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University Microfilms. a XERQ\Company. Ann Arbor. Michigan 71-7541 PRESTON, Frederick William, 1941- RED, WHITE, BLACK AND BLUE; THE CONCEPT OF RACE IN AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY: AN EXPLORATION IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1970 Sociology, race question University Microfilms. A XERQ\Company. Ann Arbor. Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED R5D, ’vHITK, BLACK AND BLUE; TÎÎR CONCRPT OF RACE IN AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY: AN EXPLORATION IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Frederick William Preston, B.A., M.A, The Ohio State University 1970 Approved by Ai<ijn.ser (-B^partment of Sociology ACKNOWLZDCÜKIYS Over the years one is aided by nany in his intellectual development. I am particularly indebted to Nason Hall, Leon Warshay and Carl Nissen who as members of this department took much interest in my growth as a student and scholar. For their suggestions in the formulation of this study I thank Larry Reynolds and Don Noel. I ar.i very such indebted to the members of my dissertation committee for their many hours of effort in behalf of this investigation. John Cubor, who has served as my major advisor and chairman of the committee, has al/ays been very encouraging and of particular assistance in editorial advice. Douglas Card, in representing the positivists, has been very helpful in arranging the data, and in setting forth specific I'elationships. Jora Nysong, tho third member of the dissertation committee, made numerous helpful and insightful suggestions. His assistance on the broad intellectual level as well as editorially is .greatly appreciated. For aiding in the daily research and typing I thank my son, Eric. His vigilance during the early months of research prevented many gaggles from destroying tho data while in the latter stages of "writing his technical knowledge of typewriters and his constant information about buses, rucks, and sacs are greatly and warmly ii apprécia bed, Finally, to ;.iy wifo Jeaniiio a'hoae patience, v.’arath, understanding, insight, and lo/e have nado r;o both a better human being and sociologist I dedicate this work. Xll VITA April l3, 1 9 4 1 ...... Born - Toledo, Ohio 1 9 6 5 -1 9 6 6 .............. Research Assistant, Disaster Research Center, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1966 . ........ ..... B.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1966-I967 ........ Research Assistant, Richland County Education Project, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 19 6 7 -I9 6 8 ........ Teaching Assistant, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1 9 6 8............... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 7 0................Teaching Associate, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio TIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Sociology Studies in Sociological TTieory. Professors Leon War shay. Mason K. Hall, Jere Wysong and Ted R. Vaughan Studies in Principles and Methodology. Professors John F. Cuber, Douglas Card and Patrick Cleaver Studies in Race and Ethnic Relations. Professor Don Noel XV TABLE OF CCNTEIiTS Page ACKiJGV/I-EDGMEI-TS......................................... ii VITA .................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES......................................... vii LIST OF PLATES............................................ viii Chapter I. IÎTTAODUCTION...................................... 1 Background and Statement of the Problem Methods and Objectives The Hypotheses In Iroduc t.lon to the Presidential Work II. PRIOR TO 1 9 2 0...................................... 2 3 Use of the Concept Equal!by Facial Contact Summary III. 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 3.......................................... 0 45 Use of tho Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary IV. 1931-1945.......................................... 6 7 Use of the Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary CA3LÏÏ OF CCNTFN'l’S (Continued) Chapter Page y. 1946-1970 ......................................... 9 5 Use of the Concept Equality Facial Contact Summary VI. THE HYPOTHESES.................................. 126 Discussion Data Social Structural Cultural In terac tionist Summary VII. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ........................ I5 7 No thodological Considerations Discussion of the Findings Summary and Conclusions APPENDIX A. THE PRESIDENTIAL DA T A ............................ 172 3. THE A.JS D A T A ..................................... 1 7 4 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... I75 vx LIJT OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Uneaployaeat and Equality ...... 1 3 0 2. Comparison, of Black Migration Ratos with Sociological Work regarding Equality . 1 3 3 3» Comparison of European and Asian Immigration Ratos with Sociological Work regarding Equality .... .......... 1 3 5 4. Presiontial and AJS Deviation from Cultural Standards regarding the Concept of Race ............. 1 3^ 5 . Black Definitions and Presidential Separatism ..... 1 3 9 6. Comparison of Sociological work with Changes in the American legal Systaa ................. ih) 7 . Egali tarianis.n and Academic Training ......... 1 5 0 3. Unorthodox Theoretical Positions and Academic Appoxn T^nicn ts ..................... 132 9 . Graduate 'Training and Faculty Appointments for AoA Presidents .................... 134 Vll LIST OF PLATES Plate Page I. Correlations of Various Aspects of Sociological Work Regarding the Concept of Race with Each Other ..... 1 5I II. Consistoucy of Presidential Assumptions of Equality and Social Definitions of tho Concept ......... l48 Vlll CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION General Theoretic En.ck.g;ro;:nd nud Statement of the Problem The study of "race" .in one or another form or taxonomy is as old as nan's attempts to explain his environment and as varied as his particulai* experiences of migration and ethnic contact. The concept itself continues to bo used by both scholars and laymen although many maintain that its usefulness has long since passed.^ "Race" is a concept around which many ideological debates have centered and, thus, an ideal area of analysis from the perspective of the sociology of knowledge. The debates themselves have changed soi.iewhat ever the years. Prior to the thirties much of what was offered as "sciezice" was o .' i.en little more than unimaginative speculation. Indeed the first "sociology" studies in the United 2 States were such efforts. Yet even after such speculation has given way to more legitimate "science" and "the scientific method" firm conclusions to several of the most basic questions have not 1. There have boon several major discussions of this issue. During the early oO's the debate was carried in the pages of Current Anthropo1ocy. One of the most thorough treatments is that of Ashley Montagu, ed., The Concept of Race, Collier-MacMillan, London; 1959. 5. Both George /itshugh's Goclology f or the Couth oz'. The Mai lure of Free Society and Henry Hughes ' Treatise on Sociology v;hi.ch were publi.ohod in iffp^ defended the institution of slavery. bocu reached. Although Gor.e of the isoues have changed as well as has the method of study, several of the most critical controversies continue. Acadamicinns still dcbo.te the assunipticns of innate racial inequality and the desirability of racial assimilation as well as the form and usefulness of the concept itself.^ An under­ standing of those disputes as they represent the ongoing quest for knowledge is the basic purpose of this investigation. The sociology of knowledge is used to explain what is held to be true in different historical periods and in particular environ­ ments by groups and individuals. It is also used to explain the 4 persistence of some "facts" long after they have been "disprovou." To veiw the development of the concept of race in American sociology it is necessary to employ both of these aspects. It is perhaps inaccurate to speak of "the" perspective of the sociology of knowledge, since the focus has tended to be vague and often only a residual category of investigation. I'erton commented on this as he noted tîiat the sociology of knowledge "... is pi'imarily conccrnod with the relations between knowledge and other existential factors in the society or culture. General and oven vague as this formu­ lation of tho con tirai focus may be, a more specific statement will not serve to include the diverse approaches which have been 3. For a discussion of these issues as they are debated today see Luis Schneider, "Face, Reason and Rubbish Again," Rhylon. Vol. 2 3, Isabella Black, "Race and Unreason: Anti-Megro Opinion in :oiGSsionalf» _ 1 and .'1Scientific Literature Sincer* * . _ 1934,"^ y-\ f— #. It Phylon, TVol. f _ 1 26./ 4. Rather than a question of methodology and what constitutes "proof" and verification, the focus hero is related more to tho persistence of come ideas long after they have been discarded by an overwhelming majority of the discipline. dovolopod.In tho sano article Merton offered a paradigm to delineate the divorce approaches to the cooiology of knowledge but failed to formulate a distinctive methodology. Indeed the diversity of approach in the sociology of knowledge is parallel to certain aspects of the continuing debate between conflict and consensus theorists and therefore clearly not amenable to a single methodology. The system of Sorokin tends to emphasize the role of culture and ideas in determining knowledge and social reality while the approach employed by both Marx and Mannheim emphasizes the influence
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