Student Workbook
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Introduction Indian Problems, Indian Solutions
INTRODUCTION Indian Problems, Indian Solutions On March 29, 1899, in the midst of a civil war pitting the Liberals against the Conservatives, the Liberal Party supporter and Aymara in- digenous community leader of Peñas, Juan Lero, received a letter from a neighboring Indian community leader. Its author confirmed support for the Liberal Party and a willingness to coordinate military efforts among Bolivia’s highland indigenous communities on behalf of the Lib- eral leader, General José M. Pando. “I write to inform you,” stated José Maria Galligo, the community leader of Guayllani, “that here we are ready to take up the railroad tracks and fight against Alonso [president of Bolivia and head of the Conservative Party]. Please tell us on which day we should mobilize. We await your reply.”1 This correspondence illustrates the network of indigenous community leaders that developed in the second half of the nineteenth century in Bolivia. These leaders played key roles in defending their community lands, in petitioning the government, in brokering political alliances, and in testifying in court- rooms. Cesiliano Gallego, the Aymara community authority of Merque Aimaya, assured Juan Lero in April 1899, just days before the end of the civil war, that the people of Merque Aimaya would also lend their support to the Liberals’ final push for victory. “I got your letter . in which you told us to prepare our community,” he wrote. “We are ready for tomorrow; wait for us and we will bring honor to Pando’s forces.”2 1 © 2013 University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. 2 | INTRODUCTION Figure 1. -
OEA/Ser.G CP/Doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF
OEA/Ser.G CP/doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 This document is being distributed to the permanent missions and will be presented to the Permanent Council of the Organization ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 Secretariat for Political Affairs This version is subject to revision and will not be available to the public pending consideration, as the case may be, by the Permanent Council CONTENTS MAIN ABBREVIATIONS vi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. Electoral Process of December 2005 1 B. Legal and Electoral Framework 3 1. Electoral officers 4 2. Political parties 4 3. Citizen groups and indigenous peoples 5 4. Selection of prefects 6 CHAPTER II. MISSION BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES AND CHARACTERISTICS 7 A. Mission Objectives 7 B. Preliminary Activities 7 C. Establishment of Mission 8 D. Mission Deployment 9 E. Mission Observers in Political Parties 10 F. Reporting Office 10 CHAPTER III. OBSERVATION OF PROCESS 11 A. Electoral Calendar 11 B. Electoral Training 11 1. Training for electoral judges, notaries, and board members11 2. Disseminating and strengthening democratic values 12 C. Computer System 13 D. Monitoring Electoral Spending and Campaigning 14 E. Security 14 CHAPTER IV. PRE-ELECTION STAGE 15 A. Concerns of Political Parties 15 1. National Electoral Court 15 2. Critical points 15 3. Car traffic 16 4. Sealing of ballot boxes 16 5. Media 17 B. Complaints and Reports 17 1. Voter registration rolls 17 2. Disqualification 17 3. -
Study Viewer
"OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" 25 AÑOS DE DEMOCRACIA EN BOLIVIA TOMO II Primera edición, octubre 2007 D.L. Nº 4 - 1 - 1987 - 07 ©FUNDEMOS Calle Hermanos Manchego No. 2441 Teléfonos: 2440846 - 2440642 Telefax: 2433539 Casilla: 2302 Correo electrónico: [email protected] Diseño de Tapa: Susana Machicao Impresión: Artes Gráficas Editorial "Garza Azul" Teléfono 2232414 Casilla 12557 La Paz - Bolivia La Paz - Bolivia 3 4 "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" LA GENERACIÓN DEMOCRÁTICA: ENTRE ROMÁNTICOS, PRAGMÁTICOS, TECNÓCRATAS Y DISCONFORMES Jorge Kafka Zúñiga ....................................................................... 101 UN RESULTADO DE LA DEMOCRACIA: LA RADICALIZACIÓN DEL NACIONALISMO Y EL CONTENIDO MOVIMIENTO INDIANISTA Fernando Molina Monasterios ..................................................... 135 Presentación ..........................................................................................7 AVANCES, LÍMITES Y TENDENCIAS DE LA ECONOMÍA BOLIVIANA EN EL PERÍODO DEMOCRÁTICO Armando Méndez Morales ..............................................................11 REFORMAS CONSTITUCIONALES Y ASAMBLEA CONSTITUYENTE EN LA DEMOCRACIA BOLIVIANA 1982 - 2007 Ricardo Paz Ballivián .......................................................................43 LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN EN DEMOCRACIA: NI TAN SANTOS NI TAN DIABLOS Isabel Mercado Heredia ...................................................................71 5 6 "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" la evolución que tuvieron sí puede -
1 the Rise of Evo Morales Through an Electoral Lens: an Introduction 1
NOTES 1 The Rise of Evo Morales through an Electoral Lens: An Introduction 1. Venezuela 1993 (Carlos Andrés Perez), 2002 (Hugo Chávez), Ecuador 1997 (Abdalá Bucaram), 2000 (Jamil Mahuad), 2004 (Lucio Gutiérrez), Bolivia 2003 (Sánchez de Lozada), 2005 (Carlos Mesa). 2. This claim is relevant to the Bolivian case since a group of scholars, following Gamarra (1997a), have pointed to the hybrid nature of its presidential system, contained in Article 90 of the Constitution, as the major determinant of its relative success. 3. Comparativists have consistently affirmed that the primary role of leg- islatures has been either “neglect and acquiescence or obstructionism” (Morgenstern and Nacif 2002: 7). Moreover, according to the latest Latinobarómetro (2007), the general population in Latin America regards legislatures as one of the most ineffective and one of the least trusted institutions. 4. In light of Article 90 of the Political Constitution of the State, which grants authority to Congress to elect the president in case no candidate receives a majority, Gamarra (1997a; 1997b) called the system “hybrid presidentialism.” Shugart and Carey (1992) followed Gamarra’s concep- tualization while Jones (1995) identified it as a “majority congressional system.” Mayorga (1999) called it “presidencialismo parlamentarizado” (parliamentarized presidentialism). Regardless of the variations in the labels assigned to the Bolivian political system, these scholars agree that it exhibits features of both presidential and parliamentary systems. 5. The double quotient formula was calculated in the following manner: the first quotient, the participation quotient, would be obtained by dividing the total valid votes in a department by the number of seats to be distributed. -
Presidencia Sitiada
SEGUNDA EDICIÓN AMPLIADA CARLOS D. MESA GISBERT FRIDA ZAMUDIO Bolivia 2019 ÍNDICE Presentación: Carlos Mesa y la agonía de la fanfarria .................................................... 11 Introducción ...................................................................................................................................................................................15 CAPÍTULO | Vasallo adoptivo del rey de España .................................................................................................... 17 Hijo adoptivo de España .......................................................................................................................18 Paceño por casualidad ............................................................................................................................20 CAPÍTULO | Periodista por razones alimenticias ................................................................................................ 23 De Cerca ......................................................................................................................................................................24 CAPÍTULO | Goni financia PAT con dinero estatal ............................................................................................... 27 Ítaca: la relación carnal de Carlos de Mesa con El Deber ............................30 El MNR “compensó” económicamente a PAT ..............................................................31 CAPÍTULO | Usurpador de la historia ................................................................................................................................. -
From Petro-Nationalism to Post-Extractivism in Ecuador Thea
Thea Riofrancos Resource Radicals From Petro-Nationalism to Post-Extractivism in Ecuador Resource Radicals fl1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 27 28 28 29 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 34 34 35 35 36 36 37 Radical Américas 37 38 A series edited by Bruno Bosteels 38 39 and George Ciccariello- Maher 39 fl1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 Resource Radicals 27 28 28 29 29 From Petro- Nationalism 30 30 31 to Post- Extractivism 31 32 in Ec ua dor 32 33 33 34 Thea Riofrancos 34 35 35 36 36 37 Duke University Press 37 38 Durham and London 38 39 2020 39 © 2020 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper ∞ Designed by Drew Sisk Typeset in Portrait Text and Helvetica Neue by Westchester Publishing Services. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Riofrancos, Thea N., author. Title: Resource radicals : from petro-nationalism to post-extractivism in Ecuador / Thea Riofrancos. -
Carlos Mesa Gisbert (Carlos Diegomesa Gisbert)
Carlos Mesa Gisbert (Carlos DiegoMesa Gisbert) Bolivia, Presidente de la República (2003-2005) y vicepresidente (2002-2003); candidato presidencial (2020) Duración del mandato: 17 de Octubre de 2003 - de de Nacimiento: La Paz, 12 de Agosto de 1953 Partido político: Frente Revolucionario de Izquierda (FRI); Comunidad Ciudadana (CC) Profesión : Periodista, historiador y realizador audiovisual Resumen El presidente de Bolivia entre 2003 y 2005, Carlos Mesa, fue un prestigioso periodista e historiador que en 2002 aceptó ser el candidato a la Vicepresidencia con Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, al que sucedió tras su renuncia y huida en el gran disturbio nacional conocido como la guerra del gas. Intelectual independiente con fama de honesto y enfoques progresistas, Mesa heredó una situación política y social muy delicada, donde a caballos de batalla como la renacionalización del gas y las reclamaciones indígenas se les sumo el desafío del movimiento autonomista del departamento de Santa Cruz. Su agenda de Gobierno (Ley de Reforma Constitucional, referéndum sobre el sector energético, nueva Ley de Hidrocarburos), aunque realizada, y su estrategia de diálogo y no represión fueron desbordadas por sucesivas olas de protestas de los sindicatos, los campesinos cocaleros y las organizaciones vecinales, y hostilizada también desde sectores empresariales. Acosado por una izquierda muy fuerte en La Paz y las regiones occidentales, e ignorado por los autonomistas orientales, el dirigente hubo de dimitir en mitad de su mandato. Tras su corto paso por el Palacio Quemado, Mesa retomó una intensa actividad cultural consistente en la producción televisiva, la realización de documentales de temática histórica, la publicación de libros y la docencia universitaria. -
Indigenous Movements from Oppressed Nationalities
From Oppressed Nationalities to Ethno-Nationalists: Historicizing Ecuador’s Indigenous Movement Marc Becker 3209 Atwood Ave Madison, WI 53704 608-244-7817 [email protected] December 5, 2007 Abstract: Activists and academics alike celebrated the consolidation of an ethno-nationalist identity among Ecuador’s Indigenous movements in the 1980s and 1990s as a novel and important development in the Andes. Many people, however, are unaware of the deeper historical roots of this discourse. In the 1920s the Moscow-based Communist International constructed Indigenous peoples as a nationality, and advocated an independent Indigenous republic in the Andes. By the 1930s Indigenous and leftist activists in Ecuador had made that construction their own as they commonly began to refer to Indigenous nationalities. Although little noted, this discourse persisted in leftist circles throughout the twentieth century. What emerged at the end of the century was not so much a new way of constructing identities, but a return to time-proven methods of organizing popular movements. Thus, it is not a break from the past but successfully building on previous struggles that explains a strong Indigenous movement in Ecuador. Bio: Marc Becker is an associate professor of Latin American History at Truman State University, Missouri’s premier, highly selective liberal arts institution. He writes and teaches about race, class, and gender in popular movements in Latin America. He has a forthcoming book from Duke University Press on the history of Indigenous movements in twentieth-century Ecuador. He is the Chair of the Andean Studies committee of the Conference on Latin American History (CLAH), and a council member of the Ethnicity, Race and Indigenous Peoples (ERIP) section of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA). -
View / Open Pomeslorences Oregon 0171N 12517.Pdf
WHOSE AUTONOMY? AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT MEANINGS OF AUTONOMY IN BOLIVIA, AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE AUTONOMY REGIME by MARIA POMÉS LORENCÉS A THESIS Presented to the Department of International Studies and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts June 2019 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Maria Pomés Lorencés Title: Whose Autonomy? An Analysis of the Different Meanings of Autonomy in Bolivia, and their Impact on the Autonomy Regime. This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Department of International Studies by: Derrick Hindery Chairperson Erin Beck Member Will Johnson Member and Janet Woodruff-Borden Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2019 ii © 2019 Maria Pomés Lorencés This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial United States License. iii THESIS ABSTRACT Maria Pomés Lorencés Master of Arts Department of International Studies June 2019 Title: Whose Autonomy? An Analysis of the Different Meanings of Autonomy in Bolivia, and their Impact on the Autonomy Regime. This thesis explores the diverse meanings attached to the concept of autonomy in Bolivia. Different sectors of society at the state level, and individuals from indigenous nations at the local level –in particular the Monkoxt of Lomerío–, attach different meanings, expectations and hopes to autonomy. This thesis analyzes how the different understandings have impacted the implementation of the autonomy system, and it also explores how they may influence the future of the autonomy model in Bolivia. -
IHRC Submission on Bolivia
VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHT TO LIFE, RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, RIGHT TO ASSEMBLY & ASSOCIATION, AND OTHERS: ONGOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BOLIVIA Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions from Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic Cc: Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Special Rapporteur on the f reedom of opinion and expression Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous peoples Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism The International Human Rights Clinic (IHRC) at Harvard Law School seeks to protect and promote human rights and internation-al humanitarian law through documentation; legal, factual, and stra-tegic analysis; litigation before national, regional, and internation-al bodies; treaty negotiations; and policy and advocacy initiatives. Table of Contents Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations to the U.N. Special Rapporteurs ........................................................................... 2 Facts ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Background on the Current Crisis ........................................................................................................ 3 State Violence Against Protesters -
THE RAINBOW FLAG of the INCAS by Gustav Tracchia
THE RAINBOW FLAG OF THE INCAS by Gustav Tracchia PROLOGUE: The people of this pre-Columbian culture that flourished in the mid- Andes region of South America (known as The Empire of The Incas) called their realm: Tawantinsuyo, meaning the four corners. The word INCA is Quechua for Lord or King and was attached to the name of the ruler e.g., Huascar Inca or Huayna Capac Inca. In Quechua, the official language of the empire; Suyo is corner and Tawa, number four. Ntin is the way to form the plural. Fig. 1 Map of the Tawantinsuyo Wikipedia, (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/file:inca expansion.png) 1 Gustav Tracchia The "four corners" or suyos radiated from the capital, Cuzco: - Chincasuyo: Northwest Peru, present day Ecuador and the tip of Southern Colombia. - Contisuyo: nearest to Cuzco, south-central within the area of modern Peru. - Antisuyo: almost as long as Chincansuyo but on the eastern side of the Andes, from northern Peru to parts of upper eastern Bolivia. - Collasuyo: Southwest: all of western Bolivia, northern Chile and northwest of Argentina. Fig. 2 Cobo, Historia, schematic division of the four suyos 2 The Rainbow Flag of the Incas Fig. 3 Map of Tawantinsuyo, overlapping present day South American political division. ()www.geocities.com/Tropics/beach/2523/maps/perutawan1.html To simplify, I am going to call this still mysterious pre-Columbian kingdom, not Tawantinsuyo, but the "Empire of the Incas" or "The Inca Empire." I am also going to refer to events related to the culture of the Incas as "Incasic" or "Incan". -
Performance of Banks and Microfinance in Bolivia
POOLING VERSUS SEPARATING REGULATION: THE PERFORMANCE OF BANKS AND MICROFINANCE IN BOLIVIA UNDER SYSTEMIC SHOCKS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marcelo Villafani‐Ibarnegaray ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Claudio Gonzalez‐Vega, Adviser Professor Mario Miranda Adviser Graduate Program in Professor Joseph Kaboski Agricultural, Environmental and Development Economics i ABSTRACT Bank superintendents implement prudential regulation that simultaneously seeks protection of the stability and solvency of financial intermediaries and several dimensions of financial deepening. If they use only one instrument, a given level of safety is achieved at the expense of some intermediation. The question addressed by this dissertation are the excessive losses of intermediation efficiency from a single, uniform (pooling) regulation, which treated loan portfolios built with a traditional banking technology or with a microfinance technology as if they carried the same risk profile. Given significant differences between the two lending technologies, in their ability to match their clienteles and to recognize different risks, a differentiated (separating) set of prudential norms would contribute more to the dual goals of stability as well as financial deepening and breadth of outreach. This task is specially challenging in developing countries exposed to frequent systemic shocks. The dissertation develops a simple theoretical framework to guide regulators about the welfare shortcomings of pooling regulation, compared to separating regulation. If the risk profiles of the portfolios are different, different prudential norms should be applied. The problem for the regulator, however, is incomplete information ii about these risk profiles and the high costs of overcoming the information imperfections about their characteristics.