OEA/Ser.G CP/Doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF
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Introduction Indian Problems, Indian Solutions
INTRODUCTION Indian Problems, Indian Solutions On March 29, 1899, in the midst of a civil war pitting the Liberals against the Conservatives, the Liberal Party supporter and Aymara in- digenous community leader of Peñas, Juan Lero, received a letter from a neighboring Indian community leader. Its author confirmed support for the Liberal Party and a willingness to coordinate military efforts among Bolivia’s highland indigenous communities on behalf of the Lib- eral leader, General José M. Pando. “I write to inform you,” stated José Maria Galligo, the community leader of Guayllani, “that here we are ready to take up the railroad tracks and fight against Alonso [president of Bolivia and head of the Conservative Party]. Please tell us on which day we should mobilize. We await your reply.”1 This correspondence illustrates the network of indigenous community leaders that developed in the second half of the nineteenth century in Bolivia. These leaders played key roles in defending their community lands, in petitioning the government, in brokering political alliances, and in testifying in court- rooms. Cesiliano Gallego, the Aymara community authority of Merque Aimaya, assured Juan Lero in April 1899, just days before the end of the civil war, that the people of Merque Aimaya would also lend their support to the Liberals’ final push for victory. “I got your letter . in which you told us to prepare our community,” he wrote. “We are ready for tomorrow; wait for us and we will bring honor to Pando’s forces.”2 1 © 2013 University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. 2 | INTRODUCTION Figure 1. -
Extreme Gerrymandering & the 2018 Midterm
EXTREME GERRYMANDERING & THE 2018 MIDTERM by Laura Royden, Michael Li, and Yurij Rudensky Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that works to reform, revitalize — and when necessary defend — our country’s systems of democracy and justice. At this critical moment, the Brennan Center is dedicated to protecting the rule of law and the values of Constitutional democracy. We focus on voting rights, campaign finance reform, ending mass incarceration, and preserving our liberties while also maintaining our national security. Part think tank, part advocacy group, part cutting-edge communications hub, we start with rigorous research. We craft innovative policies. And we fight for them — in Congress and the states, the courts, and in the court of public opinion. ABOUT THE CENTER’S DEMOCRACY PROGRAM The Brennan Center’s Democracy Program works to repair the broken systems of American democracy. We encourage broad citizen participation by promoting voting and campaign finance reform. We work to secure fair courts and to advance a First Amendment jurisprudence that puts the rights of citizens — not special interests — at the center of our democracy. We collaborate with grassroots groups, advocacy organizations, and government officials to eliminate the obstacles to an effective democracy. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S PUBLICATIONS Red cover | Research reports offer in-depth empirical findings. Blue cover | Policy proposals offer innovative, concrete reform solutions. White cover | White papers offer a compelling analysis of a pressing legal or policy issue. -
General Election" Defined -- Offices to Be Filled -- Constitu- Tional Amendments
TITLE 34 ELECTIONS CHAPTER 1 DEFINITIONS 34-101. "GENERAL ELECTION" DEFINED -- OFFICES TO BE FILLED -- CONSTITU- TIONAL AMENDMENTS. "General election" means the national, state and county election held on the first Tuesday succeeding the first Monday of November in each even-numbered year. At these elections there shall be chosen all congressional, state and county officers, including electors of president and vice-president of the United States, as are by law to be elected in such years. All amendments to the Idaho constitution shall be submitted to the vot- ers for their approval at these elections. [34-101, added 1970, ch. 140, sec. 1, p. 351; am. 1971, ch. 194, sec. 1, p. 881.] 34-102. "PRIMARY ELECTION" DEFINED -- PURPOSES. (1) "Primary elec- tion" means an election held for the purpose of nominating persons as candidates of political parties for election to offices, and for the purpose of electing persons as members of the controlling committees of political parties. Primary elections, with the exception of presidential primaries, shall be held on the third Tuesday of May in each even-numbered year. (2) "Presidential primary" means an election held for the purpose of allowing voters to express their choice of candidate for nomination by a po- litical party for president of the United States. A presidential primary shall be held on the second Tuesday in March in each presidential election year. [34-102, added 1970, ch. 140, sec. 2, p. 351; am. 1971, ch. 194, sec. 2, p. 881; am. 1975, ch. 174, sec. 11, p. 469; am. 1979, ch. 309, sec. -
Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Democratizing Formal Politics: Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jennifer Noelle Collins Committee in charge: Professor Paul Drake, Chair Professor Ann Craig Professor Arend Lijphart Professor Carlos Waisman Professor Leon Zamosc 2006 Copyright Jennifer Noelle Collins, 2006 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Jennifer Noelle Collins is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2006 iii DEDICATION For my parents, John and Sheila Collins, who in innumerable ways made possible this journey. For my husband, Juan Giménez, who met and accompanied me along the way. And for my daughter, Fiona Maité Giménez-Collins, the beautiful gift bequeathed to us by the adventure that has been this dissertation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE.……………………..…………………………………...…...…iii DEDICATION .............................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ..............................................................................................v -
UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y Cs
UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y Cs. DE LA EDUCACIÓN CARRERA DE LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS TESIS DE GRADO “WHAT LIES BEHIND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE M.A.S.-POLITICAL PARTY WHICH IS NOW IN POWER IN BOLIVIA” THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF LICENCIATURA EN LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS. By Esteban Rojas Q. SUPERVISOR: Lic. M. Virginia Coronado LLAA PPAAZZ –– BBOOLLIIIVVIIIAA 22001144 UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y CIENCIAS DE LA EDUCACIÓN CARRERA DE LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS THESIS “WHAT LIES BEHIND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE M.A.S.- POLITICAL PARTY WHICH IS NOW IN POWER IN BOLIVIA” (A qualitative study) © 2014 Esteban Rojas Q. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Licenciatura en Lingüística e Idiomas. …………………………………………………....................................................... ..…………………………………………………..................................................... ………………………………………………………................................................ Head of Department: Lic. Orlando Montaño Supervisor: Lic. M. Virginia Coronado Committee: Lic. Gregorio Calisaya Committee: Lic. David Aduviri Date: …................................................... / 2014 ii CONTENTS Page Presentation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- i Acknowledgments ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ii Preface ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -
The Effect of Gerrymandering on Voter Turnout by Alexa Blaskowsky a THESIS Submitted to Oregon State University Honors College I
The Effect of Gerrymandering on Voter Turnout by Alexa Blaskowsky A THESIS submitted to Oregon State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Honors Baccalaureate of Arts in Political Science (Honors Scholar) Presented May 21, 2021 Commencement June 2021 AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Alexa Blaskowsky for the degree of Honors Baccalaureate of Arts in Political Science presented on May 21, 2021. Title: The Effect of Gerrymandering on Voter Turnout. Abstract approved:_____________________________________________________ Christopher Stout The relationship between partisan gerrymandering and voter participation has still not been fully understood. Although it is clear that there are many factors that affect voter participation, the effect of gerrymandering on voter participation still has not been studied. In this study, I will be examining if partisan gerrymandering affects voter turnout. I expect that voter participation will decrease the more gerrymandered a state is. I expect this decrease because of the impact gerrymandering has on the winner-loser framework and voter efficacy. To test my hypothesis, I will be studying data from all 50 states from the 2018 congressional election. I found that there is a significant relationship between gerrymandering and voter participation. I also found that a variety of other factors, such as race, play a significant role in decreasing voter participation. Ultimately, my research demonstrates that gerrymandering does affect voter participation to a significant -
Current Supply and Demand for Neopopulism in Latin America Gabriela De Oliveira Piquet Carneiro a a University of São Paulo, Brasil Published Online: 26 Jul 2011
This article was downloaded by: [Gabriela Oliveira] On: 08 August 2013, At: 06:35 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK International Review of Sociology: Revue Internationale de Sociologie Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cirs20 Current supply and demand for neopopulism in Latin America Gabriela de Oliveira Piquet Carneiro a a University of São Paulo, Brasil Published online: 26 Jul 2011. To cite this article: Gabriela de Oliveira Piquet Carneiro (2011) Current supply and demand for neopopulism in Latin America, International Review of Sociology: Revue Internationale de Sociologie, 21:2, 367-389, DOI: 10.1080/03906701.2011.581808 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906701.2011.581808 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Study Viewer
"OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" 25 AÑOS DE DEMOCRACIA EN BOLIVIA TOMO II Primera edición, octubre 2007 D.L. Nº 4 - 1 - 1987 - 07 ©FUNDEMOS Calle Hermanos Manchego No. 2441 Teléfonos: 2440846 - 2440642 Telefax: 2433539 Casilla: 2302 Correo electrónico: [email protected] Diseño de Tapa: Susana Machicao Impresión: Artes Gráficas Editorial "Garza Azul" Teléfono 2232414 Casilla 12557 La Paz - Bolivia La Paz - Bolivia 3 4 "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" LA GENERACIÓN DEMOCRÁTICA: ENTRE ROMÁNTICOS, PRAGMÁTICOS, TECNÓCRATAS Y DISCONFORMES Jorge Kafka Zúñiga ....................................................................... 101 UN RESULTADO DE LA DEMOCRACIA: LA RADICALIZACIÓN DEL NACIONALISMO Y EL CONTENIDO MOVIMIENTO INDIANISTA Fernando Molina Monasterios ..................................................... 135 Presentación ..........................................................................................7 AVANCES, LÍMITES Y TENDENCIAS DE LA ECONOMÍA BOLIVIANA EN EL PERÍODO DEMOCRÁTICO Armando Méndez Morales ..............................................................11 REFORMAS CONSTITUCIONALES Y ASAMBLEA CONSTITUYENTE EN LA DEMOCRACIA BOLIVIANA 1982 - 2007 Ricardo Paz Ballivián .......................................................................43 LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN EN DEMOCRACIA: NI TAN SANTOS NI TAN DIABLOS Isabel Mercado Heredia ...................................................................71 5 6 "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" "OPINIONES Y ANÁLISIS" la evolución que tuvieron sí puede -
1 the Rise of Evo Morales Through an Electoral Lens: an Introduction 1
NOTES 1 The Rise of Evo Morales through an Electoral Lens: An Introduction 1. Venezuela 1993 (Carlos Andrés Perez), 2002 (Hugo Chávez), Ecuador 1997 (Abdalá Bucaram), 2000 (Jamil Mahuad), 2004 (Lucio Gutiérrez), Bolivia 2003 (Sánchez de Lozada), 2005 (Carlos Mesa). 2. This claim is relevant to the Bolivian case since a group of scholars, following Gamarra (1997a), have pointed to the hybrid nature of its presidential system, contained in Article 90 of the Constitution, as the major determinant of its relative success. 3. Comparativists have consistently affirmed that the primary role of leg- islatures has been either “neglect and acquiescence or obstructionism” (Morgenstern and Nacif 2002: 7). Moreover, according to the latest Latinobarómetro (2007), the general population in Latin America regards legislatures as one of the most ineffective and one of the least trusted institutions. 4. In light of Article 90 of the Political Constitution of the State, which grants authority to Congress to elect the president in case no candidate receives a majority, Gamarra (1997a; 1997b) called the system “hybrid presidentialism.” Shugart and Carey (1992) followed Gamarra’s concep- tualization while Jones (1995) identified it as a “majority congressional system.” Mayorga (1999) called it “presidencialismo parlamentarizado” (parliamentarized presidentialism). Regardless of the variations in the labels assigned to the Bolivian political system, these scholars agree that it exhibits features of both presidential and parliamentary systems. 5. The double quotient formula was calculated in the following manner: the first quotient, the participation quotient, would be obtained by dividing the total valid votes in a department by the number of seats to be distributed. -
Presidencia Sitiada
SEGUNDA EDICIÓN AMPLIADA CARLOS D. MESA GISBERT FRIDA ZAMUDIO Bolivia 2019 ÍNDICE Presentación: Carlos Mesa y la agonía de la fanfarria .................................................... 11 Introducción ...................................................................................................................................................................................15 CAPÍTULO | Vasallo adoptivo del rey de España .................................................................................................... 17 Hijo adoptivo de España .......................................................................................................................18 Paceño por casualidad ............................................................................................................................20 CAPÍTULO | Periodista por razones alimenticias ................................................................................................ 23 De Cerca ......................................................................................................................................................................24 CAPÍTULO | Goni financia PAT con dinero estatal ............................................................................................... 27 Ítaca: la relación carnal de Carlos de Mesa con El Deber ............................30 El MNR “compensó” económicamente a PAT ..............................................................31 CAPÍTULO | Usurpador de la historia ................................................................................................................................. -
CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No
Strasbourg, 19 March 2007 CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No. 399 / 2006 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OPINION ON THE CONVENTION ON THE STANDARDS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS, ELECTORAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES adopted by the Venice Commission at its 70th plenary session (Venice, 16-17 March 2007) on the basis of comments by Mr Christoph GRABENWARTER (member, Austria) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. http://venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2007)007 - 2 - Introduction 1. By letter dated 28 September 2006, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe asked for an opinion on the Venice Commission on the Convention on the standards of democratic elections, electoral rights and freedoms in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CDL- EL(2006)031rev). 2. The above-mentioned Convention was adopted on 7 October 2002 and was ratified up to now by Armenia, Kyrghyzstan, Moldova, Russia and Tajikistan. 3. The request by the Secretary General takes place in the framework of the discussion about the possibility to adopt a European convention in the electoral field as a Council of Europe convention. The issue whether the text submitted for opinion could inspire a European Convention will then have to be addressed. 4. The Venice Commission entrusted Mr Christoph Grabenwarter (member, Austria) to prepare the comments which are the basis for this opinion. 5. This opinion is based on a non official English translation of the Convention. 6. A first draft opinion was examined by the Council for Democratic Elections at its 19th meeting (Venice, 16 December 2006). -
Initiative and Referendum Process in Nebraska
This guidance document is advisory in nature but is binding on an agency until amended by such agency. A guidance document does not include internal procedural documents that only affect the internal operations of the agency and does not impose additional requirements or penalties on regulated parties or include confidential information or rules and regulations made in accordance with the Administrative Procedure Act. If you believe that this guidance document imposes additional requirements or penalties on regulated parties, you may request a review of the document. HOW TO USE THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM PROCESS IN NEBRASKA SECRETARY OF STATE JOHN GALE This publication is provided free of charge and may be reproduced in part or in whole. This pamphlet is intended for general informational purposes only and is not intended as a substitute for statutory provisions. Contributions to this publication from the Nebraska Accountability and Disclosure Commission (Part III) and review and suggestions from individuals familiar with the initiative and referendum process are greatly appreciated. (Revised August 2015) Dear Citizens of Nebraska, The initiative and referendum process in Nebraska has a long and rich history. Established first in 1912, the process has addressed a myriad of issues such as soldiers’ bonuses, bottle laws, budget limitations and seat belts to name a few. The power of the citizens to use this process is established within our state constitution. Many suggest that it plays a more important role in Nebraska than other states because of our unique unicameral legislature. It has been said that the people of Nebraska, through their use of the initiative and referendum, comprise the second legislative house within our state.