

And that "The evidence is rapidly accumulating to show that not only between individuals of the same race but also between the Zfl races of men the substratum differs far loss than was supposed."

It must be noted, however, that despite his reservations about racial differences. Ward consistently spoke of higher and lower races, and biological drives which impelled people to various crimes "for race preservation and improvement."kz

The only clear deviation from such conclusions was made by

Howard who maintained that "It is safe to affirm that among scholars competent to render authoritative judgement the ancient doctrine that some races are by nature inferior has been rejected. Peoples

39» James P. Lichtenberger, "Negro Illiteracy in the United States," in The Negro's Progi'oss in Fifty Years, American Academy of Political and Social Science, Philadelphia; 1913, p. l84. 40. Lester Frank Ward, Applied Sociology, Ginn and Company, Boston; 1905, p. l6l. 41. Ibid., p. 2 3 6. kz Lester Frank Ward, Pure Sociology, The MacMillan Company, Now York; 1925 (1903), pp. 359-360. 55 diffeï* in bha planes of cultural development, not in their inherent /f3 capacity for development." Yet even with Howard, it is necessary to bo careful with the distinction between inherent and acquired differences since at the same time he noted that "The whites possess the superior intelligence and the greater wealth which their 44 vastly larger opportunity has yeilded."

The two who seemed somewhat less certain than the majority about the inequality of the races other than Howard were Weatherly and Gillette. Yet they were still impressed with the differences in cultural achievement. Gillette commented that "The race strain counts for a great deal in the life of the community." Yet "a large part of the race strain is made up of the state of mind, the point of view, the attitude toward morals, science, and progress; k5 and of custom and sanction." Indeed the differences may well be seen outside the inherent capacities for Gillette as he pointed to

the role played by racial prejudice. "Race prejudice, chiefly on

the part of whites, serves as an obstacle to the rise in social

and economic progress to the negroes."Though hardly a fantastic

insight, such commentary was an exception during this period.

Weatherly also was convinced that the obstacle to achievement for

minority groups was not simply an innate inferiority. "It is

probable that some individuals are capable of any level of

^5» George E. Howard, "The Social Cost of Southern Race Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 22, p. 579* 44. Ibid., p. 577. 4 5. John M. Gillette, Constructive Rural Sociology, Sturgis and Walton Company, How York; I9Ï7 , p. 2é~ 46. Ibid., p. 5 2. 56 achievement anywhere, nor can it be disputed that any ethnic group as a whole may acquire ability in some lines in which it is now deficient."

Racial Contact

On the question of what would and should be the future of race relations the scholars of early American sociology again were divided. Bogardus, Howard, Dealey, Blackmar, Ward, and Small viewed the future as being in the direction of integration while

V.'eatherly, Giddings, and Lichtenberger were somewhat uncertain.

The remaining six predicted or proscribed a future of racial separation or planned pluralism. It should be noted, again, that the primary concern is with the attitudes of the presidents toward racial mixture and separatism rather than with their predictions concerning such questions.

Two of those who looked for integration and assimilation,

Bogardus and Howard, were specifically reserved about the prospect of racial amalgamation. Bogardus, though saying that diverse racial elements "... must get their Americanization from Americans who understand fully the problems of racial assimilation," had

strong reservations about amalgamation since "...it takes place

under legally and socially abnormal conditions. As a result,

there is a vast cauldron of evil, vice, and crime continually

boiling up in the life of the American people ; Americanism is

4 7 . Ulyssess Grant Weatherly, "Race and Marriage," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 15, p. 438. 37

48,49 thereby irreporably damaged." It should also be -noted that the assimilation which was planned by Bogardus was somewhat limited because of the assumed racial differences. "There must be whole sale education along agricultural, industrial, and trade lines for the mass of the Megro race, and higher educational provisions for the members of the race who are fitted to undertake advanced studies.Howard also saw education as the primary tool through which a solution would be reached, but the education vms distinctly different. "In the end the solution of the southern race problem will come chiefly through education ; but it will come primarily

through the education of the white race." 51 Tlie new education

must have as its ideal, its goal, the social, the cultural 52 assimilation of the two races - not necessarily amalgamation."

V/ard saw both assimiJation and amalgamation as inevitable

and desirable. "I have maintained that in the great final

blending of all races into one the less forceful elements will enter

into it as modifiers. They represent qualities that in moderate

proportions will improve and enrich the whole." 53 He tied the

entire process to his extremely liberal and optimistic view of

48. Emory S. Bogardus, The Essentials of Americanization, University of Southern California Press, Los Angeles; 1919» P» ?8- 49. Ibid., p. 108. 50. Ibid., p. 112. 51. George E. Howard, "The Social Cost of Southern Race Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 22, p. 577« 52. Ibid., p. 591. 53- Lester Frank V/ard, Applied Sociology, Ginn and Company, Boston; 1906, p. 103. man's ability to control and alter his environment. V/hen speaking with reference to the canals of Mars he commented ;

We may suppose that in Mars the conquest of nature is complete, and that every law and every force of nature has been discovered and utilized. Under such conditions there would seem to be scarcely any limit to the power of the being possessing this knowledge to transform the planet and adapt it to his needs. The lesson is that man may also do this. Just as he has now learned that in union there is strength, and that the way of safety, success, and achievement lies through association, so he will then have learned that this is as true of races as of individuals, and that the union, association, and complete fusion of all races into one great homogeneous race - the race of man - is the final step in social evolution. $4

Blackmar in the tradition of consensus theorists finds that

"the growth of the state has been along the lino of complete union

of discordant racial elements, and full recognition of all

classes.Assimilation is seen as the ultimate resolution of any

racial question. "The main issue in the Indian question today is

his assimilation to the population of ordinary citizenship.""^^

Cooperation will follow assimilation and such questions as misceg

enation will also be resolved. "It has been found by actual test

that Indian blood is not a bad mixture with Anglo-Saxon as far as 57 biological inheritence is concerned."

Dealey was somewhat tempered in his enthusiasm for the apparent

rapid rate of assimilation. Ho warned that "Though race mixture

5 4. Lester Frank V/ard, Applied Sociology, Ginn and Company, IS ton; 1 9 0 6, p. 5 5 1. 55- Frank W- Blackmar, Elements of Sociology, The MacMillan impany, liew York; 1908, p. 112. 5Ô. Frank V/. Blackmar, "The Socialization of the American _ - dian into Society," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, p. 6 5 5. 5 7 . Ibid., pp. 6 6 7 -6 6 8 . 39 and amal^^aniation arc desirable since the higher race will convert the less vigorous race, but this must be done over an extended period of time since the lesser race would not endure the strain g- o of vigorous civilization."

For Small assimilation was a necessary factor in national development. "We must observe at once that race assimilation, at first in the physical sense and still more in the psychological sense, is also a progressive phenomenon, and that social blending of racial strains becomes at least a cardinal factor in national strength. As a primary rule, heterogeneity of racial elements tends to national weakness. Homogeneity of racial elements within the same nation tends to national strength." 59 Indeed, racial mixture rather than separatism loads to this final homogeneity. "Scarcely anyone believes that the best in the future will be obtained by an unmixed race."^^

Many of the early scholars disagreed with such conclusions and prcdicitions. Weatherly felt that some racial mixture was beneficial, but generally such mixture should be avoided.

When Gormans and Irish in America intermarry a breed results which combines the most desirable qualities of both. The hybrids which result from the crossing of Europeans and negroes, while superior in intelligence to the negro mentally, are his inferiors in physique and stability. Co-operation in the work of civilization can be realized without the mongrolization of the world's peoples. Preserv ation of distinct racial types means the saving of

5 8. James Q. Dealey, Sociology, Silver, Burdett, and Company, New York; 1909, p. 203. 59« Albion W. Small, "The Bonds of Nationality," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 20, pp. 644-645. 6ÔÜ Ibid., p. 646. 40

characterir, bio traits and capacities v/hich are as stimulating and beneficial for the v/orld community as are varied individual traits for smaller social units. 6l

For Weatherly, then, heterogeneity is good, though not necessarily

"natural."

Others saw such racial separatism to be not only beneficial and desirable, but also "natural." Cooley noted that "Two races of different temperament and capacity, distinct to the eye and living side by side in the same community, tend strongly to become 6 2 castes, no matter how equal the social system may otherv/ise be."

When races of different "capacities" live side by side they naturally form into separate and unequal groups.

Sumner viewed such separatism as natural and believed that attempts to interfere v/ith such a process were dangerous. "I desii'e ... that the South be loft to work out its own social probl ems under no arbitrary political coercion, but simply under the constraint of social and economic forces."Races tend to live 64 much more amicably apart than they do together." The United

States was beginning to recognise that fact. "For thirty years the

Negro has been in fashion. He has had political value and he has been petted. Now v;e are all united (with the southerner). The

Negro's day is over. He is out of fashion.

6 1 . Ulyssess Grant Weatherly, "Race and Marriage," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. I5, p. 453. ~%Z. Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization, Charles Scribner's Sons, Schocken Books, Nev/ York; I9 6 3 (Ï9 0 9), p. 218. 6 3 . William Graham Sumner, The Challnge of Facts and Other Fojnnys, A.G. Keller, ed., Yale University Press, New Haven; 1914 '(Ï836T, p. 5 7 7 . 64. William Graham Sumner, War and Other Essays, A.G. Keller, ed., Yale Press, No-./ Haven; I9II rîü85Tï V» ^28. 6 5 . Ibid., p. 3 2 8. 4l

Henry Pratt Fairchild also viewed such distinctions as basic to human behavior. "Distinctions of race affect the entire population, are fundamental, and can never be obliterated except as assimilation is so perfect that race is forgotten. No effort by the individual can blot out his racial identification."^^ He also noted that there are many dangers in racial mixture.

One who has grasped the dangers of mongrelization and indiscriminant race mixture, and of the destruction of nationality through the clash of cultures, is prepared to comprehend without further argument that a policy of group selection can be fully justified by the necessity of preserving unity, without implying that the partial unity which is to be preserved is better than any other unity. 6?

Ross, who viewed the problem from the perspective of immi gration, and Ellwood, who saw it in terms of black - white relation ships in the United States, both concluded that separatism was preferable, but were also aware such separatism was not necessarily the final solution to racial conflict. Ross viewed continued immigration with genuine horror.

The continuance of depressive immigration will lead to nothing catastrophic. The only thing that will happen will be a mysterious slackening in social progress. The mass will give signs of sluggishness, and the social procession will be strung out. 68

If an international balance is not maintained "... the whites will contribute less than they ought to the blood of the ultimate

race that will control the globe. One starts at the thought that

66. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration, The MacMillan Company, Now York; 1917 (1913), p. 362. 67. Ibid., p. 4 5 2. 63. Edward A. Ross, The Old World in the Nev/, The Century Company, Nev/ York; 1914, p. 255. 42

ïOiTicday, when the Olyr.ipic games are held the Kirghiz-American champion of the hammer throw may divide the banzais of the amphi- 69 theater with the almond-eyed winner of the marathon race."

Ellwood commented that "intermixture on the one hand has resulted in creating a class of so-called negroes in whom white blood and the ambitions and energy of the white race is predominant, and on the other hand it has also resutled in creating a degener ate racial stock who furnish the majority of criminals and vicious 70 persons belonging to the so-called negro race." The future,

though, would be one of change and industrial education for the oppressed. In fact, Ellv/ood took up the standard of noblese oblige. "While the negro problem is from one point of view

largely a question of the industrial training and adjustment of the negro, from another point of view it is a moral question which

can be solved only when the socially superior race takes the right

attitude toward the socially inferior race - namely, the attitude 71 of service."

The scholars whose work on this aspect of the concept of

race is most difficult to categorize clearly endorsed the mixture

of "v/hite races," but were opposed to the mixture of Negro and

white. Giddings found that the immigrants could be assimilated,

for the most part,and since they came from the same "general stock"

that originally made up the English immigration, such influx could

6 9 . Edward A. Ross, Changing America, The Century Company, New York; 1912, p. 48. 7 0 . Charles A. Ellwood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, American Bonk Company, New York; 1927 (1910), pp. 253-259. 7 1 . Ibid., p. 2 7 3. 43 continua for years to "help build, maintain, and protect its 72 civilization." With reference to European and Mediterranean

"races," Lichtenborger commented that "... we should conclude that race mixture in the United States may be regarded as a factor of continued progress." 73 Yet when considering the white and Negro

"races," he noted that "...there is every indication that miscegen ation is decreasing and a social and racial equilibrium is being established. This fact, taken together with the diminishing ratio of negroes to whites, enables us to regard the danger of 7k amalgamation here with a relative degree of complacency."

Summary

Throughout the investigation the works of the theorists are discussed with reference to three specific areas which tend to take the form of continuua. Diagramatically the following is offered as an assessment and summary of the work prior to 1 9 2 0:

Ambiguous Na tional and and Traditional Hypothetical _ . - Biological Supposed Confused Language

Weatherly Dealey Small Thomas Gillette Fairchild Giddings Bogardus Ward Cooley Ellwood Ross Blackmar Lichtenberger

72.Franklin Henry Giddings, Democracy and Empire, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1901, p. 297. 73- James P. Lichtenberger, "Race-Making Process in the United States," in University of Pennsylvania Lectures, Vol. 1, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia; 1913, ^ 4"o6. 74. Ibid., p. 404. 44

Separatism Pluralism Some Mixture Assimilation Amalgamation

Cooley Ross* Weatherly Bogardus Ward Sumner Ellwood Giddings Howard Small Fairchild* Reuter Lichtenberger Dealey* Blackmar

Unequal Unequal Reserved Center Equal Reserved Equal

Odum Small Gillette Weatherly Ellwood Thomas Howard Bogardus Ward Ross Lichtenberger Sumner Blackmar Dealey Cooley Reuter Fairchild

It can be seen, then, that the work of the presidents prior to 1 9 2 0 was character. i%ed by an almost unanamous agreement that

"races" are inherently unequal. On the other hand, there was little agreement about the future of racial contact nor wore the presidents able to establish a definition of the concept itself.

Prior to 1920 presidential use of the concept was mostly ambiguous and confused.

■* Rather than domestic racial issues these presidents were primarily concerned with questions of immigration. CIL\FTE3 III

1921-1930

The decade of the twenties was one of prosperity, increasing teclmology, and an attempt to return to "normalcy." With increas ing technology eliminating rural jobs and also creating more urban employment, the great move to the city continued and black migration from the rural South to the urban North increased sharply. It was during this period that federal legislation was passed severely limiting the great influx of immigrants. For American sociology the twenties represented the coming of the second generation and

the dominance of "the Chicago school." The fathers of the discipline were now being replaced by scholars who had received

their training in sociology rather than history or economics.

Use of the Concept

During the twenties many of the presidents were less ambiguous

in their use of the concept of race than had been previous

scholars. Though there was still much confusion, the physical and biological aspects of the term wore often more clearly defined.

Several others distinguished the concept as one which had meaning

only in a social context, a usage which would gain more prominence

in the future.

h3 46

Much of the pi'esidential work during this period, though, continued with the earlier confusions and ambiguities. Odum referred to ''Negroes and Orientals" while also using the concept 1 2 to include divisions along linos of nationality and color. *

Ellv/ood and Ross did little to clarify their earlier bewildering usages. Gillin attempted to distinguish betv/een race and national ity, though he was unable to do so clearly.^

Chapin attempted several times to clarify the term, but would then continue to use it in a myriad of unrelated ways. "Today we distinguish a yello'w-skinned straight-haired race, a black-skinned If v/ooly-haircd race, and a fair-skinned curly-haired race." This traditional division was then expanded upon. "The word is popularly associated with color of skin. This classification, however, is not satisfactory. Other distinguishing racial marks such as shape of head, hair form, and facial angle must also be considered. later, though, Chapin noted the "Mediterranean race," the "Alpine race," the "blond race," and "the races of Europe."^

Dealey continued to mix linguistic, national, and hypothetical groupings while Reuter, who did pioneering work in the area, never clearly defined the concept. lie constantly spoke of "blood" and mentioned individuals "with a considerable admixture of Negro

1. Howard W. Odum, Man's Quest for Social Guidance, Henry Holt and Company, New York; 1927, p. 171. 2. Ibid., p. l8l. 5. John L. Gillin, Poverty and Dependency, The Century Company, New York; 1922, p. 272. 4. F. Stuart Chapin, Social Evolution, The Century Company, New York; 1922, p. 20j5. 5. Ibid., p. 208. 6. Ibid., pp. 209, 218, 221, 227. 4?

7 blood." He also commented about "a dozen or twenty races and g national!ties."

The ambiguity of the concept, however, was beginning to be recognized during this period. Hankins commented that "It is a taxonomic term. Few words are more loosely used than the terra 9 race." lie chose to use it in the biological sense, while recog nizing some of its shortcomings. "Race designates a group of human beings set apart from others by one or more marks of physical difference,He added that "...there is no such thing as a pure line in either modern or extinct races.Kimball Young also emphasized the lack of "purity." "Anthropologists are now pretty well agreed that there are today no pure races in Europe, using 12 race in the strict sense."

Fairchild had refined his use of the concept so that it was specific to biological characteristics. "Race, then, is exclusively a biological factor.He had maintained this earlier, but had been unable to adhere to such a usage. By 1927, though, he was

documenting the numerous ways in which the concept had been rais- l4 used. Sorokin was also aware of the various distinctions in

the use of the term and commented that "...as to the so-called

7. Edward B. Reuter, Population Problems, J.B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia; 1925, p. 269» 8. Ibid., p. 290. 9. Frank H. Hankins, An Introduction to the Study of Society, The MacMillan Company, Mew York; 19^, p. 92. 10. Frank H. Hankins, The Racial Basis of Civilization, Alfred A. Knopf, New York ; 1926^ p. 262. 11. Ibid., p. 266. 12. Kimball Young, Mental Differences in Certain Immigrant Groups, University Press, Eugene, Oregon; 1922, p. 75« 15- Henry Pratt Fairchild, Foundations of Social Life, John Wiley and Sons, New York; 1927, p. 8$. 14. Ibid., p. 8 5. 48

European nationalities or stocks, it is evident that they do not represent racial groups in the zoological sense of the word."^^ Three others, who also relied primarily on the physical/bio logical basis of the term, mixed the definition with the social context. Giddings relied primarily on the physical basis of the concept and noted that "language is distinct from race."^^*^^ Yet he added that "Within racial lines the consciousness of kind underlies the more definite ethical and political groupings..." 18

Queen chose one of the traditional biological divisions of the

"white race, negroes, and orientals," but also employed the socially based "colored peoples - brown, black, and yellow."1 9

Bogardus, in the development of his ethnic distance scale, also mixed the standard biological usage with socially defined cate- 20 gorxes.

Hayes continued the older tradition of using race as an apparent synonym for nationality and language groupings. He referred to the Slavs as a "race" and also distinguished "the 21 22 races of southern Europe" from "those of northern Europe." *

1 5. Pitirim Sorokin, Contemporary Sociological Theories, Harper and Row , New York, 1964 (1928), p. 301. 1 6 . Franklin Henry Giddings, Studies in the Theory of Human Society, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1922, p. 72. 1 7 . Franklin Henry Giddings, The Principles of Sociology, The The MacMillan Company, New York; 1928, p.253* 1 8. Frank H. Hankins, An Introduction to the Study of Society, The MacMillan Company, Now York; p. I8. 1 9. Stuart A. Queen and D. Mann, Social Pathology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 1925, pp. 653-654. 20. Emory Bogardus, "A Race Relations Cycle," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 35, p. 612. 21. Edward G. Hayes, Introduction to the Study of Sociology, p. Appleton and Company, Now York; 1921, p. 242. 49

The clearest consideration, of the concept as it is used in its social context was made by Park. He recognized the difficulties in the biological usage of the term, but also was aware of its social significance. ’'What do we mean by race? Clearly nothing scientifically definite, since ethnologists themselves are not agreed upon any classification of the human family along racial lines. Nor would this so-called race prejudice have the slightest 23 regard for such a classification if one were agreed upon." His choice for a loose definition was based on that which is socially perceived. "Probably the closest approach we shall ever make to a satisfactory classification of races as a basis for antipathy will be that of grouping men according to color, along certain broad lines, the color being accompanied by various and often widely different, but always fairly persistent, differentiating physical 24 and mental characteristics."

Equality

The writings of the twenties reveal a growing uncertainty about the innate inequality of races. Unlike the previous efforts, which evidenced a nearly unanimous conclusion that races are unequal, the presidential work during this period is much less certain of such a conclusion. In addition the growth of empii'icism is evident in the work of the twenties. Regardless of their conclusions, the writings rely heavily on data rather than the previously common specualtion.

2 3. Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, U- of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1*921, pp. 631-32. 24. Ibid., p. ?33. 50

For most, though, there was still little question that distinct racial inequalities exist. Dealey maintained that there are fixed racial types, despite the possibility of common origin, and that the fixed types do have inherent intellectual 25 differences. Ross commented that "Whatever be their differences on the effective side, no one can doubt that races differ in intellectual ability. Some of these contrasts may be due to opportunity, stimulation, or social inheritence, but surely not all."^^

The work of Edward Carey Hayes contained, often in a somewhat

muted form, the usual conservative racial hypotheses. In the

tradition of the geographic determinists he concluded that

"Races and individuals differ materially in respect to the age

at which reproductive organs mature, a warm climate favoring 27 early maturity." He also discussed the possibility that the

immigrants tended to bo inferior and therefore "may be

expected to work a permanent do terioration in the life and destiny 23 of the nation." The differences in cultural advancement were

seen to be the result of "the possession by the superior race of

the extra mass of talented members and especially of the geniuses

since "the advancement of a people is originated by a small but

25. James Q. Dealey, Foreign Policies of the United States, Ginn and Company, Boston; 1926, p. 6 7 . 2 6 . Edward Alsworth Ross, The Outlines of Sociology, The Century Company, Hew York; 1923, pp. 55-56. 2 7 . Edward C. Fayes, Introduction to the Study of Sociology, D. Appleton and Company, Hew York; 1928 (l921), p.229. 2 8. Ibid., 1 9 2 1 edition, p. 275. 51 talented minority." 29 His conclusion about the actual equality of races reflects the growing reservations in American sociology.

"We must admit that there are superior and inferior varieties of the human genus, although the differences between the races are by no means so wide as is usually imagined. It must be kept in mind that differences between individuals of the same race are far greater than the differences between races considered as wholes.

Henry Pratt Fairchild continued to be primarily concerned with the problems of immigration and maintained his strong opposi tion. Like others who subscribed to theories of inherent racial differences, he was unimpressed with the critics of intelligence testing.

The remarkable revelations of the Army Intellegence Tests added much cogency to the arguments against further race mixture, showing as they did a striking inferiority in the grades made by the representatives of the newer immigrant peoples as compared with the old. The charge frequently made that these tests are not indicative of inherent intellectual ability because they wore American tests, administered by American officers, and based on American life, even if it wore true, would not detract from the validity of the results as applied to the immigration problem. 31

Three of the px'esidents who were concerned with the problems associated with the concept of race, Hankins, Sorokin, and Kimball

Young, continued to "explain" issues in terms of stereotypes.

Young viewed the problems from the perspective of education.

"The writer stands firmly on the ground that the cause of school

2 9. Edward C. Hayes, Introduction to the Study of Sociology, D. Appleton and Company, New York; 1928 (1921), pp. 24l-242. 3 0. Ibid., p. 2hk, 3 1. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration, The MacMillan Company, Mew York; 1923, p. Ù3I. 52 difficulties oust be found in the more innate intellectual differences. The true difficulty is one of mental capacity, or general intelligence, which makes the Latin unable to compete 32 with the children of Northern European ancestry." He was not

unaware of the environmentalists' arguments, but simply discounted

many ox their propositions. "It is not denied that environment,

opportunity, and accident play a varying role in the life adjust

ments, but without the potentiality of mental development that is

innate, these other forms are of no great avail.Young also

related his conclusions about the ability of "Latins" to the

domestic problem of the United States. It is here that the usual

stereotypes are most evident. "Italian immigration of the last

twenty years is from South Italy and Sicily. Its source is the

lowest economic classes and in origin those people are largely

Mediterranean with a noticeable negroid strain and other exotic

mixtures. In the nature of their racial extraction we have a 3if clue to their mental status."

Hankins clearly endorsed racial explanations for measured

variations in intelligence. "It seems entirely reasonable to

attribute this smaller capacity for abstract thinking on the part

of the negro to the earlier cessation of brain growth which would

also explain in part the smaller size of the antcrial cortical

areas. We thus see that there is considerable difference in the

3 2.Kimball Young, Mental Differences in Certain Immigrant Groups, University Press, Eugene, Oregon; 1922, pp. 63-64. 53- Ibid., p. 79- 3 4. Ibid., p. 7 6 . 53 avei'age and range of distribution of negro and v/hite intelligences." 55 Hankins v/as quite willing to explain the differences in cultural development on the same physical foundation,

'"...it is quite clear that the superiority of one race over another may apply to those traits which are the most important for the development of an advanced culture.Yet like Young and others who took this stance during the tv/enties, Hankins v/as av/are of and felt obligated to ansv/er those who found explanations in the

environment. "There are many features of this theory (that

cultural change can be explained without reference to race) which v/e v/armly approve, but when it makes the bold assumption that

racial differences in cultural achievement are adequately explained

by differences in cultural contacts and history v/e feel that it

errs as much in one direction as Gobinau and Grant do in the

other." 37 For Hankins, the environmentalists simply would not

look at the obvious. "One cannot, therefore, explain the general

backwardness of the negro by lack of social opportunity (look at

the Jev/). Had he been sufficiently gifted he would have made his

opportunity somev/here in the midst of the existing cultural mileu.

The cause is deeper and must be sought in differences of body and % Q brain structure." Again, for Hankins, such differences are

obvious. "If there are physical differences one seems on safe

35• Frank H. Hankins, % e Racial Basis of Civilisation, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 19^, p. 321. 36- Ibid., p. 294. 37. Ibid., p. 368. 38. Ibid., p. 307. 54 ground î.n in c erring that there must be mental differences also.

Mental powers represent the functioning of brain and nerve tissue, and it is not to be supposed that these would have remained identical from race to race while other physical traits were undergoing diverse evolutionary changes."39

Sorokin also displayed an awareness of the many arguments against the racial basis of intelligence. "In regards to the physical differences among various races, there is scarcely any doubt. The divergency of opinion concerns not the existence of these differences, but their significance as a basis for race classification and its history. That there are mental differences between the races seems also to be definitely established; whether duo to environment or heredity, we find considerable mental differences between the principal racial (not national) groups."

Like the others who conclude that there are differences of an inherent nature, Sorokin chose to address the question of cultural

variation from the perspective of race. "The difference in the cultural contributions and in the historical roles played by

different races is excellently corroborated by, and is in perfect

agreement with, the experimental studies of race mentality and

psychology." Yet, though aware of the difficulties, Sorokin,

who was often criticized during his career for his sometimes

39» Frank H. Hankins, The Racial Basis of Civilization, Alfred A, Knopf, New York; 192^7 P- 291. 40« Pitirim Sorokin, Contemporary Sociological Theories, Harper and Row, New York; 1964 liyŸB), p. 291« 41. Ibid., p. 293. 55 highly iriaginativc use of data, showed a greater enthusiasm for

''science" and its "proof" of racial differences in capacities for intelligence. "The more perfect the technique of such a study becomes, the more clear and unquestionable become the mental differences among different races. Fortunately science has already passed the speculative stage of factual study, which has led to many interesting results. I should say that the verification has h2 been complete." He concluded that studies "...all show that the I.Q. of the negro is comparatively lower than that of the white race. They are in perfect agreement with the historical data." Soi’okin was also willing to use the studies of Reuter in a manner rather unlike their author. "It is worthy of notice that the studies of Ferguson, E.B. Reuter, and of some others, have shown that the greater the infusion of white blood into the negro, the higher is his intelligence quotient. V/e have here, as well as in Hunter's study of the Indian, a partial corroboraticn of Gobin eau's statement that the negro and other "inferior" races show intellectual ability only in proportion to their percentage of white blood." All of this led Sorokin to conclude that the basis for such differences was predominantly inherent. "This perfect agreement of all these tests; the historic-cultural, the mental; the absence of geniuses, especially of the highest rank; and the superiority of the mulattoes, seems to indicate strongly

42. Pitirim Sorokin, Contemporary Sociological Theories, Harper and Row, Hew York; 1964 (1 9 2 8), p. 293. 4 3. Ibid., p. 2 9 7. 56

(ccpecially the further data concerning other races) that the

cause of such a difference in the negro is duo not only, and possibly not so much to environment, as to heredity."

It was noted earlier that Ross had modified his previously

strong position of inequality. The other president who was more

reserved in his endorsement of inherent inequality was Charles

Sllvood. Though never changing the racial stereotyping in later

editions of his Sociology and Modern Social Problems, he definitely

modified his extreme stance. In speaking of the racial theory of

cultural evolution, he noted that "...Perhaps of all theories

of culture proposed this has the least tangible evidence in its

support. Race seems to be a minor rather than a preponderant h3 factor in culture." He also retreated from his earlier work in

noting differences in intellectual ability. "The differences

between the races, like the differences between the sexes, would

seem to bo more temperamental and emotional than intellectual."

The differences, though, are still inherent.

John Gillin and Franklin Henry Giddings did not fully accept

the racial explanations, but both made reference to differences

between races in such a v/cy that it would be inaccurate to main

tain that they fully denied such explanations. Giddings mentioned

44. Pitirim Sorokin, Contemporary Sociological Theories, Harper and Row, New York; 1964 ( 19^B1, pp. 297-29^ 4 5. Charles Ellv/ood, Cultural Evolution; A Study of Social Origins and Development, The Century Company, New York; 1927, pp. % . 46. Charles A. Ellwood, H ie Psychology of Human Society, D. Appleton and Company, New York; 1925, p. %9. 57 that "The artistic instinct in the Western world for the most part h7 comes from the Mod iterranean." Still, he maintained that "It is all nonsense to talk about superior or inferior races, about races that have achieved civilization and races that cannot achieve civilization. It is certain that you can expect a higher per centage of certain results in certain races than you can in 48 others." Gillin, simply, was uncertain. "It is probable that some races and nationalities are more liable to mental breakdown than others under our conditions." Certainly such a state ment implies inherent racial differences, yet he notes that

"Great efforts have been put forth by anthropologists and ethnolo gists to find proof which would justify the belief in the superior ity of the Caucasien race; but they are frank to admit that they 50 have not as yet come across any real proof." Another point of uncertainty for Gillin is evidenced in his explanation of racial stereotypes thi'ough cultural variables and environment. "The shiftlessness, lack of foresight, easy-going nature and indiffer ence, still characteris lie of so many negroes, are traits which could only be expected to develop out of the slave culture.

The work of five of the presidents during the twenties was

4 7 . Franklin H. Giddings, Civilization and Society,Kenry Holt and Company, How York; 1952, p. 8 7. 48. Ibid., p.88. 4 9. John L. Gillin, Poverty and Dependency, The Century Company, Hew York; 1922, p. 272. 5 0. John L. Gillin, Social Problems, The Century Company, Hew York; 1923, p. 209« 5 1. Ibid., p. 2 1 3. 58 egalitarian; t\;o being classified as "equal" and three as "equal reserved." Edv;ard Reuter •.•■ho in 1918 had published the often quoted work on The Mulatto in the United States, which was, at the very least, hesitant in denying racial differences, now concluded that the usual racial stereotypes "...seem for the most part to be 52 not racial traits but a socially induced condition." Indeed,

"The present evidence gives ground for the belief that there is no such thing as an inferior race in the old sense of the phrase.

Differences in educational and environmental opportunity are sufficient to explain existing differences without recourse to the assumption of inherent differences in biological capacity."53

A few years later he noted the basic criticism of the intelligence

tests which led many to conclude that there are differences in racial capacity. "The inference from test scores to intelligence may only be made when, and only when, the individuals compared have a common experience." As a concluding statement on the subject Reuter was willing to "...accept as a provisional but

fairly well-founded working hypothesis the position that the

various races and peoples of the world are essentially equal in

mental ability and capacity for civilization.”55

Another scholar who was readily willing to disregard the

52. Edward B. Reuter, Population Problems, J.B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia; 1923, p. 271. 53. Ibid., p. 2 7 5. 5 4. Edward B. Router, The American Pace Problem, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 1927, p. 89- 5 5. Ibid., pp. 9 5-9 6 . 59 thought of Inherent racial differences during this time was

Ellsworth Paris. He rejected the commonly accepted explanation of geographic determinism. "It seems the facts (of differences) can be explained better without appealing to the native African endowment.In studying other cultures he also cautioned against relying on the assumptions of capacities and neglecting the cultural context. He commented that the use of words such as primitive are highly evaluative. There should be no indication of "inferior.

Park, Queen, and Chapin, though not quite as certain as

Paris and Reuter, were also unwilling to accept the common racial interpretations. Chapin wrote that :

The assumptions that the European white race is superior to all other races is based upon the remarkable achievements of the white race. V/e conclude that, since the civilization is higher, it took a higher grade of mind to develop it. It is argued that the European has a higher aptitude for achieve ment than a member of another race, and that this aptitude is duo to his mental and physical superiority ... the differences tend to be found in the differences of culture which are economic. 58

Unlike Paris, Chapin was readily willing to accept superior and

inferior cultures, but still the differences wore not racial in

their bases.

Queen commented on the inadequacies of the Army intelligence

5 6 . Ellsworth Paris, "The Mental Capacity of Savages," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 25, p. 6 1 6 . 57« Ellsworth Paris, "Proliterate Peoples; Proposing a Now Term," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 50» P» 710. 5 8. P. Stuart Chaoin, Social Evolution, The Century Company, Now York; 1922, pp. 228-251. 60 testing program and chose to emphasize environment and 59 discrimination as explanations for evidenced racial differences.

He concluded that "It is not that there is any evidence of the inherent inferiority of the colored races.

Robert Park was quite willing to dismiss the entire question of racial intelligence as an example of a cultural aberration.

"We have wasted an infinite amount of time in interminable controversies over the relative superiority and inferiority of different races. Only the white man writes volumes to establish on paper the fact of a superiority which is either self-evident and not in need of demonstration, on the one hand, or is not a fact and is not demonstratable on the other.

Racial Contact

The twenties witnessed no groat shift in the attitudes toward racial contact by the leading sociologists. Their work reveals, like that which was done prior to 1920, a variety of preferences, although the concern v/ith immigration tended to dampen presidential enthusiasm for assimilation. Racial difficulties continued to be viewed from a cultural rather than a structuz'al perspective.

Individual skills and attitudes rather than institutions should be the center of any efforts for "solutions."

Hankins and Young had little fondness for the assimilation

59» Stuart A. Queen, Social Patholo?y, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 1925, p- 595» 60. Ibid., p. 6 5 4. 6 1 . Robert K. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1 9 2 1, p. ^ 3 2 1 61 process. Both saw it as bringing about the weakening of the national "racial stock." Hankins maintained that "It seems well established that at least some of the immigrant stocks that have arrived in America in considerable numbers since 1900, notably the

Spanish, Mexicans, Porutgeses, Poles, Italians, Greeks, and various

Slavic nationals have been less well-endowed than the average native American. These immigrants will on account of their high birth rates prove increasingly detremontal with the passing of 6 2 time." Kimbal1 Young was equally disturbed by the prospect of continued immigration. "If the racial stocks that are flooding

this country from Southern and Southeastern Europe are of such inferiority, on the average, as to be contented with a lower standard of life, if they are incapable of taking on the best of modern culture ... we have a more serious phase of the problem

presented us."^^ Hankins and Young also regarded the Negro as

posing a threat to the level of ability in the United States.

Hankins accepted the usual biological explanation of mulatto

ability. "Every observation indicates that the mulatto stock is

not only more variable than the negro, but that in intellectual

ability it ranks intermediate between white and negro norms.

Young found the explanation for the apparent infei'iority of

6 2 . Frank H. Hankins, Tiie Racial Basis of Civilization, Alfred A. Knopf, Now York; 1926, p. j525. 6 3 . Kimball Young, Mental Differences in Certain Immigrant Groups, University Press, Eugene, Oregon; 1922, p. *bl. 6*4. Frank H. Hankins, The Racial Basis of Civilization, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1926, p. 3"4?. 62

Southern Europeans in their oun previous amalgamation with

Negroes. "While the European races arc probably all of near kind, the South Europeans have considerable negroid strains in the masses of the people and this fact may, in part, account for the divergence from the intelligence of North Europeans... therefore the importance for immigration and national future.

Of those who endorsed some variance of separatism during the twenties, only one, Henry Pratt Fairchild, continued to view it as part of a "natural" process. He thought that racial bigotry may indeed be a kind of instinct.Router continued his analysis of racial separatism which was developed with his studies of the mulatto. He was impressed with Garvey's back to Africa movement and felt that "In the present day a race conscious Negro group is

largely an accomplished fact."^^

The remaining three scprabist/pluralists advocated government

programs and evidenced a reliance on education. Ellv/ood continued

his recommendations for education with his spirit of noblese 68 oblige. Odum v/as reluctant to propose solutions. He felt that

"It is presumptuous for the student to think in terms of dogmatic 69 assertions or immediate solutions." Yet ho clearly placed an

6 5 . Kimball Young, Mental Differences in Certain Immigrant Groups, University Press, Eugene, Oregon; 1922, p. 9^« 6^6. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Foundations of Social Life, John Wiley and Sons, New York ; 1927, p. iBB. 6 7 . Edward 3. Reuter, The American Race Problem, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 1927* pp. Bo6-407. 68. Charles A. Ellv/ood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, American Book Company, New York; 1927'TÎ910T7 P- 273. 6 9 . Howard W. Odum, Man's Quest for Social Guidance, Henry Holt and Company, New York; 1927* p. 17ii. 63 eraphasis on education, through segregated facilities and vocational training which would lead to "a development of race consciousness 70 and solidarity." Gillin suggested a strong eugenics program together with a government education program based on "sound and sane policies which will allow the races to live together without friction.

Bogardus and Queen both hoped for a meaningful assimilation through a change in attitudes of prejudice. The problem was seen in the individual. "Adjustments of racial problems imply changes 72 in personal attitudes," noted Bogardus. Queen was not optimistic, but viewed the problem at the same level. "The checking or sublimating of conflicts between the races must rest upon an under standing and control of race prejudice. Because this is so widespread and so bound up with emotions, the task will not be 73 easy."

Giddings continued to maintain a moderate position, but like others who were concerned with questions of immigration he was

quite reserved in endorsing any ideas of the melting pot.

If you want to have all peoples of the earth come to America with equal freedom and no restrictions, you can make that choice, but you will have to pay a certain price for it, and you will have to consider whether you wish to pay that price or not. The price you will have to pay will be a complete breakdown and disappearance of those so-called free

70. Howard W. Odum, Man's Guest for Social Guidance, Henry Holt and Company, New York; 1927, p. 201. 71. John L. Gillin, Gocial Problems, The Century Company, New York; 1928, pp. 202-203, 229. 72. Bmory S. Bogardus, Immigration and Pace Attitudes, D.C. Heath and Company, Boston; 1928, p. 216. 73. Stuart A. Queen, Social Pathology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 1923, p. 65^. 64

institutions which America is supposed to have had as her great aim in the life of the world. In other words, you cannot have freedom, liberty, democratically representative government, or anything of that kind, if you have a highly heterogeneous population. You will have to choose between the dictator and practical anarchy. ?4

Yet his condemnation of assimilation was not as total as such a warning indicates. He respected cultural differences and hoped to preserve some of their uniqueness in the process of assimilation,

There should be assimilation but it must be "a process of give and take whereby each culture is enriched by the other."75

The lone presidential spokesman for amalgamation during the twenties was James Q. Dealey. He saw it as a completion of the assimilation process. ''Amalgamation is taking place so fast that the members of former Indian tribes will practically bo absorbed into the racial stock of the United States.This would also be beneficial to the blacks. "Education and intermixture will increase as well as economic gain so that the semi-serfdom of

Southern negroes will tend to disappear." 77 He also contemplated a future of planned homogeneity. "With restricted immigration and a wiser policy toward those actually admitted, another genera tion hence will see the passing of the foreign colony, whether urban or rural, and a movement toward real assimilation and 73 partial amalgamation."

7 4 . Franklin Henry Giddings, Civilization and Society, Henry Holt and Company, Hev; York; 1952, p. 559. 7 5 . Ibid., p. 3 4 5. 7 6 . James Q. Dealey, Foreign Policies of the United States, Ginn and Company, Boston; 1926"7 P* 6 5 . 7 7 . Ibid., p. 6 3 . 7 3 . Ibid., p. 6 9 . 65

The following diagrams represent the work of the presidents which was published during the tv/enties :

Ambiguous National Traditional Hypothetical and and Social Biological Supuosed Confused Language

Ellwood Hayes Reuter Park Odum Chapin Queen Dealey Giddings Bogardus Reuter Fairchild Gillin Sorokin Chapin K. Young Ross Hankins

Unequal Unequal Reserved Center Equal Reserved Equal

Sorokin Ell wood Giddings Chapin E. Faris Fairchild* Ross Gillin Queen Reuter Hayes* Park Dealey K. Young Hankins

Separatism Pluralism Some Mixture Assimilation Amalgamation

Fairchild Giddings Bogardus Dealey Ellv/ood Queen Odum Gillin Reuter K. Young Hankins

* Rather than domestic racial issues, these scholars were primarily concerned with questions of immigration. 66

As is seen in the diagrams, during"the twenties the work of the presidents became somewhat more egalitarian and shifted toward the pluralis/ceparatist position. During the same period the concept of race itself was used with more clarity than it had been prior to 1920. CR-\PTER IV

1931-1945

The period from 1931 through 1945 includes some of the most dramatic shifts of both international and domestic relationships in American history. The thirties, of course, was the time of the great depression when the mean unemployment rate was almost 19 percent. Black migration from the South fell greatly during this period as did the already restricted foreign immigration. As would be expected in such a period of crisis and high unemployment, racial tension was high as blacks now had much company in their economic and social deprivation.

The advent of World War II witnessed a drop in unemployment

to below 2 percent. The war also marked a time when blacks were placed in positions of employment which had previously been restricted. For many analysts, the five years of World War II represent the most rapid change in American history. Domestically

it was marked with high employment and racial tension while

internationally the United States was emerging as the dominant

world power.

67 68

Use of the Concept

Although no consensus vas reached, the work of the presidents

during the thirties and early forties continued to evidence a

growing concern with precision in language. The traditional bio

logical use of the concept remained strong while a purely social

definition or one based primarily on an interactive framework

was widely employed. Tlio acceptance of the term "ethnic group"

removed the use of national and language groups as synonyms for

"race." Of the eighteen leading sociologists considered during

this period, four strongly relied on the traditional biological

formulation of "race."

William F. Ogburn recognized some of the difficulties in the

use of the concept and chose to rely on its biological foundation.

"Race has frequently been confused with language, as well as with

religion and nationality. Culture has been confused with race."^

He concluded that "The great confusion arising on these points is

the result of a failure to realize that race is strictly a bio

logical concept. Among men there are white, yellow, and black

races. Racial resemblances and differences are genetic not 2 merely somatic."

Kimball Young also commented on the difficulties that

had been seen in the use of"race." "There has been much loose

talk about race. If race moans anything a all, it refers to a

1. William F. Ogburn and Nimkoff, Sociology, Houghton Mifflin Company, New York; 1940, p. 94. 2. Ibid., p. 95. 69 large number of persons with common physical features. It cannot apply to any other forms of association."^ Yet Young himself was unable to restrict the use of the concept to such an obvious physical form. He discussed the "white race" and the races of 4 "alpine, nordic, and armenoid." Kimball Young's final verdict on the concept of race was to regard it as a nominal category. There is much overlapping, at best, these broad racial groups are convenient pigeonholes for classifying mankind as physical traits only."^

Gillin and Reuter both clarified their eralier ambiguity in favor of the biological conceptualization. Reuter simply stated that "Race is a biological fact."^ Gillin reached the same conclusion and like Kimball Young commented on the nominal status of the term. "It must be clearly understood that the term race in proper usage refers only to certain inherited zoological character- 7 is tics of a group of individuals within a species." "Race is based upon statistical averages and there is a great deal of g overlapping."

For seven of the presidents of the period the more socially

based hypothetical-supposed employment of the term was preferable.

jj. Kimball Young, An Introductory Sociology, American Book Company, New York; 193^, P* 153* 4. Ibid., p. 155. 5. Ibid., p. 158. 6. Edward B. Reuter, Handbook of Gociology, The Dryden Press, New York; 1941, p. 59- 7. John L. Gillin, An Introduction to Sociology, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1942, p. 60. 8. Ibid., p. 62. 70

For several, though, such a usage of "race" was distinct from the earlier ill-defined but similar work since the scholars of the thirties and early forties wore often aware of the social rather than biological basis of the hypothetical supposed definitions.

Dorothy Swaine Thomas whose work centered on demography and the Japanese "resettlement" camps of World War II noted that "Racial 9 minorities are set off by skin color." Her preference though was clearly social as she complained that the reclassification of

Mexicans from the category "other races" to "white" for the 19^0 census was "from the standpoint of statistical analysis deplor- 10 able." Rupert Vance, another scholar whose efforts wore closely tied to demographic data and the census, also tended to rely on the dominantly social categorisation of the census. He spoke of "White, Negro, and colored groups.

Znaniocki and Angell both continued to use the hypothetical

categories of white and Negro, but both also noted some of the 12 13 aspects of "race" which are social. ’ The remaining scholars who considered the concept from such a perspective, Donald Young,

Dwight Sanderson, and Edwin Sutherland, all relied on color as the

determinant of categories. Donald Young mentioned the "white and

9. Dorothy Swaine Thomas, "Differential Fertility in California in 1 9 3 0* The Racial Aspect," Social Forces, Vol. 20, p. l46. 10. Ibid., p. 1 5 4. 11. Rupert B. Vance, All These People, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill; 1945» pp. 97» 103. 12. Florian Znaniocki, Social Actions, Farrar and Rinehart Inc., New York; 1936, p. 308. 1 3. Robert C. Angell, et. al., Introductory Sociology, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1933» P- 3« 71

1^ the yellow, black or red." Sutherland and Sanderson also accepted the Negro-white system while employing "colored" for the "rr.exican- indian groupings.

Three of the leading sociologists' work could only be classified as confused, Bogardus, though still holding, in part, the traditional view of races was now confronting the social definitions as they created difficulties in the "melting pot."

In discussing the question of "race" and the Filipinos, this factor is recognized. "The trouble arises because of man-made laws.

Several states in the United States have laws which forbid the marriage of people of this country with Mongolians. If Filipinos are Mongolians, therefore their intermarriage with Caucasians is unlawful.Yet his implied criticism and understanding of the social context of "race" was lost as he retreated to his earlier ambiguous usage. He noted that the Filipinos "...are in a similar boat to ours, for there is no American race, but only an American race in progress - out of Nordics, South and Fast Europeans, Jev/s, 17 Negroes, Mongolians," Finally, Bogardus, in one of the more

incredible passages written on the subject by the leading sociologists during this period, mixed the cultural/social with

l4. Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers, New York; 1952, pp. 55lT3B% 397- 13« Edwin II. Sutherland, The Sutherland Papers, Alfred Lindesmith, et. al., eds., Indiana University Press, Bloomington; 1956, p. 320. 16. Emory Bogardus, "What Race are F’ilipinos?" Sociology and Social Research, Vol. l6, p. 27^. 17. Ibid., p. 275. 72 the traditional/biological usage of the term. "Fifty years ago

'race' was defined largely in physical and biological terms.

Today it is explained chiefly in terms of culture traits. Tlie

Filipinos are daily becoming culturally more like Caucasians.

They are people on the move racially, from Mongoloid toward

Caucasoid, but still colored by an ancient tinge of Negroid." 18

Ross deviated from his earlier position that races are distinct by commenting that "The rise of anti-Japanese feeling was not due to natural antipathy, but to fear inspired by the rapid economic advances of the Japanese on our Pacific Coast and by certain moves of Japan." 1 9 Yet he still spoke of"color races" and continued to confuse the concept much as ho had done in earlier work.^^ Carl

C. Taylor was also bothered by immigrant groups in his use of "race."

He seemed undecided whether immigrants belonged to "ethnic group-: ings" or "racial stocks." Ko concluded that there were three

"outstanding ethnic groups" or "racial elements" in the United

States; "...the native whites, the Negroes, and the immigrants; in addition to these main groups there are the Indians, the Mexicans, a few Asiatics, and the mixtures of different races.

Tlie growing awareness of the social context of the concept

of race is most clearly seen in the work of four of the leading

1 8. Emory Bogardus, "What Race are FilipinosV" Sociology and Social Research) Vol. I6 , p. 2?4. 1 9. Edward A. Ross, New-Age Sociology, D. Appletcn-Century Company, New York; 19^0, p. 62. 2 0. Ibid., p. 1 6 0 . 21. Carl C. Taylor, Rural Sociology, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1939, p. 70* 75 sociologists; Wirth, Bernard, Frazier, and Gillette. Louis V/irth, who in the late twenties was still somewhat ambigious about the concept, moved to the social determinist position during this time.

Though he maintained that "A minority must be distinguished from the dominant group by physical or cultural marks," his conclusion 22 regarding the term emphasized the cultural rather than the physical.

"From anthropological studies of the last half century we should have gained recognition of the inapplicability of the concept

"race" as applied to the hybrid stocks comprising th6~European and American peoples. It is not race but culture that marks these people off

Two of the scholars, Bernard and Frazier, departed from the seemingly ethnocentric mold of the past and compared American definitions of racial categories with those of other cultures.

Bernards's work is particularly interesting since he traces the

controversies and difficulties surrounding the concept. He

comments that "the present classifications of the races are based

on physical traits, and particularly on color, instead of on geo

graphic position or cultural traits. They are the threefold 24 and fivefold classifications." From this seemingly certain

physical taxonomy, however, Bernard quickly retreats. "...

there is nothing very definite about the term "race." It

22. Louis V/irth, "The Problem of Minority Groups," in Wirth on Cities, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., ed., The University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1964, p. 245. First published in The Science of Man in the World Crisis, Ralph Linton, cd., Columbia University Press, Hew York; 1945, pp. 347-372. 23. Ibid., p. 269 24. Luther L. Bernard, An Introduction to Sociology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 19^^ 519» 74 is a rather hazy concept coning down from the past, when races wore perhaps loss mixed and more or less definitely and permanently 25 segregrated geographically than they are at present." He then comments on the actual difficulties encountered in trying to incorporate "race" in a working taxonomy. "Since races show such great variations as to traits as we have described, can we speak of biological racial traits and biological races with any hope of scientific accuracy? It must be confessed that we cannot. Race is a conventional term applied to aggregates of the world's population more or less by common consent." 2 6 It is at this juncture that Bernard views the concept within the social context.

These conventional classifications, based on tradition, prejudice, or law, are almost certain to violate the bio logical trait categories in a great many borderline cases. Thus it may be traditional, as it is in portions of the United States and some other American countries, to classify all persons with any Negro ancestry as being Negro. In other American countries, such as Venezuela and Santo Domingo, an individual who has approximately one-eighth or more white ancestry is popularly regarded as white. 2 7

It was this same variance in social definitions which brought

Frazier to such a conceptualization of the term. In describing the "racial" aspects of Brazil Frazier noted that "Many whites should bo classified as mulattoes in the United States."2 8

Such differences in social classification are often beyond the

realm of reality for most Americans, he commented. "It is exceed

ingly difficult to discuss and make intelligible to Americans

2 5. Luther L. Bernard, An Introduction to Sociology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Now York; IS42, p. 525» 2 6 . Ibid. p. 5 2 7 2 7 . Ibid., p. 5 2 8 23. K. Franklin Frazier, "Some Aspects of Race Relations in Brazil," in Phylon, Vol. 3, p. 291. 75 race relations, involving whites and Negroes in Brazil." 29 Frazier concludes that the terra must bo seen in this distinctly social/ culture context. "...there is in Brazil a certain amount of color prejudice, v;hich should be distinguished from racial prejudice in the American sense. By color prejudice as opposed to race prejudice is meant that attitudes toward persons of Negro descent are influenced by color:- than by racial or biological descent.

Gillette still chose to indicate that "Strictly speaking the terra denotes a group of people set apart from all other groups by certain inherited physical traits.He commented that "there is much overlapping and difficulty with the concept."

Yet, like Bernard, he is not satisfied with documenting the dif ficulties in the usage of the terra. He mentions the "psychology of race attitudes" where cultural deterrainents actually define 32 the area of "race."

Equality

The thirties and early forties witnessed a completion of the shift from the earlier conclusions of leading sociologists re garding questions of racial equality. While prior to 1920 the verdict had been almost unanimous in concluding that races are inherently different, the scholars of this period were almost

29« E. Franklin Frazier, "Some Aspects of Race Relations in Brazil," Phylon, Vol. 3, ?♦ 291. 30. Ibid., p. 292. 31. John H. Gillette and James M. Reinhardt, Current Social Problems, American Book Company, Now York; 1933» p. ^2?. 32. Ibid., p. 429. 76 unanimous in concluding that racial traits do not exist, or at

the very least there is no evidence to suggest that they do exist.

Four of the presidents of the period, Kimball Young, Donald

Young, Louis Wirth, and Dwight Sanderson, were very certain that

racial traits were not sufficient factors in inherent human

differences. Sanderson firmly stated that "The doctrine of white

supremacy is as undemocractic and untenable as the Nazi myth 33 of Nordic supremacy."

Donald Young was convinced that previous "studies" which

revealed inherent racial differences were related to dominant

ideologies.

Beliefs in the mental inequality of races have not been based on the result of scientific investigations. Very few scientists have been willing to make any such generalizations, and those who have done so have bolstered rather than created popular beliefs with their findings. As a matter of fact, it is race prejudice which has created popular beliefs with their findings. As a matter of fact, it is race prejudice which has caused the acceptance of of the doctrine of inherent mental differences. Practically every large group of people in the world believes itself equal if not superior to all others, perhaps with the exception of those who, like the American Negro, have been taught to accept their unproved inferiority by a dominant class.3^

Differences for Young are related to the social structure and

culture rather than to any inherent differences. He speaks of

superior and inferior "health standards, morals, language,"

with blacks always being inferior in the United States. Yet

this is clearly a question of norms. "The general run of

Negro behavior is less in accordance with the social conventions

33« Dwir;ht Sanderson, The Rural Community, Ginn and Company, Boston; 193B, p. 35 Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1932* PP» %2-^23. 77

35 than that of the white man."

In the tradition of Small and Thomas, Wirth emphasized the role of interaction and perception in race and ethnic relations.

He also avoided any assumptions of inherent superiority. The

American Indians were seen as being "subjected by the technically superior invaders.The black man in America was seen from the perspective of a suppressed group.

If it is recognized that success in almost all fields of endeavor depends not merely on native capacity but also upon opportunity, hope of reward, and traditions of success, it can be inferred how severe a handicap is imposed upon even those Negroes who have superior talents. Under these circumstances it is no wonder that the economic, political, and cultural advancement of the Negro has been. slow. Indeed, the Negro has remarkable achievements to his credit in the face of these severe, chronic, and cumulative handicaps. 37

By the thirties, Kimball Young, who had maintained a non egalitarian position in earlier works, was rather certain that his previous conclusions were erroneous. Indeed, he was now placing such assumptions within a cultural context. "Our current prejudices about the inferiority of other races have come

• 3 O down to us from white colonists." The same context was applicable to intelligence testing, something in which he had previously placed great confidence.

The assumption of the early testers in this country was that the mental tests measured something innate called intelligence; but it is clear to anyone but most prejudiced

35* Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers Publishers, Hew York; 1932, p..4?1. 3 6 . Louis V/irth, "Race and Public Policy," in Wirth on Cities, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., ed., University of Chicago Press, Chicago; p. 2 7 0. 37« Ibid., p. 2 8 6. 3 8. Kimball Young, An Introductory Sociology, American Book Company; New York ; 193^+, p. 138. 78

that intelligence and the teats of intelligence reflect the social nileu out of which they grow. This (feeble mindedness in small percentages) is a far cry from the wholesale notion that intelligence differences in races, as measured by the tests- themselves cultural products- rests chiefly on hereditary grounds. Race, sociologically, means nothing without respect to culture; hence all so- called racial testing is really cultural tes ting.^9

V/ith some academic reservation, Kimball Young concluded that there are no inherent mental differences between races. "While it may be exti'eme and presumptuous to say at this moment that all races are equal in all mental abilities, we can say v/ith fair assurance that so far as carefully controlled studies go, there do not seem to be any marked differences in mentality between races, except 40 as they are determined by culture and social experience."

A more common statement made by scholars during this time was one which reached the same conclusion, but that was made with less certitude. William F. Ogburn was certain that intell igence testing had not proven inherent racial differences.

Psychologists and sociologists have attacked the question of racial superiority by giving tests to members of the different races. These tests do not measure inherited mental capacity. Differences in all probability reflect differences in culture rather than inherited racial ability. From these studies it will be seen that no claim that one race is mentally superior to another is justified. 4l

Ogburn, however, was not rejecting the theory of inherent mental ability nor was he certain that there are no racial differences

in mental ability. "There are differences in inherited mental

39» Kimball Young, An Introductory Sociology, American Book Company, New York; 1954, pp. 162-163. 40. Ibid., p. 164. 41. William F. Ogburn and Meyer Nimkoff, Sociology, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1940, p. 99« 79 ability along family lines, but races are made up of millions of families and each race has its mental defectives and geniuses.

That men are created unequal is clear- That races are so created 42 may be true, but the fact remains to be proved."

Like Ogburn, many were willing to dismiss the intelligence

tests which two decades earlier had seemed conclusive proof of

inherent racial differences in mental ability. Bernard and Gillin

discounted intelligence tests, but held reservations about other

innate factors. Bernard stated that "...in spite of efforts to

guard against this fact, it is in no inconsiderable degree that it

is dependent upon the general cultural background of the groups 43 to whom they are applied." When racial differences are placed

within their cultural context, Bernard reasoned, apparent differen

ces are explained, "...since the best achievements of individuals

of different races appear to be essentially equal, allowing for

unequal distribution of opportunity and culture among the races,

there would seem to be no good reason to believe that one race

is essentially or necessarily inferior to another in its average 44 native capacity." The differences, for Bernard, were cultural.

"We do not maintain, of course, that the cultural achievements

of races are equal. Obviously some racial groups are decidedly

42. William F. Ogburn and Moyer Nimkoff, Sociology, Houghton Mifflin, Boston; 1940, p. 101. 4 3. Luther L. Bernard, An Introduction to Sociology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York"; 1942, p. 53^'* 44. Ibid., p. 5 3 9. 8 0 inferior to others culturally. But the difference in the status of races are equal- Obviously some racial groups are decidedly in ferior to others culturally. But the difference in the status of 45 races is primarily of cultural rather than of biological origin."

Yet Bernard held distinct characteristics of other than mental traits to be innate. He spoke of racial stocks, Goths and

Scandanavians in this case, as being "... slow in action, in thought, and in emotions, but their poise and persistence are out standing. Physiologically speaking they appear to be better sup plied with thyroid secretion than with adrenalin, while the op- 46 posite appears to be true of the Latin peoples."

For Gillin, there were still doubts raised by apparent physical differences. "Investigations show that no significant racial dif ferences as to ability, intelligence, or aptitude for culture and social life have been discovered...though...certain studies have suggested that negro brain weights are on the average loss than 47 white brain weights."

Gillette too rejected the attempts to confirm differences

in intellect. "Attempts to correlate intelligence with racial

traits without knowing the extent of such traits may seem to

strengthen the existing notions about racial superiorities

and inferiorities but it is not science." His emphasis was

on cultural traits, but he was uncertain of the ultimate results.

4 5. Luther L. Bernard, An Introduction to Sociology,' Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Now York"! 1942 , p. 539» 46. Ibid., p. 5 5 1. 4 7 . John L. Gillin, An Introduction to Sociology, The Macmillan Company, Now York; 1942, p. 641 48. John Gillette, Current Social Problems, Now York; p.. 4)2. 81

"If we could measure accurately the weight of these factors

(cultural), we might be able to account for differences in re actions to the white nan's tests without resorting to fundamental 4 g differences in native ability."

By the early thirties. Park's concept of the "marginal man" had been used by Reuter as an alternative to this earlier bio logical explanation of "mixed bloods.Odum was also noting changes from his earlier efforts. By the thirties he was com menting that "there is not evidence to justify the conclusion that there are permanent organic differences between the races. 52 He concluded that "such differentials are group products."

As has been mentioned, the dominant theme of the growing egali tarianism of this period was one of individual change and education.

There is little in the work of the leading sociologists which focuses on social structure and institutional change. Indeed,

Carl C. Taylor concluded that "The rapid improvement in Negro

education during the past decade has been due to a number of

causes, the first of which is probably our natural humanitarian

sentiments." 53 Robert Paris also reacted to the earlier bio

logical explanations with hypotheses of learning and cultural derivation.

4 9. John M. Gillette, Current Social Problems, AmericanBook Company, New York; 1933, p. 4$?% 5 0. Edward B. Router, Race Mixture, Whittlesey House of McGraw-Hill Book Company, Nov/ York; 1931, P- 461. 5 1. Howard W. Odum, American Social Problems, Henry Holt and Company, New York; 1939, p. 242. 5 2. Howard W. Odum, in Folk, Region, and Society, Jocher, Johnson, Simpson, and Vance, eds., article written in 1939, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill; 1964, p. 45. 5 3. Carl C. Taylor, Rural Sociology, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York, 1933, pp. . 82

The mental oi'ganination that simplifies that which begins as a complex matter is responsible for the superior performance of the mind. It is not a consequence of such ele mentary superiorities as rapidity of nerve activity, super iority of senses and the like- The evidence from life studies indicates that differences between persons in this respect may result from differences in experiences; that is, that abilities are acquired by learning.$4

Three of the presidents during this period Ross, Znaniecki, and Bogardus, remained somewhat reserved in their acceptance of

the shift to egalitarian thinking, yet their work could not be

characterized as being racist. Ross mentioned that "Scientists

insist that the basic mental differences among color races are like

those among stocks within the same stocks within the same race."55

Znaniecki's lack of total acceptance of the now dominant

egalitarianism is seen as he speaks of superior and inferior races,

using the Negro and the white as an example. Yet his concern is

not primarily with biological differences but with racial/cultural

contact and with what happens when such superior-inferior contacts 56 occur.

Perhaps the least accepting of the new position of the lead

ing sociologists was Emory Bogardus, though even his primary

emphasis was now on cultural differences. He commented on "the

low cultural standards of some races "and the crude customs of 57 backward races." He rather haltingly placed some of the con

tinuing racial stereotypes within a cultural context. "Other

5 4. Robert E. L. Paris, "Sociological Causes of Genius," American Sociological Reviev/, Vol. 5, P» 6 9 I. 55« Edward A. Ross, New-Age Sociology, D. Appleton-Century Company, New York; 1940, p. 1%. 5 6 . Florian Znaniecki, Social Actions, Farrar And Rine hart Inc., New York; 1936, p. po8. 57* Emory S. Bogardus, "Causes of Race Antagonism," Socio- logy and Social Research, Vol. 24, p. I6 7 . 83 antogonizing traits of minority races are unreliability, trickiness, and unfair practices. It is never quite clear, however, whether such traits are truly cultural or if they are somehow innate. His commentary about the Filipinos are of Latin or South European temperament. They are more Latin in temperament than the Mala yan, not to mention the Mongolian.

They are quickly responsive to feeling appeals - unlike the poised Chinese and Japanese. They are active, eager to learn, 59 quick to assimilate.”

The work of Robert C. Angell is somewhat difficult to place on any continuum of equality-inequality. His own work indicates that he was aware of many of the difficulties surrounding any judgement of inherent differences and that conclusions of equality were probably more consistent with the available data than any to the contrary. Yet he also authored with L.J. Carr a work which included some work of his uncle, Charles Horton Cooley, which was distinctly racist. Angell commented that

The fact that anthropologists are still quarrel ling among themselves as to what constitutes race; that the extremes of any given race always differ far more from each other than the average of that race differs from the average of any other race; that the weight of authority is that no method has yet been devised for unscrambling race and culture; and that culture is a product of amny variables including climate, loca tion, cultural borrowings and the liko.60

5 8. Emory S. Bogardus, "Causes of Race Antagonism," Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 24, p. I6 9 . 59- Emory S. Bogardus, "What Race are Filipinos?" Sociology and Social Research, Vol. I6 , p. 277* So. Charles Horton Cooley, Robert C. Angell, and L.J. Carr, Introductory Sociology, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1933, p.~291. 8 4

The work of Charles Horton Cooley which was included in Angell'3 work, of which Cooley is listed as senior author, stated that

"T’wo races of different temperament and capacity, distinct to the

eye and living side by side in the same community, tend strongly

to become castes, no matter how equal the social system may

otherwise be.

Racial Contact

The work of the leading sociologists during the thirties

and early forties which was concerned with "racial" contact

showed little change from previous periods. Their statements

ranged from the very reserved pluralism of Ross to the predications

of amalgamation made by Frazier. Their was little agreement,

just as there had been none in the past.

Ross concluded that our lack of knowledge was sufficient

reason to prevent racial mixture. "It is not yet settled whether

the crossing of the more specialized human varieties gives good

results or bad. Meanwhile, since the scrambled can never sub

sequently be unscrambled, social and legal barriers against

crossing should not bo condemned.He also displayed optimism

and confidence about the question of immigration, a subject

which commanded much of his attention throughout his long

6 1 . Charles Horton Cooley, Robert C. Angell, and L.J. Carr, Introductory Sociology, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1953, p. 25*9. Originally in Charles H. Cooley, Social Or cran ization. Charles Scribner's Sons, Schockon Books, Now York; I9 6 3 (1909), ?. 2l8. 6 2 . Edward A. Ross, Now-Age Sociology, D. Appleton- Century Company, New York; 19?0, pp. I6 I-I6 2 . 85 career. There would no longer he periods of immigration full of

"dumping human refuse" since "...before the end of this century, eugenic measures will be taken by the more enlightened peoples, on a scale and with a determination no one living can now imagine.

Perhaps even more than Ross, Donald Young did not view the future as a time of assimilation. He felt that "Group antagonisms seem to be inevitable when two peoples in contact with each other may be distinguished by differentiating characteristics, either Sk inborn or cultural, and arc actual or potential competitors.

This situation was present in the United States. "Antagonism

against the Negro seems destined to preserve its force for

generations to come. The distinguishing features of the Negro will

be preserved unless he is completely absorbed by the white through

miscegenation, a prospect which is so many centuries removed that

it can be discarded.Young was equally willing to dismiss a

number of other "solutions" to racial conflict and discord.

It is too late for exclusion, deportation is impossible, extinction by a surplus of deaths over births is a phantom, complete segregation of any type has never been accomplished amalgamation is a will-o'-the-wisp which would lead us through centuries of travail, assimilation is a tedious pro cess dependent on identity of environments and equality of opportunity, and the abolition of class and caste is a purpose not a program. The ineffectiveness of all such panaceas is evident from the way group antagonism in the United States has continued to remain endemic, an ever present social ill which breaks out from time to time with exceptional virulence and without regard for the cure- alls of reformers.66

6 5 • Edward A. Ross, New-Age Sociology, D. Appleton-Century Company, New York; 19'^0, p.459. 64. Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1932, p. 5 8 6T 6 5 . Ibid., p. 583. 66. Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1932, p. 579« 86

Such a position, quite predictably, led Young to the conclusion that a kind of extreme pluralism would be the most workable social relationship between the majority and minority races of this country.

...if the dividing line between white and black were openly admitted to be such as to foster stratification with in each race, there would be increased opportunity for economic and intellectual progress without the "thi'eat" of racial intermingling. Tlie only feasible immediate adjustment of relations between the Negro and the white man in the United States is one which will recognize both the impossibility of racial equality and the necessity for free dom of self-expression within minorities by adapting a caste system to the needs of both the minority and the majority. 6 7

Angell, as has been previously noted, included the earlier work of Cooley in his 1933 Introductory Sociology indicating

that "two races tend to become castes." 68 Yet, interestingly,

Angell immediately followed the earlier social psychological work

of his uncle with one of the first assertions of the social

structural context of American race relations made by a president

of the association. "The most striking example of this is found

in the race situation in the South. Perhaps the most basic fact

in the whole situation is that under present conditions the

Negro is a source of docile, cheap labor in the South.

Angell noted that social structure may indeed change and

that ultimately, "Survival of the Negro as a separate race would

seem to depend on the building of race pride in the Negroes them

selves, i.e., the growth of a negro demand for biological

6 7 . Donald Young, American Minority Peoples, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1932, p. $84. 68. See page (l4) of this work. 69* Robert C. Angell, Charles H. Cooley, L.J. Carr, Intro ductory Sociology, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1933» p. 2 9 0. 87 70 segregation."

During this period Reuter added little to his previous work in this area. That which he did, however, indicated that he held little hope for assimilation or amalgamation, particularly that which is attempted through government programs and the legal system. In a criticism of Myrdal's epic work. The American Dilemma,

Reuter evidences his distaste for such efforts.

The sociologists and other social scientists who maintain something of a naturalistic rather than a political point of view are classified as defeatists with a "do-nothing" policy; they are said to hold a "theory politically as well as theoret ically biased, biased against induced change." To look to more fundamental processes is classed as a disease. The im portant fact to note is that the author is committing him self to a theoretical position which, if consistently main tained, will determine the direction of the inquiry, deter mine the selection of topics, bias their presentation, and for tell the conclusions of their study. 7 1

The majority of the scholars, though, viewed a future with some form of assimilation/amalgamation. The differences in their positions were often rather minor. Bogardus called on that tried and sometimes tired formula, more and better education. "The

education of both native born and foreign born will be largely

adult in type. The adult education program needs to be enlarged

and speeded up greatly. The times are changing rapidly. People's

emotions are on edge. Fears lead to ill-advised actions. Hysterias 72 turn blind impulses into rioting." His continued reliance on

70. Robert C. Angell, et. al., Introductory Sociology, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 19!i3, P- 29Ô. 71. Edward B. Router, "Review of The American Dilemma," Phylon, Vol. 5» pp. 115-116. 72. Emory S. Bogardus, "Current Problems of Mexican Immigrants," Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 25, p. 173* 88 culture and the mores is seen in his advice on interracial marriage.

"The fitness of two people of different races to marry depends

(a) on being teapermentally adjustable to each other, (b) on being culturally adjustable to each other, and (c) on the degree of social tolerance that the given community expresses toward both races involved."73

The major emphasis continued to be on education, though by the forties a number of the leading sociologists were looking to ward institutional and structural change as well as toward per sonal adjustments and attitudes for "solutions" to racial tension.

Taylor continued the tradition of educational solutions while

Ellsworth Paris anticipated institutional change. "There is-, therefore, a double problem; the one side psychological, the other institutional. It changes slowly, but it does change. A too sudden modification, either of attitude or institution, is not only impermanent in character but tends to be followed by a reaction 75 which temporarily leaves the last state worse than the first."

The impact of the economic shift during the late thirties and early forties was noted by Queen. Here indeed one must observe the relationship of social structure and institutional change to

"race relations." "The practical import in race relations today lies, first in the probability that discussion of national defense

73* Emory S. Bogardus, "What Race are Filipinos?" Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 16, p. 279. 7^. Carl C. Taylor, Rural Sociology, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York; 1953, P* 5 8 7. 75- Ellsworth Paris, Human Nature, McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York; 1937, p. 3 6 5. 89 and of the democratic way of life may stir minorities to new expectations and new demands. Second, strong prejudices have prevented the full use of manpower in defense industries." *76

The often brilliant work of Louis Wirth is an excellent example of the position of the advocate of assimilation during this period. He recognized that the process of change is often slow. He noted that even men such as Hitler can pose as experts on the field of race, "but even where expertise is recognized such as in medecine or engineering, the displacement of super- 77 stition and old ideas is a very slow process." The hoped for change may be seen in relationship to the institutional structure of the country. "Some improvement in race relations might be expected by minimizing or eliminating the causes of economic and social insecurity among all men." 78 During periods of rapid social adjustment, such as World War II, shifts in racial contact are beneficial. Here Wirth relies on the promise of informal as well as formal education. "As our experience which contradicts our stereotypes grows,there is at least the likelihood that our attitudes will eventually be modified. Education, therefore, as it enriches our experiences can become a factor destructive to prejudice,"79

By the early forties, though, many of the questions in the area

7 6 . Stuart A. Queen, "Can Sociologists Face Reality?” American Sociological Review, Vol. 7, p. 8. 77» Louis Wirth, "Race and Public Policy," in Wirth on Cities and Social Life, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., ed., Univeristy of Chicago Press, Chicago; 195^, p. 271, first published in 19^^^» 7 8. Ibid., p. 2 7 6 *. 7 9 . Ibid., p. 2 7 7 . 90 of "race" were beginning to be channeled into the realm of government action. Here Wirth can be seen to be both optimistic and somewhat reserved. "They (prejudices) can be affected for good or ill by laws, official practices, and public policy."8 0

"It must be recognized, however, that public policy is shaped by

the citizenry and that official action cannot in the long run be either too far behind or too far ahead of public sentiment and

Q -t opinion."

The work of the assimilationists early in this period, however, tended to rely almost exclusively on education as an agent of change. Gillette commented that "Some people look upon

the amalgamation process as the ultimate solution of race problems

in America. Obviously such an attitude does not meet the pressing

problems confronting the races today. There are too many practices

and objections to it." 82 The lack of amalgamation, though, does

not preclude assimilation since "It is extremely doubtful if any

thing like complete separation could be made practicable in modern Q Tt complex society." Education was the answer for Gillette. "It is

through education, wisely applied, and the control of disease,

which really is an aspect of education, that the possibilities of 84 the individual and the race are opened up." Odum too, saw

8 0. Louis Wirth, "Race and Public Policy," in Wirth on Cities and Social Life, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., ed.. University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1964, first published in 1944, p. 279. 8 1. Ibid., p. 2 9 1. 8 2. John H. Gillette, Current Social Problems, A.merican Book Company, New York; 1935, p. 498. 8 3. Ibid., p. 4 9 9. 84. Ibid., p. 5 0 0. 91

"a wholesome integration of national culture" and viewed the real hope to be in education and the search for truth.

Robert Park, whose earlier pioneering work in race and the marginal man inspired much theoretical work in the area, foresaw assimilation, but his reliance on the power of attitudes and the mores gave his efforts a tone of conservatism. "Racial antipathy is a more or less natural facet of the mores. They are socially defined categories and therefore subject to change only over a rather protracted period. But great changes in race relations, mostly for the better, have been going on for a considerable time over recent years," 86 Changes are slow to take place and the

idea of "race" was one which Park saw as being very persistent.

This sense of difference is maintained by the fact that peoples of the same racial stock, even when they marry within their class, marry nevertheless in their own racial and national groups, so that the United States tends to become a congeries of racial and national groups. The problem of national solidarity today is not one of sectionalism but one of racialism. 8?

He concluded that the contemporary climate of race realtions was

not one which promoted assimilation. "There are still relatively

few people in the United States who are able, even if they wished

to do so, to treat a Negro democratically, that is, on his merits

as an individual rather than a representative of his race. There 88 is too much race consciousness to permit it."

8 5. Howard W. Odum, "Lynchings, Fears, and Folkways," in Folk, Region, and Society, Jocher, Johnson, Simpson, and Vance, eds, U of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill; 1964, p. 4l. 86. Robert E. Park, "Racial Ideologies," in American Society in War Time, William F. Ogburn, ed., University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1945, p. 1?4. 8 7. Ibid., p. 1 7 9. 8 8. Ibid., p. 1 8 1. 92

The three loading sociologists who were closest to predicting a relatively rapid assimilation did not share the conservative view of Park. Bernard felt that "Race is declining as an important factor for several reasons but as long as men are obviously distinct as black, white, and yellow. ...these men group themselves geogrphic- ally and socially and look upon one another with prejudice...race 89 will be convenient." Yet for Bernard such a system would not continue. As interbreeding necessarily continues "races will 90 become less a fact and the human race more a reality."

E. Franklin Frazier, in the context of Brazil, with a break with the cthnocentrism of American sociology saw the growth of racial amalgamation. "Generally speaking, Brazilians are not disposed to disparage or despise the Negro or those of Negro blood.

It is believed that the Brazilian who is coming into existence through amalgamation will not be white, but will be a fusion of 91 white, black and red,"

By the thirties, Kimball Young had concluded that "there is 92 certainly no evidence for a specific instinct of prejudice." He saw the American black as having made progress toward equality and assimilation. "Not only in art, but in the whole economic and

social structure the negro is pressing forward." 93 Like many.

8 9• Luther L. Bernard, An Introduction to Sociology, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York; 19^2, p. $44. 9 0. Ibid., p. 5 4 4. 9 1. E. Franklin Frazier, "Some Aspects of Race Relations in Brazil," Phylon, Vol. 3, p. 295* 9 2. Kimball Young, Social Psychology, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1930, p. 455. 95

Young also felt that education was to play a crucial role in creating racial harmony- The final "solution" though, was one of amalgamation. All other relationships were seen as merely intermediate in such a process.

Yet mere mixture of races will not produce assimilation. In this country there has been considerable racial crossing between blacks and whites, but there is certainly no complete assimilation despite much culture held in common. Bilogical amalgamation is a definite step in such fusion. It is an inevitable step in the completion of this process, 95

The work of the leading sociologists concerning the particular aspects of the concept of race during the period between 1950 and

1 9 4 9 is represented in the following diagrams;

Ambiguous National Traditional Hypothetical and and Social Biological Supposed Confused Language

Taylor Ogburn Znaniecki Wirth Ross K. Young Angell Bernard Bogardus Router D. Young Gillette Gillin Vance Frazier Sutherland D. Thomas Sanderson

9 4. Kimball Young, Social Psychology, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1950, p. 470. 95» Kimball Young, An Introductory Sociology, American Book Company, New York; 1954, p. 497. 94

Unequal Unequal Reserved Center Equal Reserved Equal

Angell Znaniecki E. Paris D. Young (Cooley's Work) Ross Bernard Wirth Bogardus Taylor Sanderson Angell Ogburn K. Young Gillette Reuter Odum Gillin

Separtisra Pluralism Some Mixture Assimilation Amalgamation

Ross Taylor Sanderson Bernard D. Young E. Paris Park Frazier Reuter Queen Gillette K. Young Angell Bogardus Odum Wirth

The period of the Great Depression and the second World War was marked by a rapidly increasing egalitarianism concerning

"race" in American sociology. Whereas prior to 1920 the presidents were almost in complete accord that there are inherent racial differences, by the thirties none maintained an "unequal" position.

During this same time much of the previous ambiguity about the

concept itself was clarified. There was little agreement, however, about racial contact. No one held the separatist position

while the remaining four stances were well represented. CHAPTER V

1946-1970

The twenty-five years following the close of the Second

World War have witnessed great changes in "race" an<- ethnic relations in the United States# The manpower shortage of the war years had opened positions to the black which had previously been restricted. Following the war, the usual explanations of

"lacking in skill" and "unqualified" were no longer acceptable explanations for many minority group members who had proven their fitness during the war. This period also marked the beginning of racial egalitarianism as a national political issue.

In 1 9 4 8 presidential candidate Harry Truman, against the advice of many party strategists, insisted on the inclusion of civil rights planks in the party platform.

During the fifties and early sixties, under strong pressure from the federal government and courts, Jim Crow became very ill, if not laid to rest. Advocates of racial exclusion were forced into increasingly ineffective and more subtle devices to attain their desires. The sixties have seen the development of a strong ethnic nationalism, first by blacks and then by

Chicanoes and American Indians. By the end of the sixties, following five years of sporadic urban violence, the plight

95 96 of the minority groups in America was well known to most citizens.

The interpretation of this plight, of course, has varied, but ethnic politics and ethnic relations are now very much a part of the national scene.

Use of the Concept

During these 25 years the concept "race" came to be used increasingly as a socially rather than biologically based term.

The concern with precision in discussions of the concept which had been noted in the thirties and early forties continued after the war to the extent that of the twenty-three presidents who wrote on the subject none of their efforts could be categorized as "ambiguous and confused."

The dominant use of the concept was socially based during the past twenty-five years. Of the twenty presidents who did not use the biological definition of "race," half can be placed primarily in the "hypothetical-supposed" category while the remaining ten used the terra dominantly within its social context.

Of those who held the hypothetical-supposed position, primarily

that of a Negro-white dichotomy, six combined it in some way with the view of those who preferred the purely social definition.

Kaclver, for example, rejected the traditional biological use of the terra and preferred the hypothetical color distinctions

as a proper usage of the concept, while clearly indicating the

social basis of such distinctions. 97

The term race should never be used to signify species of permanent genetic divisions of the genus Homo, We know of no such species. For taxonomic purposes we can distin guish three or four "races" of mankind, but here we use the terra "race" in a freer sense# We mean by races clusters of peoples with some geographic identification, each cluster exhibiting typically a combination of minor physical dif^ ferences genetically transmissable. We get our inclusive race groups by giving emphasis to skin color, so that in the usual classification we have the white, yellow, and black races,1

Robert Faris commented that the Negro and white constituted

"antagonistic groups" and noted that racial categories were often the "object of racial and cultural prejudice and discrimination."^

Parsons also has made numerous references to the white and Negro

"races" while indicating their context within a social framework, often like Maclver with a reference to color,^

Dorothy Swaine Thomas, whose usual work in this area was primarily from the perspective of demography, faced the question of social context in studying the "relocation camps" of Japanese-

Araericans during the second World War, "It soon became apparent that both official and popular classifications of members of the

Japanese minority failed to make a differentiation on the basis of citizenship. As early as December 8, the status of Nesei as American citizens was disregarded in favor of their status 4 as descendents of the Japanese enemy."

1, Robert M. Kaclver, The More Perfect Union. The MacMillan Company, New York; 1948, p. 269» 2, Robert E.L, Faris, Social Disorganization, The Ronald Press, New York; 1948, pp. 395» 455» 3. Talcott Parsons, "The Problem of Polarization on the Axis of Color," in Color and Race, John H, Franklin, ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1968, p. 358, 4. D,S, Thomas, The Spoilage, with Richard S. Nishimoto, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles; 1946,p,6. 98

Merton and Becker also tended to onphasize the social aspects of the usual hypothetical classificatory scheme. Becker referred

to Jews and Chinese as being in the position of "middle man

trading peoples," while Merton used the standard Negro-white

division, but was careful to place them within the perspective of

social. -, groups. 5,6

The remaining four presidents whose work may bo seen within

the criteria of the hypothetical "races" seem to have arrived at

their position through the use of demographic data. The census

data are traditionally structured along the lines of the "hypo

thetical-supposed" use of the concept. Those who use such data

tend to use the terra in a similar manner. Loomis made reference

to Negroes and whites as "races" in his highly publicized president-

<7 ial address of 1967* Stouffer's monumental work on the American g soldier employed the usual division of white and Negro. Turner 9 10 and Hauser also both spoke of the Negro and white minorities. *

Those who continued this use of the concept following the end

of World War II, however, tended to do so mostly in passing. The

developed and articulate references to "race" were primarily those

5. quoted in Simpson and Yinger, Racial and Cultural Minorities, Harper and Row, Now York; 1965, p. 146, reference to Howard P. Becker, Man in Reciprocity, Praeger, New York; 1956, chapter 15» 6. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 1949, p. 185. 7. Charles P. Loomis, "Conflict and Its Resolution," American Sociological Review, Vol. 52, p. 890. 8. Samuel Stouffer, et- al.. The American Soldier, Volumes I and II, Princeton University Press, Princeton; 19^9» 9. Ralph H. Turner, "Negro Job Status and Education," Social Forces, Vol. 52, p. 45- 10. Philip M. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro," Daedalus, Vol. 94, Fall 1965, p. 854. 99 of the presidents who maintained that the term must be viewed as socially based. Half of the ten who viewed it in this way speci fically recognized the biological distinctions which had been the heritage of the concept. Kingsley Davis' discussion of the black- white dichotomy in this country indicates such a blend.

In fact, even when a racial basis is assumed there is a tendency to assign the child's position on the basis of the parent's position. In the United States a child of "Negro" parentage tends to be defined as "Negro" regardless of the fact that he may be almost totally white in a physical sense. Some of the Southern states define as a Negro any person who has a drop of Negro blood in his veins. Such a definition is obviously more sociological than racial.11

Similarly Rose noted that "The Negro race" is defined in America

by the white people. Everybody having a known trace of Negro

blood - no matter how far back it was acquired - is classified

as a Negro.Rose was also one of those semantic magicians

who greatly troubled Lundberg. He felt that the terra had become

so confused that it should be forgotten.

Even those minority groups which have a racial basis - like the Negroes, Chinese and Indians - are not pure races, and there is no scientific value in referring to any group of people in the United States as a race. Secondly, there is so much confusion in the use of the terra "race," and so much harm has occurred in the world because of this confusion, that it would be best to abolish the term from our vocabulary completely. Thirdly, the terra "race" is a biological terra, whereas the problems we are considering are almost exclusively social problems. 13

11. Kingsley Davis, Human Society, The MacMillan Company, Now York; 1949, p. 112. 12. Arnold M. Rose, The Negro in America, Harper and Brothers, New York; 1948, p. 42. 1 3. Arnold M. Rose and Caroline Rose, America Divided, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1930, p. 3 . 100

Bluraer found that "the tern race is fundamentally a biological concept." ile also questioned its viability. "Quite clearly if the concept of race as a biological grouping varies and is consistent in its criteria the concept itself is deficient for both empirical reference and for theorizing.Blumar concluded that the concept must be seen in its social context.

Race remains a myth in Europe, in that nowhere there in the past or present - not even in Nazi Germany - were physical characteristics taken as the identifying marks by which an individual was included in or excluded from a people. Some might argue that we should limit a discussion of race relations to relations between peoples easily distinguished by physical differences or skin color. There is something to be said for that view as a way of limiting our field, but I would answer that race is a social myth, as a symbol of unity, must be considered as part of the process with which we are concerned. 16

Znaniecki also commented on the "racial myths" of common descent and noted that the Chinese and Jews were biologically varied indeed. 17 Odum, whose work like that of Fairchild encom passed the four periods used in this investigation, now recognized

the dominance of social factors in the concept. "To the sociolo^i gist race is no longer thought of primarily as a biological phenomenon; rather, race is interpreted as a complex of societal

conditioning in which culture is considered to be more dominant

than biology.

14. Herbert Blumer, "Reflections on Theory of Race Relations," in Race Relations in World Perspective, Andrew W. Lind, ed.. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu; 1955» P* 5- 1 5. Ibid., p. k. 1 6 . Ibid., p. 103» 1 7 . Florian Znaniecki, Modern Nationalities, The University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois; 1952, p. 87- 1 8. Howard W. Odum, Understanding Society, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1947, p. 137. 101

The retnaining five presidents whose work after 19^5 dealt with the terra placed "race" exclusively within its social frame work. For them, the biological bases of the concept could simply be ignored. Robin Williams has emphasized ethnic and minority groups rather than "so-called racial groupings." 19 Yet when confronted with defining the concept, he relied solely on social definitions. "In general, it was not difficult to define minority group populations by relying upon the commonly accepted local definitions, crude and simple as this method may seera. That is,

"Negroes" were all persons so regarded by themselves and by other persons who were clearly themselves Negro. "Jews" were persons who regarded themselves as Jewish and were so regarded 20 by others."

Frazier continued to draw on cross-cultural refernces to indicate the necessity of viev/ing "race" within a cultural context. He noted that "In the United States blacks and raixed- bloods, including those without any sign of Negro ancestry, are classified as Negroes. On the other hand, when one refers 21 to Negroes in Brazil, one means black people."

Everett Hughes also focused on cross-cultural referents

for the concept. He noted the unique position of the Cape

Colored of South Africa as compared with the "racial hybrid"

1 9. Robin M. Williams, "Unity and Diversity in America," Social Forces, Vol. p. 4. 20. Robin Williams, Strangers Next Door, Prentice-Hall Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey; 1964, p. 11. 21. E. Franklin Frazier, Race and Culture Contacts in the Modern World, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1957« 102

22 of the United States. He concluded that "race" must be viewed within its particular cultural context.

The significance of race in North America and our definition of it have given us sharp and supicious eyes. Most Americans will immediatly place another with but few Negroid characteristics as a Negro. Our definition of races is then both complicated and simple. There is no American who could not be a Negro, as far as physique is concerned. In that sense it is complicated. It is simple, however, in that anyone is a Negro if it is obvious some of his ancestors were Negro, and in that anyone is considered a Negro if it is known or strongly rumored that one or more of his ancestors were Negroid. 23

Bendix employed the increasingly accepted position of viewing

majority and minority groups. He found that minority groups were 24 often "ethnically segregated groups." For him the work force

could be seen within such a context. "Indeed, today there are

two working classes in America, a white one and a Negro, Mexican, 25 Puerto Rican one."

Finally, Emory Bogardus, another scholar whose work covered

the years encompassed by this study, had by now shifted from his

previously ambiguous position and was maintaining that the concept

is socially based.

What is race? Scientifically it is a group of people possessing a distinctive line of biological characteristics. But the cultural anthropologists who are studying the various peoples of the world today cannot find any large group of people which possesses biological characteristics which no other group possesses. Hence the terra race cannot be used

22. Everett C. Hughes, "Social Change and Status Protest: An Essay on the Marginal Han," Phylon, Vol. 10, p. 62. 2 3. Everett C. Hughes, "Anomalies and Projections," Daedalus, Vol. 9 4, Fall 1 9 6 5, p. 1 1 3 8. 24. Reinhard Bendix, and Seymour Martin Lipset, Social Mobility in Industrial Society, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles; 1959, ?• 8 0. 2 3. Ibid., p. 1 0 6 . 103

scientifically speaking except in some general way to refer to mankind. Popularly speaking, a race is a group of people who have acquired cultural differences of a distinctive nature and who perhaps possess some more or less distinctive biological traits - which upon examin ation turn out to be superficial except as some opposing group makes them seem important.26

Though the great majority of the presidents preferred one of the socially based definitions of the concept, three continued to place emphasis on the biological foundation of the term. For them, the socially based distinctions were simply beyond the territory encompassed by "races”

Henry Pratt Fairchild, whose work was included in all of the periods which constitute this study, continued his long held contention that race must be seen solely as a biological concept. 27 For him, "nothing is racial that is not physically inherited..."

Ogburn, too, continued his earlier use of the term while com menting that "Race is a biological concept implying inherited 23 biological structures."

The most adamant opponent of the social definition of race was George Lundberg. For him, the concept was clearly biological and any attempt to redefine it or to "obscure" it in an inter ne tionist framework was absurd.

It is not hard to find anthropologists who, suffering from the semantic delusion that if you get rid of a word you get rid of what the word stands for, have been trying to abolish the word race. Franz Boas, a distinguished

26. Emory S. Bogardus, "Reducing Racial Tensions," Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 35i PP* 50-51• 2 7 . Henry Pratt Fairchild, Race and Haticnality, The Ronald Press Company, New York; 19'+7, p. 11. 2 8. William F. Ogburn, William F. Ogburn on Culture and Social Change, Otis Dudley Duncan, ed.. University of Chicago,Press, Chicago; 1964. "Race Relations and Social Change," originally published in I9 6I, p. l8 7« 104

anthropologist in many ways, was a leader in this campaign. Some of his students were badly affected with his mania. The main proposition - namely, that the word race has no referent - breaks down rather badly in the face of simple observation. The argument therefore tends to shift to the contention that while the alleged characteristics and differences that constitute the referent of the word race do exist, they are not significant.29

Equality

The work of the presidents during the quarter century following

the second World War continued the pattern which was established during the thirties and early forties. The only change during

this time was a shift from the position of uncertainty on the part of several scholars to one of outright denial of inherent racial differences. By this time the decision was all but un animous. Only Lundberg, as the maverick positivist, held strongly

stated reservations about the dominant assertion of inherent

racial equality.

For Lundberg, the question of inherent racial differences

simply could not be answered without better devices and techniques

for measurement.

This (the question of differences in racial abilities) is a question of fact to be determined in each case as adequate tests become available. Until such tests become conclusive we cannot assume the differences in certain abilities, nor can we assume that such differences do not exist. All that can be said is that we do not know. It is true that wholly unwarranted assumptions have been made about inherent differences and ability among racial and ethnic groups, and that the demonstratable differences can be shown quite conclusively to be clearly the results of cultural differ entials. The fact that absurd contentions regarding the inferiority of some races have been made does not warrant

2 9. George A. Lundberg, "Some Neglected Aspects of the Minorities Problem, " Reprint ,^8, The International Association for the Advancement of Etnology and Eugenics 1 0 5

an equally absurd assumption that there cannot be statisti cally significant differences between racial, ethnic, religious and any other classification of the human species, in any oi* all abilities whatsoever. When valid tests of a great variety of abilities become available we shall be able to answer these questions. In the meantime there appears to be no warrant for denying the possibility for such differences. 30

Five of the presidents, although not as unenthusiastic as

Lundberg, were not willing to fully endorse the position of inherent racial equality. Like Lundberg, Fairchild asserted that scientific evidence regarding the question simply was not available.

Yet unlike Lundberg, Fairchild was willing to accept, at least tentatively, the egalitarian position. "Until we have conclusive scientific evidence one way or the other, let it be assumed that

the Negro, though perhaps not identical in his mental and emotional equipment, is certainly the equal of the white man, and if given equivalent opportunities for the development of his innate capacities will be able to stand on his own and be able to give an account of himself.

Znaniecki also indicated a reluctance in accepting the dominant position, though he found that racial differences are

accentuated by their cultural setting. In speaking of racial

mixture he points out the cultural habit of ignoring what are

thought to be inferior races or characteristics in a blend and

3 0. George A. Lundberg, "Some Neglected Aspects of the Minor ities Problem," Reprint #8, The International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics, reprinted from The Mankind Quarterly, Vol. 3, 1963, pp. 4-5. 3 1. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Race and nationality. The Ronald Press Company, New York; 194?, p. lé?» 106

32 pointing out those that are thought to be superior. Odum denied

that there are inherent racial differences, but felt obligated to

indicate many other sources of apparent inequality. "Instead of

being inherently and organically different from each other, races

are group products from the same universal human being going through

the same processess; therefore, race relfects the total physical, 33 cultural, and folk-regional background,"

The reservations of Angell and Gillin, although not of major

proportions, represented significant schools of thought. For

Angell, the Negro was seen within the American system and found

to be deviant. "By the terms of the social situation in which

they live, then, Negroes are unstable persons." Gillin continued

his previous questions which seemed to be raised by the measure

ment of brain weights. "Investigations show that no significant

racial differences as to ability, intelligence, or aptitude for

cutlure and social life have been discovered.though...certain

studies have suggested that Negro brain weights are on the average 35 less than white brain weights."

In viewing the contiuura of equal!ty-inequality, one other

president's work differed somewhat from the majority view of

equality during this time. Samuel Stouffer's explanations of

32. Florian Znaniecki, Modern Nationalities, The University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois; 1952, p. 91* 33* Howard W . Odum, Understanding Society, The MacMillan Company, New York;;194?, p. 13^. 5’»-* Robert C. Angell, Moral Integration of American Cities, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1951, pT ll8* 35* John L. Gillin, Cultural Sociology, TheMacMillan Company, New York, 1948, pp. 69-70* 107

Negro-white differences evidenced by the American fighting man of the second World War clearly are not as fully in the egalitarian position as were answers to similar problems given by other presidents. In commenting on the infamous Army intelligence tests he warned that "In evaluating AGCT test scores of Negroes, caution is necessary. The subject goes beyond the scope of this chapter, but it may be noted that the atmosphere in which Negroes took the tests was not always satisfactory, as doubtless was frequently the case with whites.The actual explanation of white-Negro intelligence test score differences, assuming that it was gen uinely environmental, however, is never clearly given. Stouffer does, though, deny some of the usual stereotypes- "A concept of

the average Negro as a happy, dull, indifferent creature, who was quite contented with his status in the social system as a whole and in the military segment of that system, finds little 37 support in this study."

Sixteen of the presidents, with varying degrees of thorough

ness, presented a completely egalitarian view of racial differences

in their work during the quarter century following 19^5» Their

efforts, of course, represent the dominant trends in theories

of ethnic and intergroup relations as they are presented today.

For Merton, observed differences between "races" can be

best understood with the aid of the "self-fulfilling prophecy."

"Sensitized to the workings of the self-fulfilling prophecy.

3 6 . Samuel A. Stouffer, et.al.. The American Soldier, Vol umes I and II. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey; 1 9 4 9, p. 4 9 2. 5 7 . Ibid., p. 595» 108 we should be prepared to find that the anti-Negro charges which are not patently false are only speciously true.

Thus, if the dominant in-group believes that Negroes are inferior, and sees to it that funds for education are not "wasted on these incompetents" and then proclaims as final evidence of this inferiority that Negroes have proportion ately "only” one-fifth as many college graduates as whites, one can scarely be amazed by this transparent bit of social legerdemain. Having seen that rabbit carefully though not too adroitly placed in the hat, we can only look askance at the triumphant air with which it is finally produced. So plain is the mechanism of the self-fulling prophecy in these instances that only those forever devoted to the victory of sentiment over fact can take these specious evidences seriously. In fact, it is a little embarassing to note that a larger proportion of Negro than white high school graduates goes on to college; obviously the N groes who are hardy enough to scale the high walls of discrimination represent an even more highly selected group than the run- of-the-high-school white population. 3 8

The work of Robin Williams also represents the much more

highly refined and sophisticated efforts seen during this period.

He focused on patterns of interaction, structural systems, and

institutionalization as well as his better known work on attitudes

as explanatory devices for intergroup relations. "It is enough

to say that categorical discriminations are widespread in estab

lished practice, and are often crystallized into whole systems of

legislation." 39 He pointed to the ancient doctrine of separate

but equal as another source of difficulty in achieveing racial

equality. "The legal doctrine of equal but separate public services

for white and Negroes is largely a cultural fiction; national law

3 8. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Tlie Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 19^9» P* 1 8 5. 3 9. Robin Williams, American Society, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1958, p. 439. 109 requires equality, some localities insist upon segregation, and castelike perogatives, and the unequal and separate facilities result.

Some tended to focus on the inequities such as levels of education and income which could clearly be indicated in any review of the appropriate data. Turner commented that "With some special exceptions, the Negro who attains any given level of education is unable to convert his training into as high an occupational position ifl as would a white person." Hauser added that "Negroes earn a If2 lower income than whites with similar jobs." Bendix found that

"a disproportionate share of poverty, unemployment, sickness, and all forms of deprivation have fallen to the lot of minority groups, especially fifteen million Negro Americans."

Ogburn, Moore, and Davis wore more exlicit about their interpretations of demographic data. Moore commented that "employ ers and white employees alike may assert, with partial truth, that the Negro is not qualified for many types of individual employment.

But this is likely to leave, or actually seek to create, the mistaken impression that the lack of qualification is a racial trait rather than the result of past discrimination in opportunities

40. Robin Williams, American Society, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1958, p. 364. 41. Ralph H. Turner, "Negro Job Status and Education," Social Forces, Vol. 32, p. 45. 42. Philip M. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro," Daedalus, Vol. 94, Fall 1965, p. 360. 4 3. Reinhard Bendis and Seymour Martin Lipset, Social Mobility in Industrial Society, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles; 1959, ?• 8 0. 110

If If for advancement." In a similar vein, Davis noted that those who find Asians less qualified than Europeans "overlook the independence of race and culture." Ogburn simply concluded that "race does 46 not determine social behavior."

Many scholars, though, were not so circumspect in their references to the problem, but continued to address the ancient nature-nurture debate more fully. Emory Bogardus found that "The biological differences may be illustrated by the variations in color of the skin, which are not even skin deep but only pigments ation deep, and which do not seem to bear any genetic connection with intellectual abilities or ability to serve the world efficient- 4.7 ly." Robert M. Maclver similarly concluded;

...there is no scientific confirmation of the socially derived theories that one or the other of these "races," so defined, is intrinsically superior genetically. Given favorable environment and social opportunity the members of races or ethnic groups or other groups that have low historical rating show such responsiveness as to discountenance the doctrine of innate racial superiority. 48

The remaining four presidents who concluded that there are no

inherent differences in racial ability discussed their positions

with reference to the development of science and the social context

44. Wilbert E. Moore, Industrial Relations and the Social Order, The MacMillan Comapny, New York; 1%!, p^ h’sèl 4 5. Kingsley Davis, Human Society, The MacMillan Company, Hew York; 1949, pp. 6 0 8-6 0 9. 46. William F. Ogburn, William F. Ogburn on Culture and Social Change, Otis Dudley Duncan, ed,. University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1964, p. 137- 4 7 . Emory Bogardus, "Reducing Racial Tensions," Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 43, p. 51* 48. Robert M. Maclver, The More Perfect Union, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1948, p. 2?0. Ill of discovery. Blumer believed that;

One should bear in mind that the earliest explanations of race relations were in terms of innate factors. It was assumed that racial groups existed as fixed biological stocks, each with a native endov/ment of intelligence, temperament, emotion and instinct which distinguished it from others. These respective native endowments explained the social positions into which the racial groups fell, their patterns of relationship, and their feelings of strangeness and pre judice toward one another. It was only when the ideas of innate racial feelings were questioned that scholarly study of race relations may be said to have begun. 49

Arnold Rose pointed to the flaws in earlier arguments. "The correct observation that the Negro was inferior was tied up to

the correct belief that man belongs to a biological universe, and by twisting logic, the incorrect deduction was made that inferior

ity was biological in nature.Such specious reasoning, though, was a passing phenomenon.

The last two or three decades, however, have seen a revolution in scientific thought on the racial character istics of the Negro. This revolution embraces not only the whole race issue outside the Negro problem, but also the basic question of heredity versus environment. The social sciences in America, and particularly sociology, anthropology, and psychology have increasingly found that environment, rather than heredity, is more important. 51

The most highly refined explanations of the relationship

between science, equality, and society were those of Franklin

Frazier and Everett Hughes. Frazier noted that many of the

"differences" between "races" do not exist but are merely perceived;

"such as the white liberal concentrating on the highly developed

4 9. Herbert Blumer, "United States of America," in Research on Racial Attitudes, United Nations, Amsterdam; 1966, p." IO6 . 5 0. Arnold Rose, The Negro in America, Harper and Brothers, New York; 1948, p. 55- 5 1. Ibid., p. 3 4. 112

52 emonyiona of the black." Hughes, taking a stance reminiscent of Park, found the entire problem of racial equality to be a drain on scientific resources.

Being scientifically minded, wo Americans address our new rationalizations in the sheep's clothing of science. The inequality in the position of the races in this country v;as once defended by scriptural quotation; now it is defended by what are called "facts" of biology and psychology. And those of us who are interested in getting new light on and more just action in the relations between peoples take up the chase. If someone says that Negroes have poor jobs because they are biologically incapable of learning complicated skills, we set about to prove that Negroes can do anything that anyone else can learn to do. If then the "fact" of incapacity to learn is modified to say that Negroes are good whith their hands, but not with their heads, we get busy to prove that that isn't so either. Then someone comes along with the defense that although they can learn as well, or almost as well, as other people, Negroes lack sexual or other controls necessary to the nicer positions in our society; we chase that one. Or perhaps Negroes don’t smell nice; so we start counting sweat glands. Truth is better than error, and should be spread with the more vigor when the error is one that does great damage. What I do object to is giving the terms of the game into the hands of the enemy, who, by inventing a new rationalization everyday, leads us a merry and endless chase. We attack the devil's changing disguises instead of the devil himself. 53

Racial Contact

The work of the presidents during the twenty-five years

following World War II evidenced a retreat from the more romantic

solutions of racial inequality which had been seen earlier. The

concern was now one of short term possibilities and probabilities

rather than the more expansive offerings which had previously been

52. E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1965 (19575» P- 6??. 53» Everett C. Hughes, with Helen M. Hughes, Where Peoples Meet; Racial and Ethnic Frontiers, Tlie Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 1952,” pp. 147-14Ü. 113 displayed. Along with the less extreme solutions came new concerns.

The presidents were now showing an increasing interest in the

institutional and structural bases of racism. No longer were solutions directed entirely at fitting the black man to the

majority institutions.

As was the case with the question of inherent racial equality,

the most extreme work was that of George Lundberg. In viewing the

problems of racial discrimination, Lundberg followed the trail cut

many years before by Sumner. Scholars tend to ignore the mores,

he felt, and in so doing are unable to cope with the problem.

Closely related to the error of trying to talk out of existence demonstratable differences between racial and ethnic groups is the failure to recognize and emphasize the universality of the phenomenon of discrimination by groups against each other on the basis of all kinds of differences, physical and social. $4

For Lundberg, though, the universality of discrimination, in the

strictest Sumnerian tradition, not only indicated that such an

occurance was "natural," but also that it was justified.

It should be pointed out that the right to discriminate and to chose one’s primary group associates on whatever discriminatory basis one pleases is among the most generally recognized in our culture by both common and statute law. It is frequently overlooked that the rights in this respect are correlative and implied in all our rights to certain things is also the right not to do them. The right to speak includes the right to be silent. The right to associate with Negroes includes the right not to associate with them. The right to drink alcoholic liquor implies the right to abstain therefrom. Has it over occured to some of our staunchest crusaders for civil rights that among these rights may be the right to

5 4. George A. Lundberg, "Some Neglected Aspects of the Minorities Problem," Reprint The International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics, reprinted from The Mankind Quarterly, Vol. 5» 1965, p. 6. 114

dislike and discriminate against colored persons. Oriental persons, poets, sociologists, men, women, children, cats, and dogs? 55

While the work of Lundberg is best described as that of separatism. Parsons and Fairchild advocated varieties of pluràlism,

Fairchild continued his previous reluctance for "racial" mixture.

"One thing should be said - such a program (breaking down racial barriers through interbreeding) should be adopted with great caution, because the process would be entirely irreversible. If it were discovered eventually that it was a mistaken policy *56 nothing could be done about it."

Like Lundberg, Parsons indicated that racial and particularly color distinctions are "primordial" and that they have been and 57 continue to be almost universal. He also felt that "The relation ship in the South is based on long standing role relationships.

This segregation is necessary to minimize the strain.Yet

Parsons cannot be judged to be a separatist, "...it is essential

to make a clear distinction between inclusion and assimilation.

There may be pluralism of religious and ethnic groups among full

citizens which cuts across many other involvements of the same 59 people." He rejects the conflict model emphasis on a solution

55» George A. Lundberg, "Some Neglected Aspects of the Minorities Problem," Reprint #8, The International Association for the Advancement ofEthnology and Eugenics, reprinted from The Mankind Quarterly, Vol. 5, 1965, p. 12. 56^1 Henry Pratt Fairchild, Race and Nationality, The Ronald Press Company, New York; 194?» p. l64. 5 7 . Talcott Parsons, "The Problem of Polarization on the Axis of Color," in Color and Race, John Franklin, ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1968, p. 558. 5 8. Talcott Parsons, The Social System, New York; 1964, p. 281. 5 9. Talcott Parsons, "Full Citizenship for the Negro in Ameri ca? A Sociological Problem," Daedalus, Vol. 94, 1965» P» IOI5. 115 through power and interests and concludes that "It is only a balanced combination of "ideal" and "real" factors which provides the formula for success.Success being the realization of the basic demand "...for full inclusion, not for domination or for equality on a basis of separateness."^^

The work of the largest group of presidents, nine, falls generally in the middle of the continuum under the heading which has been titled "some mixture." John Gillin, for instance, allowed that "...there is no evidence that it (race mixture) necessarily leads to biological degeneration of any sort under normal circumstances." He cautioned though that "such mixture docs, however, destroy the purity of the types."6 2

Like Parsons, Hauser commented that "In the transition to an integrated society, a delicate balance must be attained and main tained between strategies and tactics of conflict and those of consensus.His concern with a growing drift toward militance was accompanied by a concern with "legal compulsion" and the rapid growth of the black population. Both of these factors he thought

to be deterants to integrationThe sources of the "problem," however, were not entirely the responsibility of the black.

Hauser's work amply reflects the growing awareness of "the white

problem." Though he felt that "The poverty of the Negro family

6 0 . Talcott Parsons, "Full Citizenship for the Negro in Amer ica? A Sociological Problem," Daedalus, Vol. 94, p. 104l. 6 1 . Ibid., p. 1040, 6 2 . John L. Gillin, Cultural Sociology, The MacMillan Com pany, New York; 1948, p. SET. 63. Philip M. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro," Daedalus, Vol. 94, Fall 1965, p. 875» 64. Ibid., p. 864. 116 must rank as the single most important factor preventing the

Negro from developing those abilities which could help him assume both the rights and obligations of being a first-class American citizen," he emphasized that "There are at least two basic sets of factors that retard integration. One is the group of demo graphic characteristics of the Negro which restrict his partici pation in the main stream of American life. The second is to be found not in the characteristics of the Negro but in the attitudes and behavior of the whites.Indeed Hauser's suggestion for corrective education differed greatly from most of those offered in previous years.

The need for massive programs to educate whites has not yet been fully recognized. Just as it is important to think in terms of "compensatory education" for Negroes because of "cultural deprivation" so, also, it is important to think of "corrective education" for whites because of white supremacy and racism and the distorted image of the Negro which are still to be found in large elements of our population. 66

Stouffer found that many of the shifts in employment which affected the black during World War II heralded increased change, though he was not entirely certain of its direction. There would be both an increase in black group identity and in compromises which would encourage racial assimilation.

Compromises improving the Negroes' position came about, on the one hand, because of the conscience of white America, which, as delineated by Myrdal and his associates, leads to gestures in the direction of conforming to the American

6 5 . Philip M. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro," Daedalus, Vol. 94, Fall 1965, p. 870. 66. Ibid., p. 8 7 3. 117

creed, and, on the other hand, because they represented concessions extorted by a group well on its way to becoming a self-conscious minority which holds a strategic position politically in many localities. Yet tensions remained - on the white side for fear perhaps, of more "demands;" on the Negro side because gains fell short of goals- 6?

Robert Merton concentrated on the necessity for institutional change while also expressing a disbelief in the long cherished thought that education would somehow cure racial problems in the

United States. About the latter he commented that "One does not expect a paranoic to abondon his hard-won distortions and delusions upon being informed that they are altogether groundless. If psychic ills could be cured merely by the dissemination of truth, the psychiatrists of the country would be suffering from techno- 68 logical unemployment rather than overwork." For Merton, cal culated institutional and legal policies must be undertaken to aid in the demise of discrimination. Only then will the disastrous effects of the self-fulfilling prophecy be overcome and avoided.

Under appropriate institutional and administrative conditions, the experience of interracial unity can supplant the fear of interracial conflict. These changes, and others of the same kind, do not occur automatically. The self- fulfilling prophecy, whereby fears are translated into reality, operates only in the abscence of deliberate institutional controls. Ethnic prejudices do die - but slowly. They can be helped over the threshold of oblivion, not by insisting that it is unreasonable and unworthy of them to survive, but by cutting off their sustenance now provided by certain institu tions of our society. 69

Several of the scholars who are considered to be in the

6?» Samuel A. Stouffer, et. al.. The American Soldier, Volumes I and II, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey; 1949, p. 48?. 68. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 1949, p. I8j. 69. Ibid., p. 194. 118 center of the separatism/amalgamation continuuia tend toward the side of assimilation. Cottrell emphasized the consensus aspects of intergroup relations in overcoming racial difficulties.

"Mediation between groups in conflict is possible only when

effective appeal can be made to a superior value-consensus which

transcends group differences, e.g., the preservation of a larger

community, common larger interests, basic religious values, shared ^ „70 norms, etc."

Blumer envisioned the lessening of the present racial distinc

tions, but his view could hardly be characterized as one of

assimilation. "Undoubtedly, the dynamic forces of modern industri

alized society will lead to marked changes of race relations

and certainly over time to a dirainuation of their importance. I

do not think, however, that race relations will disappear. There

will still be occasion inside of the complex, diversified, and

moving society for peoples to identify each other as racial 71 groups."'

Like others. Rose was impressed by the rapid changes which

took place during V/orld War II. He cautioned though "that some

of this change will not be permanent, of course, but the unions,

the new skills the Negroes have learned, and the growing experience

7 0 . Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., quoted by Robin Williams in The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions; A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations, Social Science Research Council, New York; 1947, p. 73» 7 1 . Herbert Blumer, "Reflections on Theory of Race Relations," in Race Relations in World Perspective, Andrew W. Lind, ed., University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu; 1955» p. I8. 119 of employers and the public with Negro workers will prevent renewal of the extremes of economic discrimination that existed in 72 the last depression." He did not foresee an easy or tranquil transition to assimilation, however. "While we place reaction toward slavery, violence, and extreme hatred outside the scope of our analysis, we must recognize that the future course of race relations will not be smooth. There will be plateaus and setbacks, even if the efforts at solution of the race problems remain 73 constant."

Robin Williams, on the other hand, tended more toward the side of pluralism. He called for more research on which to base attempts at solutions and also noted, in the tradition of Myrdal, the conflict between many of the American values with the reality of 7^ discrimination. He was greatly impressed, however, with the need of a growing black consciousness, a fact which indicates a reluct ance to predict racial assimilation, at least in the near future.

One of the great handicaps of American Negroes until very recent times v/as the lack of positive ethnocentrism that could unite the various segments of the Negro population in collect ive efforts to improve their position. As a consequence of slavery and later systematic discrimination, Negroes' acceptance of the majority group's culture entailed initial acceptance of white values, including ambivalent deprecation of their own physical traits and social characteristics. 75

72. Arnold Rose, with Caroline Rose, America Divided, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; 1950, P» 508. 73. Ibid., p. 326. 7 4 . Robin Williams, The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions; A Scientific Analysis of the Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations, SSRC, New York; 19^7, p. 8. 7 5 . Robin Williams, Strangers Next Door, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey; 19&4, p. 299. 120

Perhaps the most specualtive "solution" offered by a president during this period was given by Charles Loomis during his highly publicized presidential address in 196?- The speculative suggestion of Loomis was one of separatism. "Why should not

Negroes as those among the blackpower group who truly believe that they are forever barred from attaining social justice in the

United States have the chance, if they desire it, to organize a model society such as Israel has done?"^^ It would not be accurate, however, to characterize Loomis as a separatist since his view of

this ideal society was quite limited; a point that was lost in the publicity which followed his address.

It should be noted that this ideal settlement - some might call it a second Israel - is only for those who cannot come to terms with the United States after that point is reached where all that can be done has been done to bring social justice. I can, therefore, here stop talking of this project because it is, hopefully, unnecessary. 77

Tile remaining eight leading sociologists who attempted

predictions or solutions to the racial problems during this period

envisioned some form of assimilation. Six of these eight made

specific reference to the positive effects for assimilation which

occured during the rapid change of the second World War. Bendix

commented that "...the shortage of manpower and the general

prosperity during WWII opened up unprecedented opportunities for

76. Charles P. Loomis, "Conflict and Its Resolution," American Sociological Review, Vol. 32, p. 889. 77. Ibid., p. 890. 121

78 training and occupational advancement." Though the process of assimilation was not truly rapid, Bendix judged the changes to be

"remarkable." He was particularly impressed with the fact that the black man still considered himself a part of the American system and continued to hold assimilation as a goal. "Thus the 'American creed' finds many believers among the men and women who carry a disproportionate share of the heaviest burdens of American 79 society."

Znaniecki felt that "the influence of racial myths is decreasing" since they had been "explicitly rejected by the communist ideologists, ignored by the League of Nations and the

United Nations." Perhaps the greatest effect in blunting the force of racial mythology was a part of the war. "The absurdity of the racial mythology promulgated by the Nazi regime and its destructive consequences discredited more than any scientific criticism the doctrine that nationalities are coextensive with races." Bo

Ogburn noted that "In our society in the United States social changes that provide changes in race relations occur notably in Si education, in occupations, and in changes in technology."

Again, war is a critical factor. "War, the restriction of immi

gration, and mechanical invention have been influential in

7 8. Reinhard Bendix, with Seymour Martin Lipset, Social Mobility in Industrial Society, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles; 1959, p. 107. 7 9 . Ibid., p. 1 0 7 . 8 0. Florian Znaniecki, Modern Nationalities, University of Illinois Press, Urbana; 1952, pp. 92-93. 8 1. William F. Ogburn, "Race Relations and Social Change," 1 9 6 1, in William F. Ogburn on Culture and Social Change, Otis Dudley Duncan, ed., University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1964, p. 189. 122 reducing économie discrimination, probably, much more than exhortatory or organized reform movements made without these influences."8 2

Odum found that periods of great change, such as the war, have tended to move the country in the direction of " a wholesome integration of national culture." A more fully developed treatment of the mechanisms by which such change can be effected was that of Robert Maclver. He reasoned that since government has become an increasingly large employer, propoganda campaigns could result in change much faster than they would if employment was entirely in the hands of private entrepreneurs.^^

Reuter viewed the conflict between the major powers of World

War II as bringing into very clear focus the racial inequities in the United States. "The efforts to define the war as a conflict between the democratic countries and peoples and those adhering to opposite ideologies and ways of life brought to public notice

the fact that anti-democratic standards and practices, with their subtended racial ideologies and legal sanctions, are the rule in Qk the southern sections of the country." The growing awareness of

the problems in this country and the increasing assimilation of

8 2. William F. Ogburn, "Race Relations and Social Change," 1 9 6 1, in William F. Ogburn on Culture and Socail Change, Otis Dudley Duncan, ed., University of Chicago Press, Chicago; 1964, p. 1 9 0. 8 3. Howard W. Odum, in Folk, Region, and Society,Jocher, Simpson, Vance, and Johnson, eds., University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill; 1964, p. 4l. 84. Robert M. Maclver, The More Perfect Union, The MacMillan Company, New York; 1948, pp. 255-257« 8 5. Edward B. Reuter, "Southern Scholars and Race Relations," Phylon, Vol. 7, pp. 221-222. 1 23 the black man was something which would bring about a period of intense anxiety and troubled change. Assimilation would not be a tranquil process.

Competent students of racial realities recognize the emerging stage of the race relations cycle as one pregnant with possibilities of violence and disorder. The American Negroes are coming in considerable numbers into relatively full possession of the European cultural heritage. This results, inevitably and incresingly, in a desire for unobstructed participation in the American way of life, and in efforts to secure the removal of arbitrary and humiliating obstacles to self-respect and personal achievement. 86

Finally, Hughes and Frazier both anticipated an increasing assimilation of the black man into American culture and both were careful to note that the problem was in reality one of "whites" rather than "blacks." Hughes commented that "many books are written about the Negro problem in the United States, few if any are written about the white problem.He found that "the balance is still with the movement for complete integration" though he was uncertain if this would remain the case after, or if, 88 there were no longer disadvantages to being classified as a Negro.

He concluded that there would be an increasing tendency "toward disappearance of the color line," a fact that was already evidenced

in the requirement that racial identification not be included on public documents, yet "it certainly will not disappear for a long

86. Edward B. Reuter, "Southern Scholars and Race Relations," Vol. 7, Phylon, p. 221. 8 7. Everett C. Hughes and Helen M. Hughes, Where Peoples Meet; Racial and Ethnic Frontiers, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 1952, p. 1 8. 88. Everett C. Hughes, "Race Relations and the Sociological Imagination," American Sociological Review, Vol. 28, p. 8 8. 3 124

It seems appropriate to end this review of presidential work on the optimistic if somewhat dated efforts of E. Franklin

Frazier. He found that "as a racial or cultural minority seeking assimilation into American life, the Negro faces both private 90 prejudices and discriminations based upon public policy." He

indicated, though, that this was rapidly changing as the popula

tion of the United States becomes more mobile. Indeed, "...as

the Negro population has become more urbanized and the Negro

worker has become integrated into the labor movement, the Negro

is ceasing to be the ward of philanthropy. Moreover, he is begin-

ning to occupy strategic positions in American life." 91

The following diagrams represent the positions taken on the

three major issues by the presidents during this period.

Aobig^oua National Hypothetical and and Social Biological Supposed Confused Language

Lundberg Parsons Bendix Odum Becker Bogardus Fairchild Maclver Hughes Thomas Williams R . Faris Frazier Turner Odum Stouffer Znaniecki Merton Rose Loomis Davis

8 9. Everett C. Highes, "Anomalies and Projections," Daedalus, Vol. 9 4, Fall 1 9 6 5, pp. 1141-1142. 9 0. E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States, The MacMillan Company, Now York; 19^5 (1957)» P« 681. 9 1. Ibid., p. 6 7 7 . 135

Unequal Unequal Reserved Center Equal Reserved Equal

Lundberg Fairchild Maclver Gillin Davis Znaniecki Bendix Angell Blumer Odum Moore Rose Turner Ogburn Bogardus Frazier Hauser Williams Merton Hughes Parsons Reuter

Separatism Pluralism Some Mixture Assimilation Amalgamation

Lundberg Stouffer Hughes Parsons Merton Frazier Fairchild Williams Odum Cottrell Reuter Rose Znaniecki Blumer Ogburn Hauser Maclver Gillin Bendix Loomis

The changes in the three major areas of concern can be seen, then, to be toward a more precise and socially based use of the concept, to an all but complete acceptance of the doctrine of inherent racial equality, and to a somewhat reserved and cautious view of the future and racial contact. Accompanying these shifts was an increased concern on the part of the presidents with struct ural rather than personal variables. The "Negro problem" was now more likely to be seen as an institutional or "white problem." CHAPTER VI

THE HYPOTHESES

The hypotheses are seen to fall into two general traditions; the first being structural and usually associated with Marx and

Mannheim, the second being cultural and often associated with

Sorokin. As was discussed in the introduction, no attempt is made to "test" the hypotheses. The data are seen as either tending to support or tending not to support the various relationsips.

Data

The data are arranged according to five-fold divisions of the three general areas of the concept which have been used throughout the review of the presidential work:

Questions of Inherent Equality Use of the Concept

Equal Ambiguous and Confused Equal Reserved National and Language Center Traditonal Biological Unequal Reserved Hypothetical Supposed Unequal Social

Attitudes Toward Racial Contact

Separatism Pluralism Some Mixture Assimilation Amalgamation

In many instances, though, the three general areas are viewed as dichotomous rather than relying on the smaller number of cases

126 127 which result from the more exacting classificatory scheme.

There are numerous questions which can be raised about the validity of such procedures, a fact that is recognized and one that, hopefully, will be answered in this discussion.

First, there are legitimate reservations about the level of measurement. The equality-inequality continuum is held to be not only an actual continuum but is also considered to be of an interval level of measurement; something of a distortion, no doubt, but it must be recalled that in its broadest context this is a heuristic investigation. The assumption of an interval level is not without some legitimacy, however, since in classifying the work of both the presidents and the authors of the journal articles a conscious effort was made to develop and employ a scheme which was of an interval nature. For most of the analysis, though, the data are considered to be merely of a nominal level. This is most obvious when the five-fold clssifications are reduced to dichotomies.

The use of dichotomies raises further questions about the analysis, although in this instance the data rather clearly

indicate that dichotomizing the general categories does not produce

any distortion. The rank order, by decades, for the equality-

inequality continuum is the same when calculated by both ratio

scores and as a dichotomy. The actual points of division are seen

to be logically consistent with the original five-fold classifica

tions. It was felt that only works which can be classified as

"equal" or "equal reserved" should be judged as egalitarian. 128

Similarly, those who endorsed assimilation or amalgamation were viewed as one side of the sepapratism-amalgamation dichotomy/ continuum. The remaining area, that of the use of the concept, was dichotomized hy distinguishing between those who took a dominantly social view, which would include both the social and the largely social "hypothetical supposed" categories, and those who did not.

After charting the work of both the presidents and the authors of the American Journal of Sociology articles by dichotomies and decades, ranks for each of the seven decades were determined by calculating the percentage of work done during the ten year period which was of one side or the other of the dichotomies. For example, none of the eight presidents who were cited during the first decade of this century fell on the egalitarian side of the equal-unequal dichotomy; the resultant percentage of zero ranks the work of that decade as the least egalitarian or first out of seven decades with 1 being assigned to the least egalitarian and 7 to the most egalitarian. A number of the hypothesized relationships have been plotted on charts while all assumed correlations have been

reported by using Tau (T) as a measurement of correlation.^ Any

1. The calculation of Tau (T) throughout this chapter has been through the use of the following formula: ^ equals the _ 4x number of crosses NCN-1) when lines are drawn between the ranks. 129 remaining questions about the procedures and data should be answered by the explanations which are specific to the various diagrams and charts.

Social Structural

I. Changes in the rate of unemployment will be reflected in the scholars’ work regarding "race." It is expected that as unemploy ment increases, the frequency of the egalitarian view will decrease.

This hypothesis assumes, of course, that if members of the dominant group are threatened by unemployemnt, the minority group is more likely to be viewed as inferior. As was noted in the introduction, this may result from the general state of the

economy, of which the rate of unemployment is a partial indicator, or from assumed reaction to competition for jobs. In either

instance, the minority group would be more likely to be viewed as

inferior.

As can be seen in Figure 1 there is little apparent relation

ship between the rates of unemployment and the changes in the

equality-inequality continuum/dichotomy. This impression is

verified in Plate I which indicates that both the use of the concept

and the view of assimilation as well as the position on the question

of racial equality are not correlated with changes in the rate of

unemployment.

Although the methodological questions remain, the data that

have been presented do not lend support to the hypothesis. Perhaps

a relationship between sociological analysis and rates of

unemployment would be evident if yearly rather than decade figures 1 3 0

Unemployraent and Equality

/\ 1 8 .8 2 / \

3-5

2 . 5

1 . 5

M H* H M I-* M M M vO vO vD VO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO VÛ vO O M M (\J ro m W -P- -P-U 1 VJ1 Ov CTv^ O O M O M O M O H O H O M O

Figure 1 Ratio score of AJS for equality-inequality continuum

Mean unemployment rate in percentage

Ratio score of presidents' for equality-inequality continuum

The ratio score is computed by having the mean score of the presidents and the AJS "experts" for the decade using the five categories in the continuum with inequality scored as 1 and equality as 5» Plate I 131

Presidents t Presidents' Unemployment and Equality Unemployment and Use Decade Rate Equality Decade Rate Use 1901-1910 1 1 1901-1910 1 1 1911-1920 5 2 1911-1920 5 2 1921-1930 6 3 1921-1930 6 3 1931-1940 7 4 1931-1940 7 4 1941-1950 2 5 1941-1950 2 5 1951-1960 3 6 1951-1960 3 6 1961-1970 4 7 1961-1970 4 7

T = .1428 T = .1428

AJS Presidents' Unemployment and Use Unemployment and Assimilation Decade Rate Use Decade Rate Assim. 1901-1910 1 1 1901-1910 1 5 1911-1920 2 5 1911-1920 5 4 1921-1930 3 6 1921-1930 6 3 1931-1940 4 7 1931-1940 7 1 1941-1950 6 2 1941-1950 2 6 1951-1960 5 3 1951-1960 3 7 1961-1970 7 4 1961-1970 4 2

T = .0477 T = .0477

The rankings in this plate were derived in the manner discussed at the beginning of the chapter. The particular aspect of the concept was dichotomized and then the result ing percentages wore ranked by decade. The unemployment rates are ranked with the lowest level of unemployment being ranked "1" and the highest ranked "7«" The ranks for "use of the concept" range from "1" representing the lowest frequency of social definition to "7" being the decade in which the concept was most often defined socially. The ranks for assimilation have "1" indicating the decade in which "solutions" were most often of the assimilation/amalgamation type with "7" being that decade in which preferences for such solutions were less frequent. 132 were to be used. Such data are not available from this investiga tion, thus we must tentatively conclude that changes in the rate of unemployment are not reflected in the scholars' work.

II. Variations in the rate of migration of blacks from the South will be reflected in the scholars' work regarding "race." It is expected that as the rate of migration rises or falls the view of equality will reflect this change with periods of high migra tion being accompanied by periods of a high frequency of belief in racial inequality.

The rationale for this hypothesis is very similar to the others which attempt to relate social structural variables to the

concept. The invasion of blacks from the South constitute a phase of the classic race relations cycle and would pose a threat

to the dominant group. The reaction to this threat would be

expected to be, in part, a classification of the invaders as

inferior.

The visual impression presented in Figure 2 which indicates

that there is little relationship between black migration and the

scientific discussion of racial equality is confirmed by the tau

test of correlation. Indeed, despite the variations between the

three areas, the views toward assimilation and the use of the

concept also fail to show any strong relationship. The tau test

for all three areas and changes in the rate of migration indicates

a correlation ranging from .066? for both equality and the use

of the concept to .36? for the acceptance of assimilation. 133 Comparison of Black Migration Rates with Sociological Work regarding Equality

H* K-» M J-* M H* M V-» vO VO vO vO vO vO vO vO . vO \ 0 vO vO H r\j ro vj4 -P* f vn VJI ON M o M O H O M O o

Figure 2

Hundreds of Thousands of Blacks Leaving South During Decade

Equality Ratio Score for Presidents

...... Equality Ratio Score for AJS Information concerning Black migration since I960 is not of the same reliability as that compiled in the U.S. Statistical Abstracts and will not be available until 1971» 134

Since a major portion of black migration took place during the first four decades of the century and it was during this period that sociologists tended to be somewhat less "scientific" in their discussions of the concept, a test of the relationships of the three aspects of "race" with migration were made specific

to this period. It was found that the correlations during this

period were somewhat higher, all three correlations having a

tau of .400, but again hardly a significant finding. The data

presented here, then, give little support to the hypothesis.

III. Variations in the rate of immigration of both Asians and

Europeans will be reflected in the scientific discussion of

"race." It is expected that the lower the immigration rate, the

higher will be the frequency of egalitarian views.

Again the rationale for this hypothesis is the same as the

others in this section. As other "races" pose a threat to the

dominant group, the dominant group’s reaction is seen, in part,

as one of viewing the invading group to be racially inferior. It

should be noted that the major portion of the European immigrants

during this period were from Southern and Eastern Europe and

were often considered to be of different "racial stock."

As can be seen in Figure 3» there is some relationship

between decreasing rates of immigration and increasing expression

of egalitarianism, yet for the last decade such a correlation

is reversed. The results of the tau test for the first seven

decades of this century of .333 for European immigration and

.045 for Asian immigration indicate that the visual impression 135 Comparison of European and Asian Immigration Rates with Sociological Work regarding Equality

vO \0 VO vO vO vO vO vO vO VO vO vO vO vO H-> l\) to Vjj VjJ -P- -p-Vjl Vjl ON ON -a M O H» O M O H O M O M O

Figure 3

Millions of European Immigrants

Hundred Thousand Asian Immigrants

— Equality Ratio Score for Presidents

Equality Ratio Score for AJS 136 given by Figure 3 is quite misleading. The sharp increase of immigration in the sixties was not accompanied by a decrease in egalitarian work; egalitarianism continued its increase in sociological inquiry. However, when the first four decades are used as a basis for comparison, the results are correlations of 1.00 for all three areas of the concept as related to the rates of immigration. As the immigration rates decreased, the incidence of holding egalitarian and assimilationist views in creased as well as did the social use of the concept itself.

There are, of course, some very obvious problems with such a relationship and it is quite likely that the relationship evidenced during the first four decades of this century repre sents nothing other than an historical accident. Indeed, if the last four decades are used as a basis for comparison, the result is a correlation of -1.00.

In any event, aside from the most probably spurious cor relation during the early part of the century, there is little evidence to support this hypothesis.

Cultural

I. Societal norms and definitions tend to be reflected in the scientific discussion of race. Under this general proposition there are three hypotheses which are seen to be specific to this investigation. First it is expected that the cultural

"quirk" of the United States* population viewing the black and white "races" as dichotomous will be reflected in the 137 work of American sociologists. It must be emphasized again that the concern here is only with black and white. Second, since the white group is dominant it is expected that those scholars who adopt a non-egalitarian position will view the white rather than the black as being superior. Likewise it is expected that those scholars who suggest that some group may be superior in some way, though not necessarily taking the position of the non-egalitarians which assumes innate differences, will also view the dominant group as the superior.

Presidents AJS Total Number of 34.1?^ 21.2195 28.2756 = 27.56 aevxations from usual black- 27 of 79 14 of 66 4l of 145 p <.001 white dichotomy

Non-egalitarian 056 056 056 = 66.00 claims of black 0 of 35 0 of 3 2 0 of 67 p < .001 superiority

Suggestions of - black superior- 2.56^ 056 1.55$ = 120.12 ^ ^8 0 of 51 2 of 129 p < .001

Figure 4

The results presented in Figure 4 clearly indicate strong support for all three of the hypotheses. Even though many of the scholars qualified their conclusions concerning "racial” superior ity and even though a number of those who have been included in

Figure 4 use the social definition of the concept, it is certainly

fair to state that the long standing criticism of American

sociology as ethnocentric is valid. The focus on a black- white dichotomy was muted in the early years only by the 158 occasional studies of the mulatto; efforts which sought to verify the innate inferiority of the black man. Genuine departure from the dichotomy have most often been in the form of discussions of other cultures such as Frazier's work on the ethnic distinctions in Brazil. The most difficult to categorize were those presidents who took the "hypothetical supposed" position in defining the concept since their use of the dichotomy was often dictated by the demographic data. It was decided that when the sources of such dichotomous definitions were explicitly recognized, the scholars should be considered deviates from the usual assumptions of a clearly defined racial dichotomy.

The following criteria were used in distinguishing between those who viewed black and white as dichotomous and those who did not;

Dichotomous In general, any scholar who consistently made reference to white and Negro and never indicated recognition of any graduations of such groupings was considered to be viewing the "races" as dichotomous. Exceptions to this would be those who explicitly noted the source of such defini tions.

Non-dichotomous Here, of course, are included the works of any scholar who specifically noted any center category such as mulattoes in their discussions of racial groupings. All who considered racial definitions to be socially based were also classified as being non-dichotomous in their view of black and white "races."

II. Although the traditional perspective dictates that the

majority definition is critical, the concept of race also varies

with the minority definition of the situation. Specifically, as

blacks saw solutions in integration and assimilation become less

viable, sociologists also tended to retreat from such a perspective. 139

There is only marginal evidence in the data to support this hypothesis, the critical problem again being the very small number of cases in the sample. The work of the presidents shows little patterned change during the first seven decades of this century other than a continuing retreat from the extreme positions of amalgamation and separatism. There are only two specific 2 references to black separatist movements. Figure 5 indicates the relationships between both time and the presidential work and black definitions and presidential work.

Black Definitions and Presidential Separatism

Rank for Rank for % for Presidential Black Decade Number Separatism Separatism Separatism 1901-1910 4 of 7 5 7 % 5 5 1911-1920 6 of 10 60% 4 4 1921-1930 7 of 11 6456 3 2 1931-1940 8 of 11 7 3 % ■ 1 3 1941-1950 7 of 14 50% 6 7 1951-1960 1 of 5 20% 7 6 1961-1970 7 of 10 70% 2 1

Figure 5 T = -.04? for correlation between time and presidential separatism. T = .333 for correlation between black definition of situation and presidential separatism.

2. These references were made by Reuter and Loomis. Reuter expressed admiration for Garvey's movement while Loomis referred to the "Black power movement" in his 196? presidential address. 140

The ranking of decades with regard to the amount and intensity of black separatism is difficult and subject to considerable con troversy. There is little doubt, though, that the growing Black power movement of the sixties would be ranked first followed by the

Negro Zionism of Marcus Garvey which flourished in the twenties.

Beyond that there is much room for disagreement. Nonetheless an interpretation of several histories of the American Negro indicates that the greatest pursuit of assimilation occurred during the forties and fifties while the depression of the thirties was accom panied by some lingering feelings of separatism.^

The tau measurements of correlation of -.04? and .533 indicate that overall there is very little relationship between the presi dential work and the black definition of the situation and no relationship between the time related growth cf egalitarianism and the presidential work in this area. We must conclude, then, that presidential endorsement of assimilation and amalgamation has not been related to the growth of egalitarianism and that there is little evidence to support the specific hypothesis. It should be noted also that in this instance the insufficiency of the data is even more acute than usual.

III. Changes in the legal system will tend to be related to the

concept of race. Under this general hypothesis there are two

3* The major works consulted for this ranking were John P. Roche, The Quest for the Dream, Quadrangle Books, Chicago; 1968 and August K. Meir and Elliot Rudwick, From Plantation to Ghetto, Hill and Wang, New York; I9 6 6 . I4l specific hypotheses which will be evaluated. First, the continuing legal adaptation to different aspects of the various historical

"racial issues" have shown marked periods of crisis and change.

Such periods of crisis and change should be reflected in the work of American sociologists. Second, it is expected that the socio logical work in the area of "race" will reflect legal change

(legal change being seen as an index of cultural change) rather than precede it. Both of these hypotheses are somewhat general in scope in that they attempt to address the question of the rather amorphous "periods of change." In this sense they are attempting to quantify cultural variables though in another sense it is felt that certain aspects of traditionally structural variables are also included. These would include the very real, everyday problems that must be faced by the practicing scholar, be they in the form of procuring grants or dealing with the problem of immigration. Certain "realities" face the practicing sociologist and certain value assumptions tend to result from 4 3 such confrontations. *

The presentation of legal decisions in Figure 6 is in no way an attempt to summarize the long and complex history of racially related legislation and judicial decision making during this century. There is some agreement, however, that each of these

4. Gideon Sjoberg and Roger Nett, A Methodlogy for Social Research, Harper and Row, New York; 196%. 5. James 0. Smith, "Social Research in a Psychiatric Setting; The Natural History of a Research Project," (The Ohio State University; Dissertation), 1969. 142 decisions vas critical in the evolution of such legislation in

this country.^

The 1908 case of Twining v. New Jersey was a reaffirmation of

earlier decisions that the Bill of Rights applied only to the

federal government and not to state governments. Civil rights

legislation on the national level could thus he interpreted as

restricting only federal decisions. Clearly during this time there

was little evidence that sociologists would find such a decision 7 to be contradictory to their writings.

In 1921 Congress passed an emergency bill which marked the

shift in United States immigration policy from one of selection

to one of absolute restriction. The selective provisions of the

bill had been made clear four years earlier and would be made into

permanent law in the Immigration Act of 1924. Interestingly, as

can be seen in Figure 6, the work of sociologists was becoming

increasingly egalitarian during this time just as their use of

the concept of race was becoming more clearly defined. It should

be remembered, however, that many American sociologists had been

documenting the inferiority of "immigrant races" during this

period and were no doubt quite pleased with such restrictions.

6. The two primary sources of interpretive history in this area were Korroe Berger, Equality by Statute; The Revolution in Civil Rights, Doubleday, New York; I968 (l950) and C. Vann Wood- ward. The Strange Career of Jim Crow, Oxford University Press, Londonl 1966 (1955)» a further source was used to verify the actual decisions, Paul C. Bartholomew, Leading Cases of the Constitution, Littlefield, Adams, and Company, Patterson, New Jersey; I960. 7 . Morroe Berger, op. cit., p. 71 and Paul C. Bartholomew, op. cit., p. 284. 100 %

1900 1910 1920 1930 I960 1970 Percentage of Presidential work Figure 6 A. Twining v. New Jersey, 1908 which held egalitarian position B. First general quota law restricting immigration C. Gitlow V. New York, 1925 D. United States v. Classic, 1941 __ ^Percentage of AJS work which E. Morgan v. Virginia, 1946 held egalitarian position F. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954 G. Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States, 1964 .Percentage of Presidential work It must be noted that the placement of the partic which defined race socially ular cases on the diagram represents only the loosest of approximations in presenting the contin uing egalitarianism of the American legal system. h __Percentage of AJS work which defined race socially In essence, the placement is quite arbitrary. <5^ 144

Indeed it was in 1925 that the American Journal of Sociology published an article by Edwin E. Grant charmingly titled "Scum Q from the Melting Pot."

The 1925 case of Gitlow v. New York continued the general tenor of non-egalitarian decisions, though for the first time the court held that certain aspects of the Bill of Rights are applicable to the states. This was the beginning of the reversal for earlier decisions , such as that in the 1908 Twining case.^ Again, there appears to be little deviation on the part of sociological thought at the time of the decision though it does appear that both the court and sociology were parallel in moving toward a more egal itarian position.

By the late thirties and early forties numerous landmark

shifts in judicial interpretation were occurring with one such

change being represented by the 1941 case of the United States v.

Classic. In this instance the court held that certain practices

aimed at keeping blacks from voting in Louisiana were unconstitu

tional and that the federal government could oversee primary

elections as well as those held for offices.It was during this

same period that the most rapid shift in sociological thought

8. Edwin E. Grant, "Scum from the Melting Pot," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 30, p. 641. 9 . Morroe Berger, Equality By Statute, Doubleday, New York; 1 9 6 8, p. 7 1 , Paul C. Bartholomew, Leading Cases of the Constitution, Littlefield, Adams, and Company, Patterson, New Jersey; I960, p. 101, 10. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, Oxford University Press, London; 1968, p. 141, Paul C. Bartholomew, ibid., p. 291. 145 took place. Indeed, the data seem to indicate that the rapid shift in sociology preceded by several years the actual change in decisions of the court.

In 1946 the decision rendered in the case of Morgan v.

Virginia, a strong blow was dealt to the long standing tradition of "separate but equal" by stating that a Virginia statute which required the assigning of separate seats or different space for whites and blacks was not compatable with the United States

Constitution.^^ By this time, sociologists were all but unanimous in their interpretation of race itself as a social phenomenon.

The other two decisions rendered in the quarter century following World War II which have been noted in Figure 6 continued to broaden the power of the federal government to enforce racial equality. The case of Brown v. The Board of Education of Topeka is probably the most famous court case of the century. In this decision the court ruled that racial restrictions on public school 12 attendance were invalid. Similarly, the public accomodations clause of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was immediatly tested in the case of the Heart of Atlanta Motel v. the United States. In this instance the court held that it is legitimate for the government

to take measures to ensure that public accomodations are open to

11. Paul C. Bartholomew, Leading Cases of the Constitution, Littlefield, Adams, and Company, Patterson, New Jersey; 19^0, p. l80, and C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, Oxford University Press, London; 1968, p. l4o. 12. Paul C. Bartholomew, op, cit., p. 327» C. Vann Woodward, op. cit., pp. 144-148, and Morroe Berger, Equality By Statute, op. cit., p. 73. 146 all regardless of race.^^ As Figure 6 indicates, such decisions were quite compatable with the works of American sociologists.

It is also reasonable to conclude that sociologists preceded the court in such matters; they had been saying for some time that legislation would be an effective means for aiding the demise of l4 racial prejudice.

Quite obviously conclusions regarding the hypotheses concern ing legislative and legal change cannot be made with the same certainty that may be reached with more quantifiable relationships.

While it does appear that the hypothesis stating that the work of sociologists would be preceded by changes in the legal system is not supported, conclusions about "periods of crisis" are even more difficult to reach.

Figure 6 indicates that the most rapid change in the work of

American sociologists took place in the thirties. It was also during this time that both the egalitarian and socially defined positions became dominant. It is certain that the Great Depression of the thirties constituted a "time of crisis," yet other such periods, particularly the two world wars fail to exhibit any such rapid changes. It would seem then, from the data which have been used, that there is little evidence to support such a hypothesis.

13» Morroe Berger, Equality by Statute,Doubleday, New York; 1968, p. 73. l4. An example of this is Merton's comment that there should be "deliberate institutional controls" in Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois; 1949, p. 194. 1 4?

Certainly there are many questions about the thoroughness of the data, but recognizing such limitations does not confirm the hypothesis.

IV. It is expected that there will be a consistency in the presi^ dential work which is related to the Kannheimian distinctions of

liberal/utopian and conservative/ideological.

The categories which were determined to be the basis of the

content analysis reflected the expected consistencies in ideology

of the presidents. As can be seen in Plate 2, there is a strong

relationship between assuming that race is a non-social category

and believing that "races" are inherently superior or inferior.

Indeed, 77 percent of the presidents who made statements regarding

both the use of the concept and comments concerning the question

of racial inferiority were classified as either non-social and

unequal or as equal and social. This, of course, is very much in

the Mannheinian tradition. Those who found that certain biological

determinants tend to be a part of the concept of race, or more

properly should be a part of the concept of race, also found that

races are inherently superior or inferior. A lack of emphasis

on socially determined characteristics tends to reinforce a

belief in the status-quo. There is, then, strong evidence in

support of this hypothesis. 148

Plate II

Use of the Concept and Egalitarianism

1900-1920 Social Non-Social

Equal none Weatherly

Dealey Lichtenherger Thomas Not Equal Fairchild Cooley Small Bogardus Ellwood Gillette Blackmaur Ward Ross

1921-1930 Social Non-Social

Equal Park Reuter Queen Chapin

Ross Dealey Not Equal none Hayes Giddings Gillin Sorokin Ellwood K. Young Odum Hankins

1931-1945 Social Non-Social

D. Young Frazier K. Young Equal Wirth Gillette Ogburn Sanderson Reuter Bernard Gillin

Not Equal Angell Ross Bogardus 1 4 9

Plate II (Continued)

1946-1970 Social Non-Social

Hauser Frazier Parsons Haclver Equal Hughes Davis Williams Rose Odum Merton Turner Fairchild Bendix Bogardus Znaniecki

Not Equal none Lundberg

Interactionist

I. The treatment of the concept of race varies with the scholar's specific academic training. In this instance it is expected that

Giddings' influence at Columbia tends to be reflected in the conservative work of its graduates while the dominance of Small will be reflected in the more liberal work of Chicago graduates.

The rationale for this hypothesis is most obvious. Small the

liberal and Giddings the conservative are assumed to have had

a marked influence on those presidents who graduated under their

tutelage. 150 Egalitarianism and Academic Training

Equal 5

Equal 4 Reserved

Center 3

Unequal 2 Reserved

Unequal 1

1900-1920 1921-1950 N = 6 for Giddings' students and 15 for the students of Small. Scores are based on the five-fold division. Figure 7 Ratio score of equality for students of Small There is some concern that with the small Ratio score of equality for numbers involved the students of Giddings results could be biased by several men whose work might appear in a Ratio score of equality for number of decades. AJS "experts" Upon examination, though, this concern proves to be unwarranted as only two presidents had work appear in three or more periods, Bogardus and Odum. Both the work of Bogardus, a student of Small, and Odum, a student of Giddings, moved consistently from non-egalitarian to egalitarian. 1 5 1

As can be seen in Figure 7, in each of the four periods that were used in presenting the work of the presidents the students of

Small were more egalitarian than were those of Giddings. In all but the period prior to 1920 this difference was quite distinct.

The scores for the AJS "experts" emphasize the fact that the entire discipline continued to move toward egalitarianism during the twentieth century. Of particular interest is the fact that the "experts" steadily became more egalitarian somewhat more slowly than the Small liberals and more rapidly than the Giddings conservatives. In all periods the Columbia students were less egalitarian than the "experts" while in all but the period prior to 1920 the Chicago graduates surpassed the egalitarianism of the

"experts." Clearly, then, there is much support for this hypothesis.

The students of Small exhibited a more liberal appraoch to the question of "race" than did those of Giddings.

II. Scholars who evidence divergent theoretical positions, parti cularly those who are highly unorthodox within the context of the period of their work will have careers marked by patterned simi- 15 larities in graduate training and faculty appointments.

Using the three categories or aspects of the concept of race that have been employed throughout this investigation as a basis for defining those who are unorthodox one finds that of

the twelve points of analysis (three categories in four periods)

six contain positions that within the context of the period can

15 • Larry T. Reynolds, "The Sociology of Symbolic Inter- actionism," Dissertation, The Ohio State University, Columbus; 1969* 152 be defined as unorthodox. In two of the six instances there can be seen some "patterned similarities." As is seen in Figure 8

Small and Thomas who held conjoint faculty appointments at the

University of Chicago were unorthodox in their similar social definitions of the concept of race prior to 1920. Chicago also was the common institution for the other unorthodox scholars whose careers were similar. Ellsworth Faris and E.B. Reuter both held exceptionally egalitarian positions with regard to race during the twenties. The only other "pattern" which can be noted is that of the other six presidents who deviated from the standard analyses of their period* four were not from Chicago; something of significance given the dominance which that institu

tion has held over the presidency of the association.

Unorthodox Theoretical Positions and Academic Affiliations

Period Equality Use Assimilation

Pre-1920 Howard Nebraska Thomas Chicago Weatherly Cornell Small Chicago none Gillette Chicago

1921-1930 Reuter Chicago Dealey Brown none Bogardus Chicago

1931-1945 none none none

1946-1970 Lundberg Minnesota Lundberg Minn. Lundberg Minn.

Figure 8 1 5 3

What is most clear, however, is that the data are simply insufficient to reach auiy conclusions for this Reynolds hypo thesis. The problem is twofold. First, as is noted in Figure 9» the almost total dominance of Chicago, Columbia, and Harvard in the presidency of the Association severly restricts any meaningful analysis of career patterns. Second, and certainly related to the first difficulty is that given the categories of the concept which were used throughout the investigation, the number of presidents who could be classified as unorthodox was quite small.

It is necessary to conclude, then, that there are insufficient

data to render a decision regarding the patterned career simil

arities of the unorthodox presidents.

Summary

Of the eleven hypotheses, four were strongly supported, three

found marginal support, two were not supported, and two were

dismissed for a lack of sufficient data. Those hypotheses which

are related to the social structure proved to be the least

successful. No relationship was found between the work of American

sociologists regarding the concept of race and either black

migration rates from the South or rates of unemployment. The

third hypothesis in the area of structural variables, the rela-*

tionship between "race" and immigration rates, was found to have a

tau measurement of 1.00 for the first forty years of this century,

but it is concluded that such a relationship is spurious. Indeed,

the tau measurement of correlation for the first seven decades is 154

Graduate Training and Faculty Appointments of ASA Presidents

Chicago Columbia Harvard

Becker D'30 Chapin D'll Davis D '36 Bendix D'4? Davis F '48-'55 Homans A-B. '32 F'32- Bernard D'lO Giddings F '91-'30 Loomis D'32 Bluner D'28 F *27-'52 Gillin D'06 Merton D'36 F '36-'39 Bogardus D'll Hankins D'08 Moore D'40 Burgess D'13 F'l6 Lazarsfeld F'40- Park M.A. '99 Cottrell D'33 F '31-'35 Lichtenberger DO9 Parsons F'27- Ellwood D'99 Maclver F '29-'50 Sorokin F '30-'68 E. Faris D F Merton F'4l- Williams D'43 R. Faris D'31 Odum D'lO Frazier D'31 Ogburn D'12 F '19-'27 Gillette D'Ol D. Thomas F '27-'30 Hauser D '38 F '47- Hughes D'28 F'38-'61 Ogburn F '27 Park F'14-»33 Other Michigan Queen D'l8 Hayes D' Germany Angell D'24 F' 24 Reuter D'19 Howard D'93 Nebraska Cooley D'94 F' 9 4 Rose D'46 Lundberg D'25 Minnesota Sanderson D'21 Maclver D'03 Edinbergh Brown Small F '95-'26 Taylor D'l8 Missouri Stouffer D'30 Vance D'28 North Carolina Dealey D'95 Sutherland D'13 F '30 D. Young D'22 Penn Ward F '09-*12 W.I. Thomas D'96 F'96 K. Young D'25 Stanford Turner D. '48 Weatherly D'94 Cornell Johns Hopkins Vincent D'06 F '92-'11 Blackmar D '89 Wirth D'26 F *26 Yale Ross D'91 Znaniecki F '17-'39 Sumner F '72-'09 Fairchild D'09 F '09-'19

Figure 9 D = Doctorate F = Faculty appointment

All sources of presidential doctorates are included in Figure 9» Faculty appointments are noted when one of the presidents is serving conjointly with others at one of the major graduate departments. The only institutions where presidents have held conjoint appointments that have been omitted are the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles. Neither was included since they have not graduated presidents. 155 not significant and that for the last four is -1.00 for this hypothesis.

Under the general heading of cultural variables, the hypoth eses relating the black-white relationship in this country with sociological work were both accepted. The chi square tests indicate that with these hypotheses it is valid to state some thing more than simply that the hypotheses were supported. Given the nature of the variables and the relationship it seems legiti mate to assert that the hypotheses were accepted. The hypothesis relating changes in the concpet with "periods of crisis" proved, of course, to be impossible to "test," and only marginal evidence, was found in its support.

Within the same section the hypothesis stating that socio logical work tends to reflect rather than precede changes in the legal system was not supported by the data. Evidence was quite strong to the contrary. It seems clear that sociologists tended

to precede legal decisions in their work. There were insufficient data to reach any conclusions regarding the assertion that the minority group definition of the situation tends to influence

sociologies thought. The final cultural hypothesis, that derived

from Karl Mannheim's distinction between utopian and ideological

thought, was strongly supported. There was a distinct tendency

for those presidents who adopted a biological rather than a social

definition of the concept to be non-egalitarian while those who

proposed a social definition tended to be egalitarian. 156

Finally, of the two interactionist hypotheses, one was strongly supported while there were insufficient data for a decision to be reached concerning the second. It was clearly shown that Small’s students were more egalitarian in their work in the area of "race" than were the students of Giddings. The

Reynolds hypothesis regarding the patterned similarities in the careers of unorthodox scholars, though, could not be adequately examined since there were so few unorthodox views expressed by the presidents. What became most evident in viewing the hypotheses of this section, though, was the fact that American sociology has constantly moved toward the egalitarian position. CHAPTER VII

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Methodological Considerations

One of the primary objectives of this investigation was to test quantitatively several areas of what is generally called

"the sociology of knowledge." In certain respects this objective has been met although some shortcomings are obvious. It is the purpose of this discussion to determine which of these shortcomings could, under similar circumstances, be avoided and which seem to be of a relatively unsolvable nature.

The decision to focus on the presidents* work resolved several methodological problems, but created others which were unforeseen. The dominance of the presidency by graduates of the

University of Chicago biases certain aspects of the inquiry. This bias is particularly crucial for several of the interactionist

hypotheses. The Reynolds hypothesis regarding career patterns of

sociologists could not be tested adequately under such circum

stances nor, obviously, could any hypotheses attempting to relate

the treatment of the concept "race" to the social class

affiliations of leading universities.

The questions which originally prompted the choice of the

157 158 presidents, however, remain. There are necessarily arbitrary decisions implicit in examining intellectual histories which identify any group of "leading scholars." Moreover it would appear that in many ways the choice of the presidents solves several inherent problems. The basic difficulty nonetheless seems to lie in the decision to limit the investigation to "leading scholars." Many of the gaps in the data would have been eliminated in following the path taken by Sorokin in such studies.^ This would entail using material from all of the published texts as well as undertaking a content amalysis of a number of the leading journals; just as was done with the American Journal of Sociology . as an adjustment in this inquiry. With such a "sample" some of the problems of insufficiency and representativeness would be overcome. The institutional affiliations of the sociologists would then be more dispersed and with a larger total number there would be, presumably, more examples of divergent views. It would then be possible also to examine both the Reynolds hypothesis and that questioning the role of minority group definitions in academic work.

Even if all the expected benefits of such a change in the collecting of data prove to be valid, though, other difficulties would remain. Since all the hypotheses with the exception of

those with the interactionist perspective are at a macro level.

1. Pitirim Sorokin, Sociocultural Causality, Space, Time, Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina; 19^5, p. 94. 159 it is assumed by using decades as a basis for analysis that changes resulting from such variables would occur rather slowly.

If this assumption is correct, then the methodology which has been used in examining the hypotheses of this investigation is valid. If it is not correct, however, then several of the time related conclusions may be invalid.

Obviously the use of decades as a basis for measuring change, a choice which was necessitated by the small number involved in the sample, has also presented several methodological problems. First, the use of seven decades left several of the major hypotheses with an "N" of seven, hardly sufficient for meaningful analysis.

Second, such a basis for measuring change tends to level many presumably minor fluctuations of the data. A closer examination may reveal, that, even though such fluctuations are minor relative

to larger and continuing trends, it is on such a level that

hypotheses related to the sociology of knowledge perspective have

their greatest explanatory value. For example the conclusion that

there is no relationship between changes in the unemployment rate

and academic work regarding the concept of race may be valid for

major changes which are observed in terms of decades, but it may

be invalid for yearly fluctuations. The same question is appli

cable to the other structural hypotheses. Different conclusions

may be reached by employing yearly rates of black migration and

foreign immigration. Again, though, a larger "sample" would be

necessary for such an examination and perhaps of more importance,

a larger "sample" would allow meaningful statistical analysis. l60

Several of the hypotheses related to cultural variables would also benefit from further testing based on shorter periods of time and smaller fluctuations. The conclusions reached regarding both changes in the legal system and change during

"periods of crisis" may be somewhat altered by such further inquiry.Certainly some sociological thought has preceded legal change, but just how many sociologists are in such a position and by how long such legal changes are anticipated is not made clear by viewing the data with decades as the basic time measurement.

Although a tentative move in that direction was made in the review of the presidential work, any examination of the "periods of crisis" hypothesis must clearly delineate those periods. Since

the data were insufficient for this to be done, meaningful conclusions for this hypothesis could not be reached. It would also be worthwhile to see how yearly changes of the various aspects of the concept of race are related to these "periods of

crisis."

There are other difficulties which are not so easily solved.

The precise extent to which the concept of race has been influenced

by structural, cultural, and interactionist factors as disting

uished from purely "scientific" development appears to be an

exceedingly difficult question. Despite the increase in data which

would resolve other problems, conclusions in this area necessarily

must remain on a rather general level. Primarily because of the

nature of the data, I can conceive of no methodology which could

precisely address this question. I6l

Discussion of the Findings; Serendipitous and Otherwise

The results of this inquiry seem to give little reason to challenge the assertion of Ernest Nagel that "there is no substantial evidence for the widely held view that changes in the content and standards of theoretical inquiry are uniquely determined by changes in the economic and political structure of society."^

The hypotheses which were based on structural variables proved to have, at best, only marginal explanatory value. Changes in several of the cultural and interpersonal variables, however, did seem to be related to the academic efforts which were concerned with the concept of race. On the basis of the structural variables, though, the model of science as an autonomous enterprise is supported.

Clearly the linear development of egalitarianism and the social definition of "race" in American sociology strongly supports

the view of science as an on-going and self-correcting process.

There has been an increasing interest in the past decade, however,

in the liabilities of the usual assumptions of the idealized

value-free model of a science of society. Smith has collected an

impressive list of works related to such criticisms.^ Despite

the revival of this basically humanist-positivist debate, many

scholars continue to neglect the socially based determinants of

2. Ernest Nagel, "Malicious Philosophies of Science," in Barber and Hirsch, eds., The Sociology of Science, The Free Press of Glencoe, New York; 1962, p. 623. 3. James 0. Smith,"Social Research in a Psychiatric Setting: The Natural History of a Research Project, (The Ohio State University Dissertation), 1969, pp. 230-232. 162 scientific inquiry. Several works specifically relevant to the concept of race in American sociology evidence this neglect. Both

Richard Hofstadter in his widely acclaimed Social Darwinism in

American Thought and Thomas Gossett in his equally accepted

Race; The History of an Idea in America tend to employ the model of science as a relatively autonomous enterprise to explain the fall of social Darwinism and scientific racism in the twenties 5 and thirties. Neither attempt any thorough treatment of the cultural and structural bases of such a change. As historians, of course, they are not unaware of such factors although their use of such alternative explanations is minimal. The data and con clusions of this investigation, despite the linear development of egalitarianism and the social definition, suggest that such an emphasis on science as an autonomous enterprise with all the concomitant assumptions of independence and self-correction is not a fully appropriate interpretation of the development of the concept of race.

There is little doubt that the greatest shift in all three areas of the concept took place during the thirties and that such a rapid change does not appear to be related to shifts in struct ural and economic variables. In the case of changes in the rate

of unemployment there is a marked reversal in the expectation

that rising unemployment will be accompanied by falling egalitarian

ism. It is also true that the monumental studies of Otto Klineberg

4. Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, George Braziller Inc., New York; 1959» 5» Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America, Schocken Books, New York; 1905 (1963). 163 were published in 1934, a factor which is often cited in the decline of academic racism.^ This explanation raises an interesting question in the relationship between the sociology of ideas and

the development of science as an autonomous process. At what point in time did egalitarian conclusions become the norm in sociology as opposed to the development in other disciplines? Such an

issue is not really within the scope of this investigation yet a

few tentative conclusions are appropriate.

It is clear that the break with academic racism came for the

majority of sociologists during the twenties and thirties. The

ratios scores for both the presidents and the AJS "experts"

indicate that egalitarianism became a norm for American sociolo

gists during the thirties. The question that occurs at this junct

ure is the place of other disciplines with respect to the subject.

If it could be shown, for instance, that sociologists were simply

following the lead of other disciplines, then the science as an

on-going process explanation for the sociology of ideas would be

given further support. Gossett, however, found no such differences

in rates of development. He concludes that the general shift, at

least in the social sciences, took place during this period. He

identifies Boas, an interpretation with which many others concur,

as the prime mover in the shift to egalitarianism. "The racists

of the 1920's rightly recognized Boas as their chief antagonist.

Although his opinion was then a minority one, he never wavered

6. Otto Klineberg, Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration, Columbia University Press, New York; 1934. 164 before the onslaughts of biological interpretations of history 7 and civilization." By the end of the decade, however, academicians were reaching such conclusions in much greater numbers. "In 1931t

Thomas Russell Garth reviewed the vast literature which had devel oped on the subject of mental differences among races and came to the conclusionn that 'there are no sure evidences of real racial Q differences in mental traits." During the thirties the trend continued. We must conclude, then, that sociologists were neither pioneers nor laggards in the development of academic knowledge in the area of "race" and, therefore, that factors other than

"autonomous scientific inquiry" could have been operative.

As was noted in the discussion of methodology both black migration from the South and foreign immigration showed very marked decreases during the thirties. To what extent these shifts affected the growing egalitarianism must necessarily be speculation, but one must conclude that the fact that sociologists were no longer confronted with large numbers of immigrants who faced long periods of difficult or questionable assimilation at least removed o a previous obstacle to egalitarian conclusions. The same logic

is applicable to the decline of black migration. Sociologists, which is to say Northern sociologists, were not confronted with

7. Thomas F. Gossett, Race; The History of an Idea in America, Schocken Books, New York; 1969 (19^3)» p. 4l8. 8. Ibid., p. 425. 9. Richeurd Robbins, "Sociology and Congressional Lawmaking: Immigration - A Case Study," in Arthur B. Shostak, ed., Sociology in Action, The Dorsey Press, Homewood, Illinois; 1966, p. 188. 165 large numbers of predominantly unskilled and illiterate blacks moving into the urban North.

The major difficulty with exploring the relationship of structural changes on the macro level with academic work is simply, as was mentioned at the end of the methodological discussion, that

there appears to be no adequate means for testing the amount of

impact made by such variables. Efforts to formulate an adequate research design for such variables have so far been mostly restrict

ed to the micro level. Boalt's efforts in this direction were warmly received by those who have attempted research in the

sociology of sociology, but they were of little help in solving

the problems which face attempts to include broad structural

variables in their work.^^ Indeed, those who have worked with this

perspective in the past have tended to be very broad in their

assertions or move the analysis to a level of the "middle range."

In so doing, researchers have tended to omit crucial determinants

of the sociology of knowledge.. Even the efforts of Mannheim, which

continue to be widely recognized as a landmark in the development

of the structural aspects of the sociology of knowledge, are of

little assistance. A shift to his assumptions regarding the

structurally related values of sociologists as a group, much in the

manner of Mills' analysis, again moves the investigation away

from the quantification of variables.

10. Gunnar Boalt, The Sociology of Research, Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale and Edwardsville; 1969» 11. C. Wright Mills, "The Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists," in Power, Politics and People, Irving Louis Horowitz, ed., New York; 19037 PP» 525-552. 166

The fact that both hypotheses regarding the view of American sociologists toward black inferiority as opposed to black superior ity and the dichotomization of black and white were confirmed tends to support both the sociology of knowledge perspective that is concerned with cultural variables as well as the long standing assertion that American sociology is ethnocentric. For those who are troubled by this charge it is encouraging to note that at least the question of racial dichotomization has changed in recent years. It is now more common for sociologists to specifically state that the dichotomy is socially determined rather than assuming that such a socially based definition actually has its origin in firm biological categories. .

The interactionist generated hypothesis which clearly showed a relationship between the ideological orientation of a scholar's academic training and his later work tends to lend further support to both the cultural and structural aspects of the sociology of knowledge. Yet a difficulty remains; certain aspects of the perspective serve as the basis for useful explanatory hypotheses while other areas of the perspective do not. We are left with the fact that it is not possible to state either that sociological knowledge is basically a product of social interaction and deter minants rather than a product of "the scientific method" or that the inverse of such an assertion is true, since both factors are operative.

The failure of the structural proposition suggests the possibility of an antithetical explanation. It is very possible that the rapid increase in egalitarian thinking during the twenties 167 and thirties was related only indirectly to the structural variables. The structural hypotheses assumed that American sociologists were identified with the dominant group and would therefore reflect the interests of that group. Antithetical structural hypotheses would postulate that it was not in the interest of sociologists as a group to affirm the dominant group's view of reality. What must be recalled is the fact that sociology was still struggling during this period to establish itself as a fully recognized discipline, Landau has suggested a similar explanation for some of Weber's work though he emphasized

Weber's identification with the dominant group,What is . suggested here is that in order to establish itself, sociology had to offer alternative explanations to those held by the dominant group and to that which was held to be "common sense," If this were to be valid, of course, it would be in the interest of sociologists, particularly at times of great "racial" tension such as the thirties, to conclude that "races" are equal.

The cultural and interactionist variables give further and more convincing reasons for rejecting the autonomous enterprise model of science as the sole explanatory device when confronting

the changing use of the concept of race. The cultural definitions of race and racial characteristics obviously influenced the work of American sociologists as did the particular institution where

12. Landau in Maurice Stein and Arthur Vidich, eds. Sociology on Trial, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey; 1963, 168

the doctorate was earned. There is little doubt that if somehow

the national meetings of the Association were held in Columbia

or Brazil instead of the United States each year the work of

American sociologists would have been altered. One may not

conclude, however, that cultural and structural variables derived

from the sociology of knowledge are adequate explanations for the

development of thought without reference to the positivist's model

of scientific inquiry.

If hypotheses were constructed to confirm the positivist's

model several would indicate that it too should be accepted. As

has already been mentioned the significant egalitarian shift of

the thirties was in conjunction with the pioneering work of several

scholars such as Otto Klineberg and more generally can be seen as

part of an accelerating scientific sophistication in the area of

"race." Further, the lack of support for several structural

variables and even more important the lack of support for the

hypothesis which expected scientific change to follow legal change

point to the importance of science as an innovator.

What we are left with, then, is a rather broad conclusion

that both interpretations are partially accurate. Neither, though,

is acceptable as an exclusive explanation since it can be rather

clearly shown in the data of this investigation that both categories

of variables are operative and that both have explanatory value. 169

Summary and Conclusions

This investigation has represented an attempt to place specific treatment of the concept of race in American sociology within the framework of the sociology of knowledge. In order to facilitate the documentation of the use of the concept a set of categories for item analysis were developed and proven to be most useful in the gathering of data from both the presidential work and the American Journal of Sociology. Of the eleven hypotheses which were derived from the sociology of knowledge four were

strongly supported, three were very questionable, two were not

supported, and two were dismissed for an obvious lack of sufficient

data. Those derived from the cultural perspective of the sociology

of knowledge were more successful than those related to the

strictly structural interpretation.

It was recognized that the major thesis of such an investiga

tion places the general areas of the sociology of knowledge in

opposition to the traditional explanatory model of science as a

relatively autonomous enterprise. These seemingly contradictory

interpretations of scientific inquiry form the center of any

investigation of science from the sociology of knowledge, sociology

of science, or sociology of sociology perspectives. As has been

seen in the data neither explanation is adequate as an exclusive

interpretation of the changes in the concept of race in American

sociology. Clearly both models are useful; neither is sufficient

alone. 170

There is some question as to whether it is possible to conclude with any certainty just how much science is influenced by variables outside the traditional model of scientific investigation. This study has not reached any such conclusions nor can I envision any method to find them; yet the methodological

contributions of this effort are useful. Quite clearly American sociology has become more sophisticated in its treatment of ’’race”

just as it has become increasingly egalitarian. That has been

unquestionably demonstrated in this inquiry.

With only occasional exceptions, most often on the micro

level, studies of sociological thought from the perspective of

the sociology of knowledge tend to be rather general and vague.

This investigation has made at least a partial move in the direction

of clarifying the relationships between science and extra-scientific

variables. It has also made clear that certain adjustments in

the methodology would facilitate and make more useful similar

future efforts in this area.

1 3 . Leonard Leiberman, "The Debate Over Race: A Study in the Sociology of Knowledge," Phylon, this effort though useful in many ways is a rather good example of the vague discussions that often accompany the sociology of knowledge. Not one variable is ever clearly identified or defined. APPENDIX A

THE PRESIDENTIAL DATA"

171 172

Amalgama tion fH o rH rH <\1 o o l A

O Assimilation rvj rH (M lOi -a- tA (M

Some ON (U rH CVI J- ir\ rH rH Mixture

OO lA rH Pluralism IfN -d- r u o

Separatism rH rvj O o O o O f A

-d- Equal O O K\ IfS CN NO CM

Equal l A Reserved o Oj NO l A NO AI AI

O Center o rH KN OJ O rH rH

Unequal Reserved o CVI rH O o o NO

ON Unequal ITS NO CO O O o o iH

OO Social rH rH O rH NO l A rH

Hypothetical ON rH o rH NO NO rH -4 - rH Supposed

tA Traditional o o NO CVJ lA o fNJ rH Biological

National & o KN <\J o O o o Language

Ambiguous & Confused O o o OJ

1 1 f-4 rH O rH O (0 rH O rH O rH O rH O •4-> rH ' 3 3 ON ON ON ON Decade ON ON ON ON ON ON ON ON ON ON rH 1—i rH rH g rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH APPENDIX B

THE AJS DATA

173 174

Amalgamation fvj

Assimilation (M IfN (M

Some vo OJOJ rH Mixture

OJ Pluralism OJ

Separatism

Equal OJ rO r 4

Equal Reserved x \

Center OJ OJ I 01 OJ o\

Unequal Reserved OJ

Unequal VO

VO Social if \ rH

Hypothetical OJ OJ if\ OJ VO OJ Supposed

Traditional OJ 00 Biological

National & OJOJOJ VO Language

Ambiguous & Confused VO to OJ to

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