Some Principles of Stratification Author(S): Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E

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Some Principles of Stratification Author(s): Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 10, No. 2, 1944 Annual Meeting Papers (Apr., 1945), pp. 242-249 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2085643 . Accessed: 14/11/2013 13:03

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This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 242 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW less wholesome than those of children in un- vantage of the child, for the new parent has broken homes. In some instances, the com- been able to enter into a more sympathetic ing of a step-parent has been to the ad- intimacy with the child than his own parent.

SOME PRINCIPLES OF STRATIFICATION KINGSLEYDAVIS AND WILBERT E. MooRE PrincetonUniversity

IN A PREVIOUS PAPER some conceptsfor carry different degrees of prestige, and quite handling the phenomena of social in- another to ask how certain individuals get equality were presented.' In the present into those positions. Although, as the argu- paper a further step in stratification theory ment will try to show, both questions are is undertaken-an attempt to show the re- related, it is essential to keep them separate lationship between stratification and the in our thinking. Most of the literature on rest of the social order.2 Starting from the stratification has tried to answer the second proposition that no society is "classless," or question (particularly with regard to the unstratified, an effort is made to explain, in ease or difficulty of mobility between strata) functional terms, the universal necessity without tackling the first. The first ques- which calls forth stratification in any social tion, however, is logically prior and, in the system. Next, an attempt is made to explain case of any particular individual or group, the roughly uniform distribution of prestige factually prior. as between the major types of positions in every society. Since, however, there occur THE FUNCTIONAL NECESSITY OF between one society and another great dif- STRATIFICATION ferences in the degree and kind of stratification, some attention is also given to the Curiously, however, the main functional of varieties of social inequality and the variable necessity explaining the universal presence factors that give rise to them. stratification is precisely the requirement moti- Clearly, the present task requires two dif- faced by any society of placing and structure. ferent lines of analysis-one to understand vating individuals in the social mechanism a society must the universal, the other to understand the As a functioning social variable features of stratification. Naturally somehow distribute its members in the each line of inquiry aids the other and is positions and induce them to perform con- indispensable, and in the treatment that duties of these positions. It must thus cern motivation at two different follows the two will be interwoven, although, itself with proper individuals because of space limitations, the emphasis levels: to instill in the once will be on the universals. the desire to fill certain positions, and, desire to perform the Throughout, it will be necessary to keep in these positions, the in mind one thing-namely, that the discus- duties attached to them. Even though the static in sion relates to the system of positions, not social order may be relatively of me- to the individuals occupying those positions. form, there is a continuous process tabolism as new individuals are born into it, It is one thing to ask why differentpositions shift with age, and die off. Their absorption Kingsley Davis, "A Conceptual Analysis of into the positional system must somehow be Stratification," American Sociological Review. 7: arranged and motivated. This is true whether 309-321, June, 1942. 'The writers regret (and beg indulgence) that the system is competitive or non-competi- the present essay, a condensationof a longer study, tive. A competitive system gives greater covers so much in such short space that adequate importance to the motivation to achieve evidence and qualificationcannot be given and that positions, whereas a non-competitive system as a result what is actually very tentative is presented in an unfortunately dogmatic manner. gives perhaps greater importance to the mo-

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOME PRINCIPLES OF STRATIFICATION 243 tivation to perform the duties of the posi- and perquisites that are not essential to the tions; but in any system both types of mo- function of the position and have only an tivation are required. indirect and symbolic connection with its If the duties associated with the various duties, but which still may be of considerable positions were all equally pleasant to the importance in inducing people to seek the human organism, all equally important to positions and fulfil the essential duties. societal survival, and all equally in need of If the rights and perquisites of different the same ability or talent, it would make positions in a society must be unequal, then no difference who got into which positions, the society must be stratified, because that and the problem of social placement would is precisely what stratification means. Social be greatly reduced. But actually it does make inequality is thus an unconsciously evolved a great deal of differencewho gets into which device by which societies insure that the most positions, not only because some positions important positions are conscientiously filled are inherently more agreeable than others, by the most qualified persons. Hence every but also because some require special talents society, no matter how simple or complex, or training and some are functionally more must differentiate persons in terms of both important than others. Also, it is essential prestige and esteem, and must therefore that the duties of the positions be performed possess a certain amount of institutionalized with the diligence that their importance re- inequality. quires. Inevitably, then, a society must have, It does not follow that the amount or first, some kind of rewards that it can use as type of inequality need be the same in all inducements, and, second, some way of dis- societies. This is largerly a function of tributing these rewards differentially accord- factors that will be discussed presently. ing to positions. The rewards and their distribution become a part of the social order, THE TWO DETERMINANTS OF and thus give rise to stratification. POSITIONAL RANK One may ask what kind of rewards a society has at its disposal in distributing its Granting the general function that in- personnel and securing essential services. It equality subserves, one can specify the two has, first of all, the things that contribute factors that determine the relative rank of to sustenance and comfort. It has, second, the different positions. In general those positions things that contribute to humor and diver- convey the best reward, and hence have the sion. And it has, finally, the things that highest rank, which (a) have the greatest contribute to self respect and ego expansion. importance for the society and (b) require The last, because of the peculiarly social the greatest training or talent. The first character of the self, is largerly a function factor concerns function and is a matter of of the opinion of others, but it nonetheless relative significance; the second concerns ranks in importance with the first two. In means and is a matter of scarcity. any social system all three kinds of rewards Differential Functional Importance. Actu- must be dispensed differentially according ally a society does not need to reward to positions. positions in proportion to their functional In a sense the rewards are "built into" the importance. It merely needs to give sufficient position. They consist in the "rights" as- reward to them to insure that they will be sociated with the position, plus what may filled competently. In other words, it must be called its accompaniments or perquisites. see that less essential positions do not com- Often the rights, and sometimes the accom- pete successfully with more essential ones. paniments, are functionally related to the If a position is easily filled, it need not be duties of the position. (Rights as viewed by heavily rewarded,even though important. On the incumbent are usually duties as viewed the other hand, if it is important but hard by other members of the community.) How- to fill, the reward must be high enough to ever, there may be a host of subsidiary rights get it filled anyway. Functional importance

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 244 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW is therefore a necessary but not a sufficient do with its duties. There may be, in fact, a cause of high rank being assigned to a virtually accidental relationship. But if the position.- skills required are scarce by reason of the Differential Scarcity of Personnel. Practi- rarity of talent or the costliness of training, cally all positions, no matter how acquired, the position, if functionally important, must require some form of skill or capacity for have an attractive power that will draw the performance. This is implicit in the very necessary skills in competition with other notion of position, which implies that the positions. This means, in effect, that the incumbent must, by virtue of his incumbency, position must be high in the social scale- accomplish certain things. must command great prestige, high salary, There are, ultimately, only two ways in ample leisure, and the like. which a person's qualifications come about: How Variations Are to Be Understood. In through inherent capacity or through train- so far as there is a difference between one ing. Obviously, in concrete activities both system of stratification and another, it is are always necessary, but from a practical attributable to whatever factors affect the standpoint the scarcity may lie primarily two determinants of differential reward- in one or the other, as well as in both. Some namely, functional importance and scarcity positions require innate talents of such high of personnel. Positions important in one degree that the persons who fill them are society may not be important in another, bound to be rare. In many cases, however, because the conditions faced by the societies, talent is fairly abundant in the population or their degree of internal development, may but the training process is so long, costly, be different. The same conditions, in turn, and elaborate that relatively few can qualify. may affect the question of scarcity; for in Modem medicine, for example, is within some societies the stage of development, or the mental capacity of most individuals, but the external situation, may wholly obviate a medical education is so burdensome and the necessity of certain kinds of skill or expensive that virtually none would under- talent. Any particular system of stratifica- take it if the position of the M.D. did not tion, then, can be understood as a product of carry a reward commensurate with the the special conditions affecting the two afore- sacrifice. mentioned grounds of differential reward. If the talents required for a position are MAJOR SOCIETAL FUNCTIONS AND abundant and the training easy, the method STRATIFICATION of acquiring the position may have little to Religion. The reason why religion is neces- ' Unfortunately, functional importance is diffi- sary is apparently to be found in the fact cult to establish. To use the position's prestige to establish it, as is often unconsciouslydone, consti- that human society achieves its unity pri- tutes circular reasoning from our point of view. marily through the possession by its mem- There are, however, two independentclues: (a) the bers of certain ultimate values and ends degree to which a position is functionally unique, in common. Although these values and ends there being no other positions that can performthe are subjective, they influence behavior, and same function satisfactorily; (b) the degree to which other positions are dependenton the one in their integration enables the society to oper- question. Both clues are best exemplified in or- ate as a system. Derived neither from in- ganizedsystems of positionsbuilt around one major herited nor from external nature, they have function. Thus, in most complex societies the re- evolved as a part of culture by communica- ligious, political, economic, and educational function and moral pressure. They must, how- tions are handled by distinct structures not easily interchangeable.In addition, each structure pos- sesses many different positions, some clearly de- est functional importance. The absence of such pendent on, if not subordinateto, others. In sum, specializationdoes not prove functional unimpor- when an institutionalnucleus becomesdifferentiated tance, for the whole society may be relatively around one main function, and at the same time unspecialized;but it is safe to assumethat the more organizesa large portion of the populationinto its important functions receive the first and clearest relationships,the key positions in it are of the high- structural differentiation.

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOME PRINCIPLES OF STRATIFICATION 245 ever, appear to the members of the society competencenecessary for the performanceof to have some reality, and it is the role of religious duties is small. Scientific or artistic religious belief and ritual to supply and re- capacity is not required. Anyone can set inforce this appearance of reality. Through himself up as enjoying an intimate relation belief and ritual the common ends and values with deities, and nobody can successfully are connected with an imaginary world dispute him. Therefore, the factor of scarcity symbolized by concrete sacred objects, which of personnel does not operate in the technical world in turn is related in a meaningful way sense. to the facts and trials of the individual's life. One may assert, on the other hand, that Through the worship of the sacred objects religious ritual is often elaborate and religious and the beings they symbolize, and the ac- lore abstruse, and that priestly ministrations ceptance of supernatural prescriptions that require tact, if not intelligence. This is true, are at the same time codes of behavior, a but the technical requirementsof the profes- powerful control over human conduct is sion are for the most part adventitious, not exercised, guiding it along lines sustaining related to the end in the same way that the institutional structure and conforming science is related to air travel. The priest to the ultimate ends and values. can never be free from competition, since If this conception of the role of religion is the criteria of whether or not one has genuine true, one can understandwhy in every known contact with the supernatural are never society the religious activities tend to be strictly clear. It is this competition that under the charge of particular persons, who debases the priestly position below what tend thereby to enjoy greater rewards than might be expected at first glance. That is the ordinary societal member. Certain of the why priestly prestige is highest in those rewards and special privileges may attach to societies where membershipin the profession only the highest religious functionaries, but is rigidly controlled by the priestly guild others usually apply, if such exists, to the itself. That is why, in part at least, elaborate entire sacerdotal class. devices are utilized to stress the identification Moreover, there is a peculiar relation be- of the person with his office-spectacular tween the duties of the religious official and costume, abnormal conduct, special diet, the special privileges he enjoys. If the super- segregated residence, celibacy, conspicuous natural world governs the destinies of men leisure, and the like. In fact, the priest is more ultimately than does the real world, its always in danger of becoming somewhat dis- earthly representative, the person through credited-as happens in a secularized society whom one may communicatewith the super- -because in a world of stubborn fact, ritual natural, must be a powerful individual. He and sacred knowledge alone will not grow is a keeper of sacred tradition, a skilled per- crops or build houses. Furthermore, unless former of the ritual, and an interpreter of he is protected by a professional guild, the lore and myth. He is in such close contact priest's identification with the supernatural with the gods that he is viewed as possessing tends to preclude his acquisition of abundant some of their characteristics. He is, in short, wordly goods. a bit sacred, and hence free from some of As between one society and another it the more vulgar necessities and controls. seems that the highest general position It is no accident, therefore, that religious awarded the priest occurs in the medieval functionaries have been associated with the type of social order. Here there is enough very highest positions of power, as in theo- economic production to afford a surplus, cratic regimes. Indeed, looking at it from which can be used to support a numerous this point of view, one may wonder why it and highly organized priesthood; and yet the is that they do not get entire control over populace is unlettered and therefore credu- their societies. The factors that prevent this lous to a high degree. Perhaps the most are worthy of note. extreme example is to be found in the In the first place, the amount of technical Buddhism of Tibet, but others are en-

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 246 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW countered in the Catholicism of feudal it acts as the agent of the entire people, en- Europe, the Inca regime of Peru, the Brah- joys a monopoly of force, and controls all minism of India, and the Mayan priesthood individuals within its territory. of Yucatan. On the other hand, if the society Political action, by definition, implies au- is so crude as to have no surplus and little thority. An official can command because he differentiation, so that every priest must be has authority, and the citizen must obey also a cultivator or hunter, the separation of because he is subject to that authority. For the priestly status from the others has hardly this reason stratification is inherent in the gone far enough for priestly prestige to mean nature of political relationships. much. When the priest actually has high So clear is the power embodied in political prestige under these circumstances, it is position that political inequality is sometimes because he also performs other important thought to comprise all inequality. But it can functions (usually political and medical). be shown that there are other bases of strati- In an extremely advanced society built on fication, that the following controls operate scientific technology, the priesthood tends to in practice to keep political power from be- lose status, because sacred tradition and coming complete: (a) The fact that the supernaturalism drop into the background. actual holders of political office, and es- The ultimate values and common ends of the pecially those determining top policy must society tend to be expressed in less anthro- necessarily be few in number compared to pomorphic ways, by officials who occupy the total population. (b) The fact that the fundamentally political, economic, or educa- rulers represent the interest of the group tional rather than religious positions. Never- rather than of themselves, and are therefore theless, it is easily possible for intellectuals restricted in their behavior by rules and to exaggerate the degree to which the priest- mores designed to enforce this limitation of hood in a presumably secular milieu has lost interest. (c) The fact that the holder of prestige. When the matter is closely examined political office has his authority by virtue the urban proletariat, as well as the rural of his office and nothing else, and therefore citizenry, proves to be suprisinglygod-fearing any special knowledge, talent, or capacity and priest-ridden. No society has become so he may claim is purely incidental, so that he completely secularized as to liquidate en- often has to depend upon others for technical tirely the belief in transcendental ends and assistance. supernaturalentities. Even in a secularized In view of these limiting factors, it is not society some system must exist for the strange that the rulers often have less power integration of ultimate values, for their and prestige than a literal enumeration of ritualistic expression, and for the emotional their formal rights would lead one to expect. adjustments required by disappointment, Wealth, Property, and Labor. Every posi- death, and disaster. tion that secures for its incumbent a liveli- Government. Like religion, government hood is, by definition,economically rewarded. plays a unique and indispensable part in For this reason there is an economic aspect society. But in contrast to religion, which to those positions (e.g. political and religious) provides integration in terms of sentiments, the main function of which is not economic. beliefs, and rituals, it organizes the society It therefore becomes convenient for the so- in terms of law and authority. Furthermore, ciety to use unequal economic returns as a it orients the society to the actual rather principal means of controlling the entrance than the unseen world. of persons into positions and stimulating the The main functions of government are, performance of their duties. The amount of internally, the ultimate enforcementof norms, the economic return therefore becomes one the final arbitration of conflicting interests, of the main indices of social status. and the overall planning and direction of It should be stressed, however, that a society; and externally, the handling of war position does not bring power and prestige and diplomacy. To carry out these functions because it draws a high income. Rather, it

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOME PRINCIPLES OF STRATIFICATION 247 draws a high income because it is functionally that the institution of private property in important and the available personnel is for productive goods becomes more subject to one reason or another scarce. It is therefore criticism as social development proceeds superficial and erroneous to regard high in- toward industrialization.It is only this pure, come as the cause of a man's power and that is, strictly legal and functionless owner- prestige, just as it is erroneous to think that ship, however, that is open to attack; for a man's fever is the cause of his disease. some form of active ownership, whether The economic source of power and prestige private or public, is indispensable. is not income primarily, but the ownership One kind of ownershipof productiongoods of capital goods (including patents, good consists in rights over the labor of others. will, and professional reputation). Such The most extremely concentrated and exclu- ownership should be distinguished from the sive of such rights are found in slavery, possession of consumers' goods, which is an but the essential principle remainsin serfdom, index rather than a cause of social standing. peonage, encomienda, and indenture. Natu- In other words, the ownership of producers' rally this kind of ownership has the greatest goods is properly speaking, a source of in- significance for stratification, because it come like other positions, the income itself necessarily entails an unequal relationship. remaining an index. Even in situations where But property in capital goods inevitably social values are widely commercializedand introduces a compulsive element even into earnings are the readiest method of judging the nominally free contractual relationship. social position, income does not confer pres- Indeed, in some respects the authority of the tige on a position so much as it induces people contractual employer is greater than that of to compete for the position. It is true that the feudal landlord, inasmuch as the latter a man who has a high income as a result of is more limited by traditional reciprocities. one position may find this money helpful in Even the classical economics recognized that climbing into another position as well, but competitors would fare unequally, but it did this again reflects the effect of his initial, not pursue this fact to its necessary conclu- economically advantageous status, which sion that, however it might be acquired, un- exercises its influence through the medium equal control of goods and services must of money. give unequal advantage to the parties to a In a system of private property in produc- contract. tive enterprise, an income above what an Technical Knowledge. The function of individual spends can give rise to possession finding means to single goals, without any of capital wealth. Presumably such posses- concern with the choice between goals, is sion is a reward for the proper management the exclusively technical sphere. The explana- of one's finances originally and of the pro- tion of why positions requiring great tech- ductive enterprise later. But as social dif- nical skill receive fairly high rewards is easy ferentiationbecomes highly advanced and yet to see, for it is the simplest case of the re- the institution of inheritance persists, the wards being so distributed as to draw talent phenomenon of pure ownership, and reward and motivate training. Why they seldom if for pure ownership, emerges. In such a case ever receive the highest rewards is also clear: it is difficult to prove that the position is the importance of technical knowledge from functionally important or that the scarcity a societal point of view is never so great as involved is anything other than extrinsic and the integration of goals, which takes place on accidental. It is for this reason, doubtless, the religious, political, and economic levels. Since the technological level is concerned 4 The symbolic rather than intrinsic role of solely with means, a purely technical position income in social stratification has been succinctly must ultimately be subordinate to other po- summarized by Talcott Parsons, "An Analytical sitions that are religious, political, or eco- Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification," American Journal of Sociology. 45 :84i-862, May, nomic in character. I940. Nevertheless, the distinction between ex-

This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 13:03:09 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 248 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW pert and layman in any social order is funda- ing social functions. To the extent that the mental, and cannot be entirely reduced to social structure is truly specialized the pres- other terms. Methods of recruitment, as well tige of the technical person must also be as of reward, sometimes lead to the erroneous circumscribed. interpretation that technical positions are economically determined. Actually, however, VARIATION IN STRATIFIED SYSTEMS the acquisition of knowledge and skill cannot The generalized principles of stratification be accomplished by purchase, although the here suggested form a necessary preliminary opportunity to learn may be. The control of to a consideration of types of stratified sys- the avenues of training may inhere as a sort tems, because it is in terms of these principles of property right in certain families or classes, that the types must be described. This can giving them power and prestige in conse- be seen by trying to delineate types according quence. Such a situation adds an artificial to certain modes of variation. For instance, scarcity to the natural scarcity of skills and some of the most important modes (together talents. On the other hand, it is possible for with the polar types in terms of them) seem an opposite situation to arise. The rewards to be as follows: of technical position may be so great that a (a) The Degree of Specialization. The condition of excess supply is created, leading degree of specialization affects the fineness to at least temporary devaluation of the and multiplicity of the gradations in power rewards.Thus "unemploymentin the learned and prestige. It also influences the extent to professions" may result in a debasement of which particular functions may be empha- the prestige of those positions. Such adjust- sized in the invidious system, since a given ments and readjustments are constantly oc- function cannot receive much emphasis in curringin changing societies; and it is always the hierarchy until it has achieved structural well to bear in mind that the efficiency of a separation from the other functions. Finally, stratified structure may be affected by the the amount of specialization influences the modes of recruitmentfor positions. The social bases of selection. Polar types: Specialized, order itself, however, sets limits to the in- Unspecialized. flation or deflation of the prestige of experts: (b) The Nature of 'the Functional Em- an over-supply tends to debase the rewards phasis. In general when emphasis is put on and discourage recruitmentor produce revo- sacred matters, a rigidity is introduced that lution, whereas an under-supply tends to tends to limit specialization and hence the increase the rewards or weaken the society development of technology. In addition, a in competition with other societies. brake is placed on social mobility, and on Particular systems of stratification show the development of bureaucracy. When the a wide range with respect to the exact posi- preoccupation with the sacred is withdrawn, tion of technically competent persons. This leaving greater scope for purely secular pre- range is perhaps most evident in the degree occupations, a great development, and rise of specialization. Extreme division of labor in status, of economic and technological posi- tends to create many specialists without high tions seemingly takes place. Curiously, a prestige since the training is short and the concomitant rise in political position is not required native capacity relatively small. On likely, because it has usually been allied with the other hand it also tends to accentuate the religious and stands to gain little by the the high position of the true experts-scien- decline of the latter. It is also possible for tists, engineers, and administrators-by in- a society to emphasize family functions-as creasing their authority relative to other in relatively undifferentiated societies where functionally important positions. But the high mortality requireshigh fertility and kin- idea of a technocratic social order or a ship forms the main basis of social organiza- Authoritarian government or priesthood of engineers or tion. Main types: Familistic, or social scientists neglects the limitations of (Theocratic or sacred, and Totalitarian knowledge and skills as a basic for perform- secular), Capitalistic.

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(c) The Magnitude of Invidious Dif- As the cultural heritage grows, increased ferences. What may be called the amount specialization becomes necessary, which in of social distance between positions, taking turn contributes to the enhancement of into account the entire scale, is something mobility, a decline of stratum solidarity, and that should lend itself to quantitative a change of functional emphasis. measurement. Considerable differences ap- (b) Situation with Respect to Other So- parently exist between different societies in cieties. The presence or absence of open con- this regard, and also between parts of the flict with other societies, of free trade rela- same society. Polar types: Equalitarian, tions or cultural diffusion, all influence the Inequalitarian. class structure to some extent. A chronic (d) The Degree of Opportunity. The state of warfare tends to place emphasis upon familiar question of the amount of mobility the military functions, especially when the is different from the question of the com- opponents are more or less equal. Free trade, parative equality or inequality of rewards on the other hand, strengthens the hand of posed above, because the two criteria may the trader at the expense of the warrior and vary independently up to a point. For in- priest. Free movement of ideas generally stance, the tremendous divergences in mone- has an equalitarian effect. Migration and tary income in the United States are far conquest create special circumstances. greater than those found in primitive so- (c) Size of the Society. A small society cieties, yet the equality of opportunity to limits the degree to which functional speciali- move from one rung to the other in the social zation can go, the degree of segregation of scale may also be greater in the United different strata, and the magnitude of in- States than in a hereditary tribal kingdom. equality. Polar types: Mobile (open), Immobile COMPOSITE TYPES (closed). Much of the literature on stratification (e) The Degree of Stratum Solidarity. has attempted to classify concrete systems Again, the degree of "class solidarity" (or into a certain number of types. This task is the presence of specific organizations to deceptively simple, however, and should come promote class interests) may vary to some at the end of an analysis of elements and extent independently of the other criteria, principles, rather than at the beginning. If and hence is an important principle in classi- the preceding discussion has any validity, fying systems of stratification. Polar types: it indicates that there are a number of modes Class organized, Class unorganized. of variation between different systems, and that any one system is a composite of the EXTERNAL CONDITIONS society's status with reference to all these What state any particularsystem of strati- modes of variation. The danger of trying to fication is in with reference to each of these classify whole societies under such rubrics modes of variation depends on two things: as caste, feudal, or open class is that one or (i) its state with referenceto the other ranges two criteria are selected and others ignored, of variation, and (2) the conditions outside the result being an unsatisfactory solution the system of stratification which neverthe- to the problem posed. The present discussion less influence that system. Among the latter has been offered as a possible approach to are the following: the more systematic classification of com- (a) The Stage of Cultural Development. posite types.

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