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SociologyofEducationpublishes papers advancing sociological knowledge about education in its various forms. Among the many issues considered in the journal are the nature and determinants of educational expansion; the relationship VOLUME 73 • NUMBER 1 • FEBRUARY 2008 between education and social mobility in contemporary OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION society; and the implications of diverse ways of organizing schools and schooling for teaching, learning, and human 2007 ASA PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS development. The journal invites papers that draw on a wide range of methodological approaches that can contribute to a F

EBRUARY Can Power from Below Change the World? sociological understanding of these and other educational phenomena.

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Christopher A. Bail 2008 Subscription Rates Symbolic Boundaries in 21 European Countries ASA Members $40 • Student Members $25 • Institutions (print/online) $185, (online only) $170 (Add $20 for subscriptions outside the U.S. or Canada) RELIGION IN SOCIAL LIFE Individual subscribers are required to be ASA members. To join ASA and subscribe at discounted member rates, see www.asanet.org D. Michael Lindsay Send prepaid orders only to: Evangelicals in the Power Elite American Sociological Association 1307 New York Avenue, Suite 700 • Washington, DC 20005-4701 Paul Lichterman (202) 383-9005 • (202) 638-0882 fax Religion and Civic Identity [email protected] • www.asanet.org

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ARNE KALLEBERG, DOUGLAS MCADAM, DONALD TOMASKOVIC-DEVEY, 1307 New York Avenue, Suite 700 President Vice President Secretary Washington, DC 20005-4701 UNC Stanford UMass, Amherst (202) 383-9005 • Fax (202) 638-0882 [email protected] • www.asanet.org , MARGARET ANDERSEN, FRANCES FOX PIVEN, BONNIE THORNTON DILL, President-Elect Vice President-Elect Past President Past Vice President Maryland Delaware Graduate Center, CUNY Maryland

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JUDITH D. AUERBACH CLARA RODRIGUEZ MARC SCHNEIBERG amfAR UC, Berkeley Fordham Reed DALTON CONLEY MICHELE LAMONT GAY SEIDMAN NYU Harvard Arizona State Wisconsin MARJORIE DEVAULT MARY PATTILLO RUBEN RUMBAUT ROBIN STRYKER Syracuse Northwestern UC, Irvine Minnesota 2007 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 001 Can Power from Below Change the World? Frances Fox Piven

ARTICLES 015 Beyond the Industrial Paradigm: Market-Embedded Labor and the Gender Organization of Global Service Work in China Eileen M. Otis

037 The Configuration of Symbolic Boundaries against Immigrants in Europe Christopher A. Bail

060 Evangelicals in the Power Elite: Elite Cohesion Advancing a Movement D. Michael Lindsay

083 Religion and the Construction of Civic Identity Paul Lichterman

105 Divided We Stand, United We Fall: Religious Pluralism, Giving, and Volunteering Francesca Borgonovi

129 The Rise of Intra-Occupational Wage Inequality in the , 1983 to 2002 ChangHwan Kim and Arthur Sakamoto

158 Job Mobility and Wage Trajectories for Men and Women in the United States Sylvia Fuller

V OLUME 73 • NUMBER 1 • FEBRUARY 2008 O FFICIAL J OURNAL OF THE A MERICAN S OCIOLOGICAL A SSOCIATION 2007 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Can Power from Below Change the World?

Frances Fox Piven Graduate Center, City University of New York

Prevailing perspectives on power cannot explain why political protests from the bottom of societies sometimes result in reforms that reflect the grievances of the protestors. I propose a new theory of “interdependent power” that provides such an explanation. I argue that, contrary to common views, globalization actually increases the potential for this kind of popular power.

uch of my academic work has been about American history. This has been especially true Mthe role of protest movements in generat- during the great moments of equalizing reforms ing reforms—reforms that ease the circum- that humanized our society, from the founding stances of people at the bottom of American of the republic, to the emancipation of the slaves, society. And much of my work as a political to the rise of the New Deal and Great Society activist, the source of real joy in my life, has order, to the civil rights acts of the 1960s, and been in collaboration with these movements. so on. In the years leading up to the In this address, I build on that experience by the- Revolutionary War, American elites restless oretically examining the kind of power that is under British rule struck up an alliance with “the at work when movements, in the United States people out-of-doors” or the mobs of the era. and elsewhere, become a force for change. I Without the support of the rabble, the war with think that the question of how power can be England could not have been won.1 But the exerted from the lower reaches has never been price of the alliance was elite indulgence of more important. It will ultimately determine radical democratic ideas about the people’s whether another world is indeed possible. rights to self governance. Moreover, the dis- Although this is not the way the story of ruptive threat of the mob and their radical American political development is usually told, democratic convictions were imprinted on the protest movements have played a large role in

1 This point is now widely accepted. The pivotal Direct correspondence to Frances Fox Piven work was probably Becker (1909) (see also, Bailyn ([email protected]). I want to thank Lori Minnite 1965; Bridenbaugh 1955; Morgan 1956; Raphael and Fred Block for their comments on this address. 2001; Schlesinger 1955; Young 1999).

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, 2008, VOL. 73 (February:1–14) 2—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW provisions of the new state constitutions, and 2000). Or the black freedom movement whose then, more dimly, on those provisions of the extraordinary audacity in confronting the sys- new federal constitution that spoke to popular tem of Southern apartheid led the federal gov- rights and representation—provisions that had ernment to at long last pass the legislation that to be conceded to win popular support for the implemented the promises of the Reconstruction new national government. period. Or the antipoverty protests of the 1960s To be sure, the process was complicated. The that forced an expansion of American social mob was powerful during the revolutionary programs so that the United States began to period because state power was weakened by the look something like a social . Or the deepening conflict between colonial elites, the Vietnam antiwar movement, and especially its British crown, and British merchant interests G.I. component, that finally brought the war in who were influential with the crown. State Southeast Asia to an end, and left in its wake the power was also weakened by the vast distance so-called “Vietnam syndrome,” which inhibit- that separated the colonies from the governing ed the deployment of American military power apparatus and military forces of the mother in the world, at least for awhile. Or the women’s country, and by the fragmentation of colonial movement, and the gay liberation movement, governing authorities. Moreover, the building and their achievements in winning legal rights blocks of electoral representative democracy and transforming American social life and that were the achievement of the revolution culture. were soon encased in the clientelist and tribal- Needless to say, the protestors never simply ist politics developed by nineteenth-century won. Their demands have been inevitably mod- political parties. Still, even a limited electoral ulated and honed to mesh with ongoing insti- democracy sometimes helped to moderate the tutional arrangements and the powerful interests power born of wealth and force, at least when with stakes in those institutions. Moreover, once new surges of protest forced conciliatory these protests subsided, even the limited achieve- responses from electoral leaders. ments have been whittled back (which, while it Or consider the strange and even fanatical is never acknowledged, is further evidence of the abolitionists. Their boldness and single-mind- importance of movements in spurring reform). edness in pursuing the goal of immediate eman- Nevertheless, these setbacks notwithstanding, cipation shattered the sectional compromises the reforms won by protest movements left their that had made national union possible in 1789. mark. An electoral representative system per- Movement activists were embedded in the sists, chattel slavery was not restored, the churches of a largely Protestant country. Their Southern apartheid system is dismantled, and agitated oratory broke apart the major denom- while labor is taking a beating, there are still inations, preparing the way for the fragmenting unions, and they may matter again in American of the intersectional parties of the third party politics. system and ultimately driving the infuriated Well, why these victories? What did the slave states to secession. The achievements of protest movements do that forced conciliatory the movement are undeniable. The national gov- responses? Neither the literature on social move- ernment launched a war to preserve the union, ments nor the literature on American political which led to the emancipation of the slaves, development has a good answer to that question. and then, with the influence of Southern repre- When movements are discussed, they are often sentatives removed by secession, at the war’s end called disruptive, which seems to mean noisy, Congress passed the 13th, 14th, and 15th maybe disorderly, and even violent. Of course, amendments to the constitution. protest movements do make noise as they try to Or consider for a moment the mass strikes of communicate their demands, with slogans, ban- the labor movement of the 1930s—strikes that ners, antics, rallies, and marches. These sorts of won the basic framework of an industrial rela- actions give the movements some voice, and if tions system that, at least for a time, brought the conditions are right, some electoral impact. many working people into what is called the Perhaps more important, the big gatherings, the middle class and gave respect and self-respect, chants, and the signs, boost the morale of move- hitherto denied, to now unionized workers in ment participants. But the protests that marked autos, steel, rubber, and the mines (Metzgar American history confronted formidable oppo- CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–3 sition that voice alone could hardly have over- sociologists who became interested in conflict come. As for violence, while it was sometimes as the Parsonian paradigm faded in the 1960s. used defensively, American protests have gen- The question that preoccupies theorists who erally shunned violence and the strategic risks accept this view is who has power, and why? it generated. And the answer to this question is generally Although I too have written about move- understood to depend on power resources, or the ments as disruptive, here I will use the term bases on which one actor is able to bend the will “interdependent” power, not because I want to of others. Weber avoided the question, arguing disarm the reader, but because the word suggests that the resources for power could not be gen- the sociological basis of disruptive force. I want eralized, but depended on specific circum- to show the importance of this kind of power for stances. Since this position denies the possibility the analysis of movements and their impact on of analyzing the patterned distribution of power politics, by which I mean the perennial con- in social life, it has not been satisfactory to tests over the allocations of material and cultural many analysts. Instead, conflict theorists have benefits that result directly or indirectly from the proliferated lists of the things and attributes actions of governments. I also suggest that inter- that give an actor the ability to sway other actors. dependent power is significant in other institu- Power is now seen as something that rests on tional arenas, most obviously in the economy, personal skills, technical expertise, money or the but also, for example, in the family, the church, control of opportunities to make money, pres- and the local community. Indeed, these patterns tige or access to prestige, numbers of people, or of domination—sometimes referred to as “social the capacity to mobilize numbers of people. control”—that prevail in other arenas very like- (1975:60–61) summarizes this ly have consequences for the power contests perspective: we recognize as politics. Finally, I consider the Look for the material things that affect interaction: prospects for the emergence of interdependent the physical places, the modes of communication, power as a transformative agent in contempo- the supply of weapons, devices for staging one’s rary politics, in the United States and in the public impression, tools, and goods. Assess the rel- world. The potential for the exercise of power ative resources available to each individual: their from below must, I believe, command the atten- potential for physical coercion, their access to tion of sociologists. But are our intellectual tra- other persons with whom to negotiate, their sex- ditions and institutional locations suited to ual attractiveness, their store of cultural devices for invoking emotional solidarity, as well as the phys- conduct such inquiries? ical arrangements just mentioned.|.|.|. The resources for conflict are complex. 2 AN EXPANDED THEORY OF POWER Collins’s catalog is familiar and not notably Sociologists have worried a good deal over the different from Dahl’s (1961:226) “common concept of power. I want to put to one side sense” list of “anything that can be used to sway many of the interesting debates about definitions the specific choices or the strategies of anoth- of power, though, in favor of a familiar Weberian er individual.”4 Mills (1956:9, 23) makes the understanding. I treat power as the ability of an actor to sway the actions of another actor or actors, even against resistance. Sometimes this 4 Others have tried to classify resources according is called the zero-sum assumption: what one to some discriminating principle, as when Giddens actor achieves is at the expense of other actors. (1976) distinguishes between “allocative resources” It is, in the language of (1976), (control over material goods and the natural forces power as domination, and a property of social that can be harnessed in their production) and interaction.3 This usage was influential among “authoritative resources” (control over the activities of human beings). Etzioni (1968:357–59) distin- guishes between utilitarian resources or material 2 This argument is elaborated in Piven and Cloward inducements, coercive resources that can be used to (2005). do violence to bodies or psyches, and normative or 3 For Giddens, however, the relationship of power symbolic rewards or threats. Tilly (1978:69) takes a to conflict is contingent on whether resistance has to more strictly economic tack, emphasizing “the econ- be overcome. omist’s factors of production: land, labor, capital, 4—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW important additional point that the “truly pow- since the resources that are the basis for the erful” are those “who occupy the command effective exercise of power are stratified, so is posts” of major institutions, since such institu- power stratified, and those who have more accu- tions are the bases for great concentrations of mulate still more. 5 resources. Everyone appears to agree that one This understanding of who has power, and kind of resource can be used to gain another, as why, is clearly serviceable most of the time. resources are “transferred, assembled, reallo- The rich and the highly placed, including those 6 cated, exchanged” and invested. In sum, power who control armies and police, usually do pre- resources are the attributes or things that one vail in any contest with those who have none of actor can use to coerce or induce another actor.7 those things—but not always. Sometimes peo- I will refer to this view simply as the power resources perspective. ple without things or status or wealth do succeed The sheer proliferation of lists of power in forcing institutional changes that reflect, if resources, from money to popularity to numbers often only dimly, the needs and aspirations of to spare time, has sometimes been the basis for people lower in the social order. The rioting arguing for a considerable indeterminacy in the crowds that besieged late medieval cities forced patterning of power.8 Everyone has something, the creation of early systems of relief (De Swaan the pluralists argue, and even those that have 1988; Hill 1952; Jutte 1994; Lis and Soly 1979; very little have at least their numbers. Typically, Piven and Cloward 1971). As Europe and the however, the kinds of goods and traits singled United States industrialized, striking workers out by analysts as key resources are not wide- forced the construction of systems of labor pro- ly distributed, rather they are concentrated at the tections. The participants in the black freedom top of the social hierarchy. It follows that power movement challenged white mobs and Bourbon is also concentrated at the top. The reasoning is politicians and won the changes in law and straightforward: Wealth, prestige, and the instru- practice that dismantled American apartheid. ments of physical coercion are all reliable bases Masses of ordinary people defied the armed for dominating others. Since these traits and guards and literally hacked down the legendary goods are, everyone agrees, distributed by social Berlin wall. And only very recently, the road rank, it follows that people with higher social blockades of the unemployed workers in the rank inevitably have more power, and people with lower social rank have less. In other words, piquetero movement in Argentina forced the government to initiate the first unemployment subsidies in the history of Latin America. This perhaps technical expertise as well.” Mann (1986) helped to spur a far broader insurgency that identifies economic power based on material toppled a succession of presidents (Auyero resources, military power based on physical coercion, 2005; Sitrin 2006:8–16). Highland Aymaric ideological power, and political power based on a ter- Indians of Bolivia brought down two govern- ritorial administrative apparatus. ments and the current regime has taken steps 5 “Power,” says Domhoff (2007:97), whose work toward at least a partial nationalization of gas follows in the “power structure” tradition that Mills pioneered, is “rooted in organizations, not in indi- and oil. Why are people without what we usu- viduals.” ally call power resources able to win anything, 6 The language here is taken from Oberschall ever?9 (1973:28); for the identical point in different lan- guage, see Dahl (1961:227). The obvious point that wealth, status, and power are each means to the oth- 9 Social movement analysts display a certain ers was originally made by Weber and is discussed ambivalence in dealing with this issue. On the one in Wrong (1979:229). hand, most U.S. movement scholars are clearly sym- 7 Other and more elaborate lists of resources can pathetic to movements and regard them as a form of be found in Lasswell and Kaplan (1950:83–92). politics. On the other hand, the studies of the impact 8 Dahl (1961:226), for example, begins his own list of movements on policy, or of the dynamics through with “control over an individual’s time.” By this sort which that impact is achieved, remain thin. Perhaps of reasoning, the unemployed should be expected to this is at least partly due to the fact that movement exert substantial influence. analysts are uncertain about the theoretical basis of CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–5

INTERDEPENDENT POWER tional rules on which daily life depends. However, as Dennis Wrong (1979) argued some I propose that there is another kind of power time ago, people continue to pursue other ends based not on resources, things, or attributes, than those promoted by the regimens of insti- but rooted in the social and cooperative relations tutional life, whether because they are prompt- in which people are enmeshed by virtue of ed by facets of human desire that escape group life. Think of societies as composed of socialization, or because they are exposed to networks of cooperative relations, more or less diverse institutional environments that cultivate institutionalized, through which mating and other ends.12 All this is, I think, uncontroversial. reproduction is organized, or production and My crucial assumption, however, is that because distribution, the socialization of the young, or people have diverse (and contentious) ends, and the allocation and enforcement of state author- because they are at the same time social and ity.10 Social life is cooperative life, and in prin- cooperative creatures, they will inevitably try to ciple, all people who make contributions to use their relations with others in pursuit of those these systems of cooperation have potential ends, even against opposition. More to the point, power over others who depend on them. This institutional life socializes people to conform- kind of interdependent power is not concen- ity, while at the same time, institutions yield trated at the top but is potentially widespread. the participants in social and cooperative activ- Even people with none of the assets or attributes ities the power to act on diverse and conflict- we usually associate with power do things on ing purposes, even in defiance of the rules. which others depend.11 They clean the toilets or Thus, while conflict theorists emphasize that mine the coal or tend the babies. Even when they capitalists have power over workers because are unemployed and idle, others depend on them they control investment and the opportunities for to comply with the norms of civic life. employment that investment generates (and they Stable networks of cooperation inevitably can call out the goons, the troops, the press, or come to be governed by the rules and ideas we the courts), a focus on interdependent power lets call institutions. And institutions also become us see that workers also have potential power sites of contention and the exercise of interde- over capitalists because they staff the assembly pendent power. Yet this is not obvious if we lines on which production depends. In the same take too deterministic a view of social life. vein, landlords have power over their tenants Institutions are Janus-faced: they help to shape because they own the fields the tenants till, but the identities and purposes of people, and they tenants have power over landlords because with- socialize people to conform with the institu- out their labor the fields are idle. State elites can invoke the authority of the law and the force of the troops, but they also depend on voting movement power (see, e.g., Amenta, Halfmann, and publics. Husbands and wives, priests and their Young 1999; Burstein, Einwohner, and Hollander 1995; Cress and Snow 2000; Giugni 1998; McAdam, parishioners, masters and slaves, all face this McCarthy, and Zald 1988). Generalizations are of dynamic. Both sides of all these relations have course hazardous, and there are important excep- the potential for exercising interdependent tions to my generalization (e.g., Gamson 1975; power, and at least in principle, the ability to Goldstone 1980; Gurr 1980; Tarrow 1994). Empirical exert power over others by withdrawing or studies of the civil rights movement also attempt to threatening to withdraw from social cooperation. draw conclusions about outcomes, although analyses In fact, interdependent power is implicit in of the detailed mechanisms through which protests much of what we usually think about power contributed to legislated outcomes are generally lack- from below. In the contemporary era, we have ing (see, e.g., Andrews 2001). generally relied on two suggestive theories to 10 Mann’s (1986:17) proposal that we “conceive of explain the periodic exercise of popular power; societies as federated, overlapping, intersecting rather than as simple totalities” complements this under- theories that are variously elaborated in the standing of power. 11 The foundational statement about the depen- dence of the high on the low is Hegel’s discussion of the relationship between master and servant (see 12 On the transmission of ideas from one institu- Friedrich 1953:399–411). tional setting to another, see Sewell (1992). 6—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW arguments of intellectuals and also deeply sentative institutions and the power yielded by imprinted in popular belief. One is simply the the industrial workplace. Each kind of power can theory of political democracy as it has developed affect the other. Workplace strikes are far more since the seventeenth century. Ordinary people likely to be met with a degree of conciliation if have power over state elites through electoral state elites restrain from using force to sup- representative institutions that mediate between press the strikers because they worry about the the citizenry and the state. People, or at least electoral repercussions among sympathetic vot- many of them, have votes, and periodic elec- ing constituencies. The reverse is of course also tions, at which those votes are tallied, make true. When elites feel free to summon the troops, political officials dependent on popular majori- strikes are far less likely to be successful, as the ties to remain in positions of state authority. history of defeated nineteenth and early-twen- Elections thus anchor state leaders to the vot- tieth century strikes in the United States demon- ers on whom they must rely to remain in com- strates (Piven and Cloward 1977). mand of government. The vote means that It is not only the state’s monopoly over the people have power, some power, because polit- legitimate use of violence that can make labor ical elites depend on them. power conditional on electoral power. The mass The other big theory, expressed in both intel- strikes of the 1930s forced the concessions to lectual and folk versions, is a theory of labor organized labor embodied in the Wagner Act, power, most eloquently argued by Marx and but in the succeeding decades, it was the influ- Engels in The Communist Manifesto. The devel- ence of organized labor in electoral politics that opment of capitalism, the argument goes, gave helped protect at least some of these gains. The rise to mass production industries and to the vast extraordinary electoral and lobbying mobiliza- number of factory workers on whose labor tions attempted by American unions in recent power those industries rely. Because factory years are obviously an effort to regain the influ- production depends on them, workers can exer- ence yielded by electoral power at a time when cise leverage by striking, by “shutting it down.” labor power has declined. Moreover, the growth of mass production indus- Similarly, the history of the welfare state can tries steadily increases the number of workers be told as a history of successive concessions who have this kind of power. This growth cre- made necessary by eruptions of both labor ates solidarities among the workers, even while power and electoral power. In fact, I think the the experience of mass production generates story is unreasonably simplified when more ever deeper divisions between capital and labor, unruly expressions of popular power are singling out capital as the target for worker ignored. Nevertheless, there is truth in the big anger. Labor power also has an institutionalized picture that characterizes the economic securi- expression in the formation of unions and a ty afforded working and poor people by public panoply of labor rights incorporated into law and income supports and service programs as the 13 regulation. price paid by political and economic elites for the integration and cooperation of large swaths THE IMPORTANCE OF of the population, a price made necessary by INTERDEPENDENT POWER periodic eruptions of democratic and labor THEN AND NOW power. The episodic and complex history of the expan- sion of political and labor rights in Europe, the GLOBALIZATION United States, Latin America, and elsewhere Still, you might say, that was then, and the game can be told as the history of state responses to has changed. Our world has been transformed the mobilization of both the popular power by the complex of developments we call glob- yielded by the development of electoral repre- alization. Before globalization, by which I mean neoliberal globalization, we had at least some confidence that our government could imple- 13 This is what Wright (2000) calls the structural ment reforms, if pressed hard enough by the power of workers. For a further development of this interplay of labor power and electoral politics. idea, see Silver (2003). We also had at least some confidence that work- CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–7 ers and their unions could temper corporate tion and a run-up of oil prices (Mouawad 2007a, policies. Now the ability of governments to 2007b). The world took notice and the example control crucial market actors, including multi- seems to be spreading to other oil-rich regions. national corporations and international finan- In Nigeria, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Venezuela, ciers, has been weakened by the mobility of the contest is over oil; in Peru and Chile it is over capital, at the same time as accelerating trade copper. Indeed, when Peruvian copper miners has spurred worldwide competition for cheap- struck in early May of 2007, copper prices in er and cheaper labor. Without the tempering New York jumped to their highest level in 11 influences of democratic power and labor power, months (Munshi 2007). While most are acute- are we doomed to a future controlled by reck- ly aware of the wide reverberations of the actions lessly greedy business and political leaders, and of multinational investors and currency specu- the spiraling inequality and environmental lators, many ordinary people also play an impor- depredation that results? I don’t think so. In tant part in the complex and fragile exchanges fact, I am at least somewhat optimistic about our that constitute neoliberal globalization—and future. And that is because I think the sources because they do, they have potential power. of power that produced reform in the past are not These observations suggest a very different diminished by globalization at all. perspective than the usual wisdom about neolib- In principle, interdependent power increases eral globalization and the decline of democrat- with centralization and specialization—for the ic and labor power. To be sure, globalization obvious reason that as the division of labor enormously expands investor opportunities for advances, webs of cooperation grow wider and exit from relations with any particular group of more intricate, and the cooperative project working people. With the click of a mouse, cap- involves more and diverse contributions from ital can be moved to low-wage and low-cost more and diverse people.14 Globalization, parts of the world. But the very arrangements neoliberal or not, means just this: increased that make exit easier also create new and more specialization and integration in complex and fragile interdependencies. Outsourcing is two- far-reaching systems of cooperation and inter- sided. On one hand, it loosens the dependence dependence, with the potential that popular of employers on domestic workers. On the other power will also become more far-reaching and hand, it binds employers to many other workers available to more people. The evidence sug- in far-flung and extended chains of production. gests that popular power’s potential has expand- These chains, in turn, depend on complex sys- ed far beyond the specific institutional locations tems of electronic communication and trans- that informed our ideas about democratic power portation that are themselves acutely vulnerable and labor power. to disruption. The old idea that logistical work- Throughout most of the world’s history, iso- ers located at the key nodes of industrial systems lated villagers have had little influence over of production have great potential labor power distant imperial centers. In recent years, though, has in a sense been writ large. Many workers, indigenous highlanders repeatedly blocked the including those who run the far-flung trans- roads to La Paz, successive Bolivian govern- portation systems, those lodged at all the points ments fell, and multinational energy corpora- in vastly extended chains of production, and tions, and the world, took notice. Similarly, those in “just-in-time” systems of production when militants from the Ogoni and Ijaw peoples that the Internet has facilitated, may have poten- of the oil-rich Nigerian Delta protested the tial interdependent power. ruinous depredations of the international oil And not just workers. In a scenario that has companies—holding oil workers hostage and become familiar in China and India, farmers blowing up oil and gas facilities—the conse- recently refused to sell their land to make way quences were a sharp reduction of oil produc- for a petro-chemical plant in a Special Economic Zone south of Calcutta. They forced the Indian authorities to shelve the plan, intended to lure 14 Durkheim ([1933] 1964:39) made this point foreign investors, at least for the time being. about what he characterized as “one of the funda- Fourteen farmers were shot dead in the conflict. mental bases of the social order” of the nineteenth Nevertheless, the head of the Muslim group century. leading the protests announced triumphantly, 8—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

“We have taught the government a lesson they dependent power usually remains latent. The will never forget” (Page 2007). Tens of thou- actualization of interdependent power typi- sands of similar farmer protests in China, and cally requires that people break the rules that the resulting bloody clashes, have reportedly govern the institutions in which they partici- prompted the national government to launch pate, if only because those rules are designed some 90,000 investigations and to impose to suppress interdependent power. People must “administrative punishments” on some of the also recognize that they have some power, that local governments who evict farmers and elites also depend on the masses. People have householders because they are greedy for new to organize, to contrive ways of acting in con- investment (Cheng 2007). China also has plans cert, at least insofar as concerted action is nec- for heavier fines for illegal developments. essary to make their power effective. The Overall, the much touted number of 74,000 inhibiting effect of other relations, with fam- mass protests officially acknowledged in China ily, church, or party, have to be suppressed or in 2004 has prompted a new concern with overcome. The protesting group must have the social inequality in ruling circles, as well as capacity to endure the interruption of the coop- 15 some new programs to moderate inequalities. erative relations on which they also depend. The widespread reverberations of local To actualize interdependent power under protests can be remarkable. When people from new conditions, strategies have to be developed the Argentine town of Gualeguaychu blocked to manage all these obstacles.17 Over time, a the international bridge linking Uruguay with given set of strategies can become familiar Argentina, they were protesting against the and available—like scripts that can be drawn construction of a paper mill they said would on in subsequent challenges. But as institu- pollute the environment and hurt tourism and tional arrangements change, as they have fishing along the Uruguay River. The plant changed in our time, new strategies are was to be built by a Finnish company, with a demanded. The realization of potential power loan from the World Bank. The protests not only threatened the plant, but also the must then wait on the invention of new strate- Uruguayan economy, exposed fissures in the gies. This process is made more difficult Mercosur trade alliance, activated international because the strategy scripts that solved prob- NGOs, and prompted Spain’s King Juan Carlos lems in the past have staying power. These to offer himself as a mediator.16 scripts persist because they are imprinted on memory and habit, reinforced by the recollec- tion of past victories, and reiterated by the THE STRATEGY PROBLEM organizations and leaders thrust up in past Still, the actualization of interdependent power conflicts.18 In sum, globalization does not is never easy. I am arguing that this kind of mean that popular power has dissipated (i.e., power may have increased, but it has always it is not the case that dominant groups no existed and has always been widely dispersed. longer require contributions from subordinate Yet the good things in life, which the deploy- groups), but rather new strategies for mobi- ment of interdependent power might lead to, lizing and deploying interdependent power have not been widely dispersed because inter- from below have to be crafted. And there is actually evidence that this is happening.

15 Daniel Bell (2007:21) writes, “In October 2006, for the first time in twenty-five years, a plenary ses- 17 Such strategies have to be developed both on the sion of the CCP’s Central Committee devoted itself top-side and the bottom-side of interdependent rela- specifically to the study of social issues .|.|. [signal- tions. For reasons discussed elsewhere, dominant ing] a shift from no-holds-barred growth to a more groups are in a better position to adapt their strate- sustainable model that would boost social and eco- gies to take advantage of new conditions (see Piven nomic equality.” and Cloward 2005). 16 See coverage by Benedict Mander in the 18 Others have made this point. Jasper (1997), for Financial Times. He was stationed in Montevideo dur- example, talks about the tendency of groups to draw ing the first months of 2007 (see also Futures and on familiar and limited tactics from among the broad Commodity Market News 2006). range of choices open to them. CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–9

First, breaking the rules. I said that the insti- arrangements and the traditional ideas that tutions that generate the potential for interde- legitimate them. In other words, the clash with pendent power also generate the rules, ideas, tradition provides people with alternatives. and routines that inhibit the realization of that Consider how often social movements go into power. To be sure, rules are a basic postulate battle charging that the actions or policies they of collective life, shielding people against the are protesting are wrong because they violate totally unexpected, distilling collective knowl- the rules prescribed by law or custom.19 edge, and making possible the complex forms Second, consider the problem of recogniz- of cooperation on which society rests. But ing the fact of interdependence—the potential rules are also instruments of power, and rule- for power from below—in the face of ruling making is a strategy by which dominant class definitions that privilege the contributions groups, drawing on the full range of power of dominant groups to social life and may even resources available to them, inhibit subordinate eradicate the contributions of lower status groups from activating the distinctive power groups. Economic and political interdepen- rooted in interdependence. These rules grant dencies are real in the sense that they have wide scope to dominant groups but limit what real ramifications in the material bases of subordinate groups can do in cooperative rela- social life and in the exercise of coercive force. tions. Think of the long history of laws that tie But they are also cultural constructions. The workers to their employers—feudal laws that monetary contributions of husbands to fami- obligated the vassal to work the lord’s domain, ly relations have always been given much more the Statute of Laborers of 1349, laws pro- emphasis than the domestic services of wives; hibiting vagrancy and begging, the myriad the contributions of entrepreneurial capital are laws regarding theft and fraud, and the laws that given more weight than the productive labor of prohibited workers from forming unions or workers; and so on. Before people are likely to striking (and which still exist today in the form withdraw their contributions as a strategy for of union contract obligations or laws pro- exercising power, they need to recognize the hibiting public sector strikes). In all of these large part those contributions play in mating, instances, rule-making stabilized power by economic, political, or religious relationships. suppressing interdependent power from below. This step in the mobilization of interde- Of course, the rules themselves can become pendent power is contingent on how people the focus of contention, and rule changes result understand the social relations in which they not only from the deployment of power are enmeshed. The development of the indus- resources, but also in response to mobilizations trial workers movement in Europe and North from below. Some rules may actually reflect a America was conditional on the emergence of kind of compromise, simultaneously limiting a worker subculture that made exactly this and legitimating the exercise of interdepen- point—that workers were central to econom- dent power from below (for example, laws that ic growth. “It is we who plowed the prairies, specify the conditions for legal strikes). Even built the cities where they trade, dug the mines in these instances, however, because the rules and built the workshops, endless miles or rail- reflect reigning power inequalities, the real- road laid,” goes the old labor song. ization of interdependent power is often con- The neo-laissez faire doctrine that justifies ditional on the ability of people to defy the market-led globalization can be seen as the rules and the dominant interpretations that jus- revival of a species of natural law that obliter- tify them. Over time, rules become intertwined with deep interpretations of social life that justify 19 conformity, despite the power disadvantage For example, in April 2007, a number of indige- nous subsistence communities in northern Guatemala that results. The force of the interpretations held a “Consulta Popular” on two questions: the con- associated with market-dominated globaliza- struction of the Xalala Dam, which would displace tion is likely to be weakened, though, by the 18 local communities, and permission to explore for very fact of the newness of these arrange- oil in the Quiche Department. The Consulta is a tra- ments, and by the fact that these interpretations ditional decision-making process; 91 percent voted are imposed in the face of traditional social “no” (see Kern 2007). 10—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ates worker power by reducing it to market ing, there are some examples of fledgling exchange. Like nineteenth-century laissez alliances that may have more solidity.20 faire, it asserts the inevitable preeminence of The emerging new movement formations are market calculations, and it warns of the poten- more localized than the old industrial unions, tially hazardous consequences of interference and they seem to have more in common with the with the dynamics of markets or market “law.” village social organizations that Barrington On the other side, however, the exploitation of Moore (1965:470–74) argued generated the sol- natural resources by multinational corpora- idarity that enabled people to protest the hard- tions has triggered a rash of protests across the ships associated with the fall of the ancien global south, perhaps because abstracted argu- regime. The new local groups, though, may ments about markets and market law are out- have an advantage denied to European villagers weighed by the palpable reality of customary living through the transition from feudalism to uses of the land and traditional cultural justi- commercial capitalism. The new groups are fications. connected to each other, as well as to world Third, contributions to ongoing economic audiences, in networks that rely on the Internet. and political activities are often made by many The campaigns of the Ijaw and Ogoni militants individuals, and these multiple contributions in the Nigerian delta relied on $2 and $3 phones, must be coordinated for the effective mobi- and the official spokesman for the Movement lization of disruptive power. Workers, villagers, for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, known parishioners, or consumers have to act in con- as Jomo Gbomo, communicated with foreign cert before the withdrawal of their contribu- journalists by e-mail (Junger 2007). The tions exerts a disruptive effect on the factory, Zapatista protests in Chiapas, begun in 1992, the church, or the merchant. This is the old also made wide use of the Internet and res- problem of building solidarity, of organizing for joint action, that workers, voters, and com- onated among indigenous peoples across the munity residents confront when they try to globe. Shefner (2007) concludes that while deploy their leverage over those who depend these protests had limited direct influence, they on them for their labor, their votes, or their helped catalyze a broad democratization move- acquiescence in the normal patterns of civic ment in Mexico. There are also new organiza- life. (One of the advantages that capitalists tional forms developing that take account of have always had over workers is simply that the informal character of work in much of the capitalists may not have to organize to exercise global south. These groups eschew organizing their interdependent power.) drives against multiple small employers in favor As has often been pointed out, the social of campaigns targeting governments and relations created by a stable institutional con- demanding government regulation of the work- text may go far toward solving the coordina- place (Agarwala 2006). This is clearly an effort tion problem. The classic Marxist analysis of to avoid the dissipation of efforts to which worker power argued that worker solidarity was created by the mines and factories of industrial capitalism, which drew people 20 The International Association of Machinists and together in a shared setting where they would the International Metalworkers Federation announced develop common grievances and common an agreement in April of 2007 to form a Global antagonists. Now, however, at least in the moth- Union Alliance representing Boeing workers in the er countries of industrial capitalism that United States, Canada, Australia, Germany, Italy, inspired this argument, the numbers of miners Sweden, and Japan. The Steelworkers recently and industrial workers are shrinking, along announced merger negotiations with two of Britain’s with their fabled power, as corporations shift largest unions (Meyerson 2007). The Service Employees International Union also has interna- production to low-wage countries in the glob- tionalist plans that emphasize a strategy in which al south. Strategists from the old unions are strong unions in one country use their bargaining searching for ways of overcoming this weak- power or their treasuries to win organizing rights ness by coordinating labor action across bor- from multinational firms for workers in other coun- ders. Although a good deal of this seems to take tries (Lerner 2003) (for a sober assessment see the form of proclamations and wishful think- Moody 1997 and Piven and Cloward 2000). CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–11 organizing in the informal sector would likely a similar stance (Phelps 2007). The group is lead. deliberately antibureaucratic and antihierarchical, As a number of these examples suggest, it with no national leaders, and this freedom from may be the case that too much importance has centralized control is part of its appeal. More been given to the solidarities created by under- generally, the global justice movement has stri- lying and preexisting social organization, and to dently disavowed the organizational forms asso- the “organization” of movements themselves. ciated with the labor movement, opting instead As I have written elsewhere with Richard for more spontaneous direct action, sometimes Cloward (Piven and Cloward 1992), “Riots called horizontalism, or for looser methods of require little more by way of organization than communicating and coordinating collective numbers, propinquity, and some communica- action as “spokes and wheels” rather than as tion. Most patterns of human settlement .|.|. sup- organizational pyramids. ply these structural requirements.”21 Street mobs Fourth, when people attempt to exercise dis- can mobilize quickly, taking advantage of pub- ruptive or interdependent power, they have to lic gatherings such as markets, hangings, or sim- see ways of enduring the suspension of the coop- ply crowded streets, and the participants may erative relationship on which they depend, and to not know each other personally, although they are withstand any reprisals they may incur. This is likely to be able to read the signs of group, class, less evident for participants in actions like mob- or neighborhood identity that the crowd displays. bing or rioting, where the action is usually short- Many of the protests against neoliberal glob- lived and the participants are likely to remain alization have just this character of the instantly- anonymous. But when workers strike, they need formed crowd or mob. Adolfo Gilly recently to feed their families and pay the rent; consumer commented on this, speaking of protests in Latin boycotters need to get by for a time without the America: “These movements are made up of goods or services they are refusing to purchase. young people, many of them from the informal People may even have to face down the threat of sector. They have no unions built by their fathers, exit that is often provoked by disruption. they live in the slums instead of the village or the Husbands confronting rebellious wives may working class neighborhood. They have to organ- threaten to walk out; employers confronting strik- ize in a different way. And they are more free than ing workers may threaten to relocate or to replace we were!”22 Marina Sitrin (2006:31), writing workers, and so on. Even rioters risk precipitat- about the Argentinean protests of 2001, says, “It ing the exit of their partners in cooperative rela- was a rebellion without leadership, either by tionships, as when small businesses fled from established parties or by a newly emerged elite.|.|.|. slum neighborhoods in the wake of the American People didn’t know where they were marching, ghetto riots of the 1960s. or why they were marching, they were just so fed The natural resource wars in Latin America up with this typically neoliberal system that and Africa sparked by local protests seem to Menem implemented.” The chapters of a new have fewer repercussions of this kind. To be Students for a Democratic Society that have sure, foreign payments may fall, but since a sprung up recently in the United States display main grievance of the protestors is typically that they receive few benefits from these pay- ments, there may be little lost to local people by the suspension. And when outside investment in 21 While the inability of organized labor in the natural resources is accompanied by a flood of United States to protect labor rights is widely attrib- exports that overwhelm indigenous industry, uted to the shrinking percentage of the labor force that deterring foreign involvement may be a net is organized, French unions have experienced a par- gain.23 In any case, in the only slightly longer allel decline in numbers and yet continue to exert con- siderable power in French politics because they continue to be capable of mass mobilizations (Bounead 2007). 23 Chinese goods are now flowing into Africa, for 22 I am reproducing Gilly’s comments from my example, and wiping out local manufacturers notes, taken during a panel at the Left Global Forum, (Polgreen and French 2007). This pattern replicates meeting at Cooper Union in New York City on March the nineteenth-century destruction of the Indian tex- 11, 2007. tile industry by a flood of British imports. 12—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW run, there are likely to be alternative bidders for of late-medieval Europe were not enlighten- these resources, and in Africa and South ment thinkers, nor are the suicide bombers thrust America, Chinese bidders have in fact been forward by a resurgent Islam. Even the struggles quick to appear.24 of the Western Federation of Miners had a dark Fifth, as noted earlier, social life is compli- side, as they fought state and company violence cated, and political action takes form within a with their own violence. Still, the defiant move- matrix of social relations. Those who try to ments from the bottom that are fueled by inter- mobilize disruptive power must overcome the dependent power hold at least the hope that the constraints typically imposed by their multiple needs and dreams of the great masses of the relations with others, as when would-be peas- planet’s people will make their imprint on the ant insurgents are constrained by the threat of new societies for which we wish. Of course, the religious excommunication, or when labor insur- process of reform will be complicated and the gents are constrained by family responsibili- outcomes shaped not only by interdependent ties. English Methodist preachers invoked for power, but also by the complex institutional their parishioners the awesome threat of ever- structures we inherit, cultural memory, and the lasting punishment in hell that would be visit- concentrated power resources of aggrandizing ed on Luddite insurgents in the early-nineteenth elites. All that said, without the tempering influ- century. Under some conditions, however, mul- ence of movements from below and the inter- tiple ties may facilitate disruptive power chal- dependent power they wield, our future is lenges.25 The church that ordinarily preaches ominous. obedience to worldly authority may sometimes, Sociologists have a contribution to make in perhaps simply to hold the allegiance of dis- fostering interdependent power. Our sociolog- contented parishioners, encourage the rebels, as ical preoccupations equip us to trace the con- occurred during the Solidarity movement in temporary patterns of social interdependence Poland, the civil rights movement in the United that are weaving the world together. We can States, and in Chiapas when Bishop Samuel describe these patterns in ways that reveal the Ruiz and his diocese lent support to the emerg- contributions to social life of the majorities of ing indigenous insurgency. the world’s people, and we can also measure the costs these majorities bear as neoliberal glob- CONCLUSION alization advances. We can draw on our tradi- tional preoccupations with institutions to show All this said, I hasten to add that I am not pre- that the defiant actions of movements are com- dicting the dawn of global democracy or glob- prehensible because rules are not simply a basic al . What I am predicting is an era of postulate of social life. Rather, rules reflect the turmoil and uncertainty. Moreover, like all forms power inequalities in our societies, and because of power, interdependent power has a dark side, they do, they can suppress the actualization of and it has always had a dark side. The hungry interdependent power from below. Finally, as and diseased mobs who terrified the burghers sociologists it is reasonable, indeed I think it is inevitable, that our moral commitments illumi- nate our work. At the least, we are committed 24 Most Western oil companies withdrew from the to the basic requirements of societal well-being Sudan in the 1990s in response to pressure from that are eroded by rising inequality and insecu- human rights groups and harassment by local rebels. rity, war, and environmental destruction. Chinese, Malaysian, and Indian companies took their place (Moro 2007). The Asian companies, though, are Frances Fox Piven is a Distinguished Professor at likely to be subject to the same protests. In Ethiopia, the Graduate Center of the City University of New a Chinese-run oil field was stormed by the Ogaden York, where she teaches in both the and National Liberation Front in April 2007 (Gettleman programs. She is the author, most 2007). recently, of Challenging Authority: How Ordinary 25 Kalyvas’s (2003:475) discussion of civil wars People Change America (2006). She is also the provides a useful analogy: “[Civil wars] are not bina- author, together with , of Regulating ry conflicts but complex and ambiguous processes the Poor (1993), Poor People’s Movements (1977), that foster an apparently massive, though variable, and Why Americans Still Don’t Vote, and Why mix of identities and actions.” Politicians Like it that Way (2000). CAN POWER FROM BELOW CHANGE THE WORLD?—–13

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