The Case System of Tagalog Verbs

Senie� B - No. 21

THE CASE SYSTEM OF TAGALOG VERBS

Teresita V. Ramos

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacific Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Ramos, T.V. The case system of Tagalog verbs. B-27, viii + 178 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-B27.cover ©1974 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.

------PACIFIC LINGUISTICS is published by the Ling ui��ie CiAeie 06 CanbeAAa and consists of four series:

SERIES A - OCCASI ONAL PAPERS SERIES B - MONOGRAPHS SERIES C - BOOKS SERIES V - SPECIAL PUBLICATIONS .

ED ITOR: S.A. Wurm . ASSOCIATE EDITORS : D.C. Laycock , C.L. Voorhoeve.

ALL CORRESPONDENCE concerning PACIFIC LINGUISTICS, including orders and su bscriptions, should be addressed to:

The Secretary , PACIFIC LINGUISTICS, Department of Linguistics , School of Pacific Studies , The Australian National University ,

Canberra , A. C.T. 2600. Australia.

The editors are indebted to the Australian National University for help in the production of this series. ' This publication was made possible by an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund.

National Library of Australia card number and ISBN 0 85883 115 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRACT vi LIST OF TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS viii

CH APTER I. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1. The Tagalog Language 1 1. 2. Tagalog Linguistic Studies 1 1. 3. Theoretical Orientation 3

CHAPTER II. TAGALOG DEEP STRUCTURE CASES 15

2.1. The Use of Case in Philippine Studies 15 2.2. Case as Used in this Study 19 2.3. Tagalog Cases 19 2.3.1. Inherent Cases 19 2.3.1. 1 . The Agentive Case 20 2.3.1.2. The Objective Case 23 2.3.1.3. The Directional Case 30 2.3.1.4. The Locative Case 32

2.3. 1 . 5 . The Instrumental Case ( Force) 33 2. 3.2. Non-inherent Cases 34 2.3.2.1. The Instrumental Case 34 2.3.2.2. The Benefactive Case 39 2.3.2.3. The Affected Case 40 2.3.3. Summary 40

CH APTER III . BASE RULES 41

3.1. Introduction 41 3.2. Base Rules 43

111 iv

Page CHAPTER IV. SELECTIONAL REDUNDAN CY RULES 65

CHAPTER V. THE SUB CATEGORI ZAT ION OF TAGALOG VERBS 79

CHAPTER VI . SURFACE CAS E FORMS IN THE NOUN PHRASES 99

6.1. The Inherent Noun Phrases 100 6.1.1. The Agentive Noun Phrase 100 6.1. 2. The Objective Noun Phrase 100 6.1. 3. The Directional Noun Phrase 101 6.1. 4. The Locative Noun Phrase 101 6.1. 5. The Instrumental Noun Phrase (Force) 102 6.2. The Non-inherent Noun Phrases 103 6.2.1. The Instrumental Noun Phrase 103 6.2.2. The Benefactive Noun Phrase 104 6.2.3. The Affected Noun Phrase 105 6.3. Suppressed Noun Phrases in the Surface Structure 105 6.3.1. Built-in Roles 105 6.3.1. 1. Incorporated Roles 106 6.3.1. 1.1. Incorporated Objects 106 6. 3.1.1.2. Incorporated Instruments 106 6.3.1 .1.3. Incorporated Directionals 107 6.3. 1.2. Lexicalized Roles 107 6.3.1.2.1. Lexicalized Objects 108 6.3.1.2.2. Lexicalized Instruments 109 6.3.1.2.3. Lexicalized Directionals 109 6.3.2. Coreferential Roles 110 6.3.3. Vacant Roles 111 6.3.3.1. Vacant Objective Role 111 6.3.3.2. Vacant Instrumental Role 111 6.4. Surface Realization of Arguments 112

CHAPTER VI I. SURFACE MANIFESTATIONS OF TAGALOG CASES llS

7. 1. Introduction llS 7.2. Subject as a Surface Phenomenon llS 7. 3. Process of Subjectivalization 116 7. 3. 1 . Subject Marking, TR#l 118 7.3.2. K Case Feature Incorporation, TR#2 118 7.4. Verbal Affixes as Case Indicators 120 7.4.1. Inherent Cases as Marked in the Verb 120 7. 4.1. 1. The Agentive Noun Phrase as Subject 120 v

Page 7.4.1 .2. The Objective Noun Phrase as Subject 124 7.4.1.2.1. With Agentive Noun Phrases 124 7. 4.1.2.2. Without Agentive Noun Phrases 125 7.4.1.3. The Directional Noun Phrase as Subject 127 7.4. 1.4. The Locative Noun Phrase as Subject 127 7.4.1.5. The Instrumental Noun Phrase (Force) as Subject 128 7.4.2. Non-inherent Cases as Marked in the Verb 128 7.4.2.1. The Instrumental Noun Phrase as Subject 128 7.4.2. 2. The Benefactive Noun Phrase as Subject 129 7.4. 2. 3. The Affected Noun Phrase as Subject 130 7.4.3. Surface Realization of Tagalog Cases 130 7.4.4. Problems and Exceptions 138

CHAPTER VI II. CONCLUS ION 143

APPENDI X A. SEMANTIC FEATURE DISPLAYS OF TH E VERB AND TH E CASES 147

APPENDI X B. BASE RULES 152

APPENDI X C. SELECTIONAL REDUNDANCY RULES 155

APPENDIX D. MAJOR CLASSES OF TAGALOG VERBS 157

BIBLIOGRAPHY 160 ABSTRACT

The Ca� e Sy�tem 06 Tagalog Ve�b� is a study of the underlying case relationships in the sentence, and the dominant role the verb plays in dictating the types of cases it allows to co-occur with it. This linguistic information is used to subcategorize the verbs of Tagalog in a manner that is sensitive both to the syntactic and semantic relationships existing between the verb and the cases that occur with it. The classification proposed not only takes into consideration the case frame of the verb but also the total semantic reading of a sentence. To formalize the syntactic-semantic relationships in the sentence, semantic features for the verbs have been made prominent, a step in a continuing effort to explain the verb in Philippine languages. Chapter III gives a modification of Fillmore's case grammar by the use of semantic features and is the core of this study. These semantic features of the verb determine the case frames (case co-occurrence restrictions) . The centrality of the verb is emphasized. The noun complements are predictable from the verb rather than vice versa as in Fillmore's view. Base rules given in Chapter III illustrate how the case selectional features of the verb are introduced in a complex symbol, a matrix of specified features. To match the verbal case features, nouns also are assigned case features which are described in detail in Chapter II. Subcategorizational and redundancy rules attribute features to both nouns and verbs. The Tagalog deep structure cases are defined in Chapter II. Most , of Fillmore's case designations have been adopted. However, broad case roles have been redefined as having sub case features to capture the fine meanings of case roles intuitively perceived for Tagalog as well as in an attempt to formalize Fillmore'S prose descriptions of his cases. On the other hand, where similarities have been intuitively

vi vii

perceived, Fillmore's cases have been collapsed. The result is a small inventory of broad cases (i. e. , five inherent cases) with subcases which work toward a more adequate and precise semantic and syntactic description of Tagalog verbal sentences. Chapter IV deals with the selectional redundancy rules that restrict the types of nouns that occur with certain types of verbs on the basis of the latter's meaning. Case frames are represented as selectional features instead of in terms of category symbols as Fillmore does in his grammar. These selectional redundancy rules account for the co occurrence of the inherent types of cases with the verb except for the locatives. Chapter V presents the major subcategorization of the Tagalog verbs. Each of the fifteen classes of verbs is described by matrices consisting of the semantic features as well as the contextual case features that distinguish each class from the rest. The first four chapters of this study discuss the underlying semantic syntactic case relationships of the Tagalog sentence. The surface case forms (i. e. , the case marking particle and the verbal affixes) that mark case relationships in the surface structure are discussed in Chapters VI and VII. The many-to-one correspondence between case function and form is emphasized. The process of subject formation, which is considered a surface phenomenon in this study, is also de scribed in Chapter VII. While stressing the importance of features for a more precise description of the behaviour of Tagalog verbs, no claim is made that the display of verbal and nominal features introduced in this study will completely define all Tagalog verb-noun case relationships, let alone the total meanings of verbs and nouns. The study needs more empirical validation, but has accomplished the following: (1) a more adequate and precise sub categorization of Tagalog verbs by the use of features; and (2) a formalization of the introspective judgements of this native speaker about the case system of Tagalog verbs, thus getting closer to semantic adequacy. LIST OF TERMS ANV ABBREVIATIONS

1. agentive (agt) 20. external (ext) 2. Agentive (A) 21. goal (g) 3. affected (af) 22 . inchoative (inch) 4. animate (an) 23. instrumental (I) 5. Benefactive (ben, B) 24. Locative (L) 6. begun (beg) 25. meteorological (met) 7. case (c) 26. neutral aspect (neut. asp.) 8. case marking particle (K) 27. noun (N) 9. centrifugal (cf) 28. Objective (0) 10. change of state (cs) 29 . patient (pat) 11. common (com) 30 . singular (sg) 12. completed (comp) 31. subject (subj) 13. complex symbol (c. s. ) 32 . terminal (ter) 14. concrete (conc) 33. total (t) 15. determiner (det) 34 . transient (trans) 16. direction (dir) 35 . transported (transp) 17. Directional (Dir, D) 36 . undergoer (und) 18. experiencer (exp) 37 . verb (V) 19 . experiential (exp)

viii

1.1. THE TAGAL OG LANGUAGE

Tagalog is one of the eight major languages of the Philippines. It belongs to the Austronesian or Malayo-polynesian language family as do the rest of the 70 to 150 Philippine languages. It is regarded by many Philippine linguists as the dominant language of the country (Llamzon 1968:731) . The 1960 Census of the Philippines indicated that at that time 44.4% of the population were speakers of Tagalog. Constantino (1971:117) later estimated that this percentage had increased to 60% of the population. One of the major reasons for the rising use of Tagalog over the use of other Philippine languages is that in 1937 Tagalog was chosen by the Institute of National Language as the basis of the national language, now called Pilipino. Tagalog is the native language of the following provinces in the Philippines: Bataan, Bulacan, Batangas, Cavite, Laguna, Marinduque, Occidental Mindoro, Oriental Mindoro, Nueva Ecija, Quezon, Rizal, and also Metropolitan Manila. It is also the dominant language in the northern half of Camarines Norte in the Bikol Region, in some towns of Zambales, Tarlac and Pampanga in Central Luzon, and in some provinces of Mindanao, notably Cotabato and Davao. It is widely taught in the school system, and is used in the various communications media through out the country.

1.2. TAGALOG LINGUISTIC STUVIES

Tagalog is not only the most widely used language in the Philippines, but it is probably the most studied from a linguistic point of view. Ward (1 971) surveys the coverage of Philippine studies, and shows that the greatest concentration of grammatical research has been on the following languages, with Tagalog totalling a full one-third of all the

Ramos, T.V. The case system of Tagalog verbs. B-27, viii + 178 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-B27.1 ©1974 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 2

works : Tagalog, Cebuano , Ilokano , Hiligaynon , Bikol , Waray , Kapampangan , and Pangasinan , arranged here in a decreasing order by number of speakers per language . Constant ino , in a review of the linguistic research on Philippine languages , states that Tagalog and the other maj or languages are the mo st frequently studied. He writes, 'One can say without exaggerating that the history of Philippine linguis tics is largely the history of the study of the major Philippine languages, es pecially Tagalog' (1971: 118) . As early as the 1560's, the Spanish missionaries emphasized the study of the maj or languages in the Philippines , especially Tagalog . Accord ing to Milner (1963:64), much of their work 'res ts upon the normative preconceptions and traditional pigeonholes of conventional European grammar. ' During the American occupation of the Philippines (first half of the 20th century ), a new era in Philippine linguistics started. The U.S. army , which brought the first Americans to the Philippines , start ed the study of Philippine languages , again notably Tagalog . Among the grammars of Tagalog written at this time , Mackinlay 's A Handbook and G�amma� 06 Tagalog is worthy of ment ion . Three import ant grammars of Tagalog were published during this American Period : Leonard Bloomfield 's Tagalog Tex�6 wi�h G�amma�i cal AnalY6i6 (1917), Frank Blake 's A G�amma� 06 �h e Tagalog Language (1925), and Cecilio Lopez's A Manual 06 �he Philippine Na�i onal Language (1940). Of the three , Bloomfield's grammar is considered the first comprehensive and systemat ic analysis of Tagalog. It is also the best known , and the mo st influential of American studies on any Philippine language . Blak� s grammar 'shows the unmistakable influence of the bes t Spanish grammari ans, particularly Totanes' (Constant ino 1971:125). Blake 's study , though not published unt il 1925, actually antedat es Bloomfield's 1917 grammar . It is of importance here since Blake was the first to discuss case relat ions as expre ssed by the Tagalog verb . Lopez's manual was influenced by Bloomfield's grammat ical analysis and also by Jespersen 's Phil06 0phy 06 G�amma� (Constantino 1971:131). Though influenced by Bloomfield, Lopez believed as did Blake in the import ance of semant ic categories as a basis of analysis. Among the recent works on Tagalog grammar are Kess' doctoral dissertation , A S�udy 06 �he Syn�ac�ic Fea�u�e6 06 �he Tagalog Ve�b (1967), and Llamzon 's Mode�n Tagalog (1968) , the latter a functional structural description giving particular attention to the problem of verifi cation . Pub lished re cently is a Tagalog Re6e�ence G�amma� by Schachter and Ot anes , the only grammar of Tagalog to date written in a trans formational-generat ive framework . 3

The best known and most widely used of all Tagalog grammars is Lope K. Santos ' 8ata�ta ng Wi�ang Pamban�a, written in Tagalog (or Pilipino , the national language ). The Institute of National Language has adopted this work as the official grammar of the Philippines. The Balarila, as it is popularly called, thus has become the 'B ible ' for Pilipino teachers all over the country . It deserves more study since Tagalog cont inues to engage the attent ion of many scholars of Philippine linguistics .

1.3. THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

1.3.1. Previous studies on the verbs of Philippine languages have described verbal affixes and their role in marking which of the noun phrases in the sentence is 'focused' or 'topicalized'. Probab ly under the influence of Bloomfield, who in the morphology of his Tagalog grammar indicated that an affix indicates one and only one grammatical relat ion (1 917 :226 et seq . ), most of the Philippine linguists (generally S.I.L. linguists) had single affixes where actually there are two or more grammat ical relations. Contrary to Bloomfield's analysis, Constantino claims that 'in many Philippine languages two or more affixes may be us ed to indicate the same grammatical relation between subject and verb' or that 'one affix may indicate two or more different grammatical relations, not only with different stems but also with the same stems ' (1971:13 9) . For examp le three different affixes may mark the grammat ical rel ation goal (or object).

o (1) [i- ] ltapon mo ang basu ra. throw you garbage (You) throw the garbage .

o (2) [-an] Hugas� mo ang pinggan. wash you pLates (You) wash the pLates.

o (3) [- in] Lutuin mo ang ulam. aook you viand (You) aook the viand. 4

In the next examples , a single verb al affix i- marks three grammatical relat ions between the verb and the focused noun . This affix may be used to mark the object , the beneficiary , or the instrument .

o (4) [Objective] .!..tago rno ang bola. keep you bal l ( You) keep the ball.

B (5) [Benefactive] I b iii rno � ng kotse . buy you for him aar (You) buy a aar for him.

I (6) [Instrumental] .!..punas rno an� tra�o . wipe you rag (You) use the rag to wipe (i t) .

As Schachter (1961), Constant ino (1971:139), and Cena (1971) noted, the same stems may have two or more interpretat ions . For example , the noun phrase ang al ipin the slave may have two functions in the fo llowing sent ence .

(7 ) Binayaran ng I a lake an2 a I i � in. paid man slave a. The man paid for the slave . (Object-focuser) b. The man paid the slave . (Indirect-object-focuser)

Schachter (1961 :143) in his article shows how the structural ambiguity of the sentence ab ove can be re solved by as signing it two different derivat ional histories . He converts the passive sentence into an active sentence using two transformat ions , one that marks the noun phrase sa and the other ng. The sentence which cont ains the Object -focuser is trans formed to an unamb iguous sentence .

(8) Nagbayad ng alipi n ang lalaki . paid s lave man The man paid fo r the slave .

On the other hand , the sentence which contains the Indire ct-object focuser is trans formed to the following unamb iguous sentence .

(9) Nagb ay ad sa ali�i n ang lala ki . paid slave man The man paid the slave . 5

However, what Schachter claims as an unamb iguous active sentence, Nagbayad ng alipin ang lalaki, can have two interpretations .

a. The man paid fo� the slave . b. The man us ed the slave fo� payment.

The second sentence indicates an instrumental function in opposition to the ob jective function in the first interpretation . So even case-marking particles can be interpreted as having different functions . For examp le, the particle ng in Tagalog may mark an agenti ve, an objective , or an instrumental phrase .

A (10) Kinuha n9 bata angll bro. got ahi ld book The ahi ld got the book.

o (11) Kumuha ang bata ng libro .

The ahi ld got a book .

I (12) Gumami t siya ng kutsi lyo sa manok . used he knife on the ahiaken He used a knife on the ahiaken.

Ot her lingui sts sugge st th at another way of disamb iguating sentences is by 'expanding ' the noun phrase (Constantino 1971:139 ) or by the 'recovery of deleted elements' (Cena 19 71:137). For examp le, sa mesa in the following sentence exhibits a two-way ambiguity between the source and goal function .

(13) nahulog siya sa mesa . fe tt he tab le a. He fe tt on the tab le. b. He fe ll f� om the tab le.

The phrase sa mesa may be interpreted as the goal (in #13a) or the source (in #13b ) of the ve rbal action . By expanding sa mesa (or recovering its deleted elements) into patungo (going to) sa mesa it become s unamb iguously the goal of the action or into magmu la (aoming f� om) sa mesa unambiguously the source of the acti on. All these examples indicat e that there is no perfect correlat ion between surface forms and case functions. They illustrat e the fact that a consideration of overt ly displayed grammatical facts wi ll not 6

always lead to the same conclusion about the case of a particular structure as will the use of intuitions ab out the s emantic propert ies of the structure . Chafe (1970:122 ) states that 'when intros pection and surface evidence are contradictory, it is the former which is decisive '. Due to the concentrat ion on a surface synt actic analysis alone by earlier studies , Tagalog sentences have sometime s been classified toge ther which are interpreted as different by the nat ive speakers of the language . Kess (1967) tried to classify Tagalog verb s by using the notion of 'focus ' and verbal affixes of sentences and was dissat isfied with the results of his study . He concluded in an unpub lished manus cript , the following: 'If an accurate system of verb des cription is desired, with correspondent verbal classification, it seems that the only way this can be accomplis hed is with a system that cross-classifies its verbs both as to which verbal affixes they occur with (previous ly confusingly called focus ), as well as which particular case relationships these verbal affixes happen to mark' (197 1:7 ). Kess realized that a purely surface structure considerat ion of focus is not suffi cient for a complete analysis of Tagalog verbal constructions but repre sent s only a partial approach to the prob lem. Because a surface syntactic analysis alone is not adequate to explain how sent ences are interpret ed by native speakers , a mode l becomes necessary that can distinguish two sent ences marked similarly on the surface but understood different ly due to underlying case distinctions . It seems necessary therefore , to have two levels of analysis to provide an adequate des cription of Tagalog verbs. While the surface level of analysis of verb structure has been described to some extent for several Philippine languages (see publications of SI1 linguists), very little has been attempt ed in the way of describing underlying semant ic proper ties of verbs. The only research suggestive of this type of analysis is that of Br . Andrew Gonzales (1970) on Kaparnpangan; though this is not in the framework suggested here . The writer of this study concludes that it is no longer sufficient for a grammar to classify or subcate l gorize verbs on the basis of the surface structures in which they occur . 2 Deep structure informat ion must be considered as well to account for the manner in which sentences are interpreted or understood by the speakers of the language . l Surface structure : Chomsky 's term for the structure res ulting from the application of all pertinent trans formations to a deep structure. The surface structure is the basis for the phonological interpretation of the sentence. 2 Deep structure: Chomsky's term for the structure resulting from the insertion of lexical items into the terminal string generated by the phras e structure rules. The deep structure is the basis for the semantic interpretation of the sentence. 7

A new way of subcat egorizing Tagalog verb s not motivated primarily by morpholgical considerat ions but by syntactic-semantic ones is proposed here . This leads the writer, a nat ive speaker of Tagalog , to explain in a systematic way the case relationships in a sentence as indicated by the semantic propert ies of the verb . To do this, the grammar model needed must be capab le of corre lating the ob servab le syntactic facts with a deep structure more semant ic than syntact ic and there fore further removed from the surface structure than the one proposed by Chomsky . Case grammar as envisioned by Fillmore seems to be ab le to do this , but unfortunately this model has not been deve loped far enough to accomplish the goal of exp laining adequately the syntactic-semant ic relationships existing between the verb and the rest of the sentence in which it occurs .

1.3.2. Fillmore' s case grammar mode l is a modification of the standard transformat ional theory , wh ich relies upon a clear distinction between deep and surface structures (1968:21) . The simp le sentence in Fil lmore' s theory consists of a 'predicator (verb, adjective or noun ) in construc tion with one of the semantic functions known as (deep structure ) cases ' (1971:24 6). In short , case grammar is a modificat ion having a base component that specifies the case structure of sentences. It is interesting to note here that Fillmore adopted Blake's (1930 ) definit ion of case and case form in his current general theory . Fil lmore uses the term case (or deep structure case) to identify the 'underlying syntactic-semantic relationship, and the term cas e form to mean the expression of cas e relationship in a particular language - whether through affixation, suppletion, us e of clitic particles or constraints on word order' (1968a:21) . The deep cases identify the roles which the entities serve in the predicat ion , these roles taken from a repertory defined once and for all for human languages . The case notions comprise a set of universal, presumab ly innate, concepts which ident ify cert ain types of judgements human beings are capab le of making ab out the events that are going on around them , judgements ab out such matters as who did it , who it happene d to, what got changed. In this study , mo st of Fillmore' s case designations (Agent , Object , Instrument , Source, Goal, Experiencer) have been adopted. However, these designations are too broad to capture the fine me anings of case roles intuitively perceived for Tagalog or too similar in function to be considered separate cases. For example , Fil lmore himself noted three types of agents. He referred to them as 'Agentive-as-oj bect ive' , 'Agentive-as -goal ', and 8

'Agent ive-as-source ' (see Cook 1971:15) . So where distinctions are present in a case role , subclasses of case are postulated in this study . However, where similarities are detected, the broad case roles have been collapsed into one case role . To illustrate , because of their intui tive ly perceived similarities (i.e. both being affected or acted on), Fillmore 's experiencer and ob ject cases in this study are encompas sed by the broad case role of object having the semant ic subdivisions of pat ient and nonpat ient types. The result is a small inventory of broad cases with sub cases which work toward a more adequate and precise semant ic and syntactic des cription of Tagalog verbal sentences . Fil lmore too, has notat ion prob lems in incorporating case in the base component . Acknowledging this weakness, he says , 'The cases are clearly not categories, though in this notation they are treated just like grammatical categories' (1971:263) . The notat ional problem encountered by Fillmore is - basically the mixing of function with categorial elements. He had case relations dominat ing category symbols , e.g. Case is rewritten as Part icle + Noun Phrase. In this study , it has been decided to mark l case in the lexicon to avoid Fi llmore 's prob lem of having a relational term (case) dominate categorial elements.

1.3.3. In an attempt to formalize Fillmore 's prose descriptions of his cases as well as some semant ic generalizat ions gleaned from the works of Philippine linguists, particularly Blake (1906), Lopez (1941), 2 Pittman (1966) and Stevens (1969), fe at ures have been postulated for a more precise characterization of case re lat ionships between the 3 predicate (verb ) and its argument s. Aside from Kess (1967), there has been no analysis of Tagalog verbs that uses the feature approach . However, his dissertation concent rated on the syntactic fe atures of the verb whereas this study will concentrate on the semant ic-syntactic features of the verb . The fe at ure notat ion has been developed in phonology (Halle , Jakobson, etc. ), and has been app lied to synt ax by Chomsky (1965) . Syntactic features (not case feature s) were used by Chomsky to account for the l Robinson (1970), Starosta (1971a, 1972) and Taylor (1971) introduce case in the lexicon. Starosta (1972) has developed to some extent the use of lexical redu ndancy rules as case marking devices. 2 Feature : a property of a linguistic element according to which the element is classified, or on the basis of which its co-occurrence pr ivileges are stated. 3 'Argument' is a term used in a logician sense by Fillmore (1968b:373) to refer to objects (or nouns) concerning which a predi cate asserts something. 9

selectional restrictions governing the co-occurrence of lexical items (1965: 75-106 ). However, there seems to be uncertainty existing in current transformat ional grammar ab out the status and the functions of these select ional features . McCawley states that select ional restric tions are de finable solely in terms of propert ies of semantic repre sen tations and that to determine whether a constituent meets or violates a selectional restrict ion , it is necessary to examine its semant ic representat ion and nothing else (1968:135). McCoy (1969:37), who encountered difficulties in setting up her features , says that 'answers are still lacking to such basic questions as how many and which features need to be included in a lexical entry; how the features of a iexical item are to be discovered or how far a grammar needs to go in specifying the features required by the terminal node. ' This analysis , which is designed to be as semantically adequate as possible and to explain the syntactic characteristics of the verb and its argument s will hopefully contribute to a solution of these questions . One of the best treatments on semant ic features that the writer has studied is found in Chafe' s Meaning and �he S��uc�u�e 06 Language (1970). In this study however, the writer identifies binary fe atures, reducing the number of Chafe' s features by as much as one-half. Again , some of Chafe's noun types have been collapsed in this study . For example , his pat ient and experiencer nouns are both referred to here as objects having different governing verbs. The first is governed by an agent ive verb and the second by a nonagentive verb . In the writer's attempts to formalize the feature approach , Starosta's articles on the case in the lexicon (1971a, 1971b , 1972) have given valuable insights, as well as McCoy's (1969), Taylor's (1971) , and Nilsen's (1971) dissertations . McCoy's work is especially important in the use of subcases in the subcategorizat ion of Spanish verbs.

1.3.4. Linguists disagree on whether to consider the verb or the noun central in the deep structure . Chafe (1970 :144) and McKaughan (1958) in his work on Maranao considered the verb central in their an'alyses . Fillmore (1968:21) and Chomsky (1965) however have their nouns select the verbs and not vi ce versa. Chomsky's strict subcategorization rules or Fil lmore' s case frames give the contexts into which verbs are inserted. In this study the verb is considered ce ntral because one can predict the types of arguments that can co-occur with it even when it is not placed in any context with an array of part icular nouns . In other words, the syntactic constituents of the sentence are predicted by the semant ic 10

propert ies of the verb . 'Verb ' in this study is understood in the more general sense of Fil lmore 's 'predicator' . The verb , therefore , is composed of a bundle of specified semantic features which restrict or dictate the types of case-marked nouns that may co-occur with it . The noun , although marked for the potential case roles it can perform, can only function in any of these roles if assigned by the semant ic propert ies of the verb . These propert ies or feat ures are inherent to the verb and constitute part of its total me aning. The semant ic features of a particular verb select the types of nouns that the verb allows to occur with it. The inherent semantic features in the verb and the types of nouns that co-occur with it further impose a classificat ion on the verb simi lar to Fillmore 's 'case frame '. However, Fillmore 's frames consist only of the cases that may select a verb , while this study adds the inherent semant ic fe atures of the verb and refers to both the case frame and the semantic propert ies as features of the verb , with the former predictable from the latter. For example, [+externalJ verb s require more than one argument . These arguments are Agent and Ob j ect . The [+externalJ feature of the verb indicat es a type of action having an agent external to that action . The features of this verb class would include [+external J, requiring [+AJ, and [+oJ. Example :

(14) x [+AJ [+OJ

Na�gl: iniJ s siya ng bah ay • a�eaned he house He a�eaned the house.

A verb marked [-ext ernalJ often requires the presence of just one argument , that of Agent . The action is internal and there fore does not affect an outside obj ect . Such a verb would include the feature [-external], requiring [+AJ . Example :

(15 ) [+AJ Umiyak siya. aried she She aried.

The case frames or case co-occurrence restrictions are actually determined by the semant ic features of the verb . The case environment of the verb , or said in another way , the nouns co-occurring with the verb , therefore , do not determine the type of verb to be used. The verb has as part of its total me aning the array of cases that its very 11

me aning require s or permits in its environment . The verb 'governs ' the introduction of cases into the sentence . The verb 's central sense or me aning thus includes its case environment . Th is important obser vat ion seems to be verified in that the classification of the verb s has been found to be possible without having to put them into a cont ext . It is of interest as an aside to note that when the investigator initially posited semant ic features for the verb , no thought was given to a one-t o-one correspondence with surface representations . However, some semant ic features posited, such as [±centrifugal] , have helped to explain surface forms heretofore inadequat ely described. For example , most MAG -verbs correspond to the verbal feature [+cent rifugal] , meaning action away from the agent , and the maj ority of UM -verb s correspond to the [-centrifugal ] fe ature , me aning action toward or benefiting the agent (Pittman 1966 :12). This seems to directly support the claims here (1) that the semantic features chosen are not purely aribtrary or ad hoc but do correspond to actual inherent semant ic properties of Tagalog verbs, and (2) that some formal fe atures of grammar can be accounted for in terms of me aning (cf. Lakoff 1970).

1.3.5 . In this study , following Chomsky 's notational system in his standard transformat ional model (1965), the .case select ional features of the verb are introduced in the base by a complex symbol, a mat rix of specified features . As indicated ab ove , and repeated here for emphas is , verbs have semant ic feat ures which define the basic or central sense of the verb , and they have also contextual (i.e. , case environmen� fe at ures . Specifically , the types of verb al feat ures discussed here focus on their noun selection function . To mat ch the verbal case fe atures , nouns also are ass igned case features in this study , called 'nominal case features '. These are in addition to the 'inherent features' of nouns such as 'animat e-inanimate' , 'proper-common ', etc. But as ment ioned before, nouns as lexical units do not have fixed case roles as do the verbs. Nouns assume case roles in proposit ions , the case role being determined by the verb . These roles are as signed to nouns by case-related redundancy rules si milar to those Taylor used (1971:26 4). Sub categorizational and redundancy rules in this approach thus at tribute features to both nouns and verb s. To capture the relat ional character of case (see Anderson 1971:28), selectional redundancy rules (see Chapter IV) restrict the types of nouns that occur with certain types of verb s on the basis of the latter's meaning. In other words these rules show how the semantic propert ies of the verb dictate what kind of cases may occur with it . Case frames are represented as selectional features instead of 12

category symbols as Fillmore does in his grammar . According to Starosta, 'This has an advantage over Fillmore's pseudo-strict subcategorizational case frames in that the case frame need not be handled as a single unanalysable unit, but can be broken up into components which can be handled by redundancy rules in accordance with usual conventions for feature rules .' (197 2:1101). At the risk of further redundancy , the aim here is to des cribe the core feature mat rix for verb classes re cogn ized intuitively by native speakers of Tagalog, but needing a formalization in order to describe this intuitive knowledge . This has been done by noting the inherent features of verbs using a mode l that will explain why a native speaker can tell what the verb 's co-occurrence restrict ions are , or what array of nouns a verb demands even when the verb is out of context . Initially , the writer examined ab out 800 verb bases for ob l igatory case environments and checked the results with another native speaker of Tagalog. Fillmore 's universal case list was used for the purpose. It was discovered that a maj ority of the verb s cluster around a few case frames. When subject ivalized however, the same frame was found to have different verbal affixes marking it in the surface structure. In some instances different case frames were marked by the same verbal affixes . To eliminate some of these overlaps , it was decided to study the me anings of the verbs. The semant ic propert ies of the verbs as well as the availab le synt actic informat ion ab out them were then for malized into fe at ures. It was ob served that Fillmore 's case roles were too broad to handle the finer meanings of the re lationship between the verb and its noun phrases so these were divided into subcases which were selected by the verbal features . Most of the semant ic features of verb s have been derived from descript ions of the Tagalog verb by Lopez and Pittman and concepts for the case features from Blake , Fillmore and Chafe 's des criptions . When ever necessary , new features (semant ic or case ) have been posited, based upon the writer's intuitions as a native speaker of the language. The result is an analysis which explains some of the 'idiosyncratic ' behaviour of the verbs ; some , not all , for there are exceptions which will be discussed in detail in Chapter VII . Before cont inuing to a des cription of deep cases and their meanings in Tagalog, it should be said that this study makes no claim to being the best approach to case determinat ion. Th e use of fe atureS as an att empt to formalize the various case relationships present in a sentence may not be the perfect solut ion , but unt il a better system is found, features appear to be a convenient shorthand 'to express the similarities and differences existing among various cases' (McCoy 1969: 37 ). The writer has tried to approximate her intuitive understanding 13

of the total meaning of the verb by positing the features relevant to an adequate des cription of the case system in Tagalog . It should also be said that no claim is made either that the display of verb al and nominal fe at ures introduced in this study will completely define all Tagalog verb-noun case relationships , let alone the total me anings of verb s and nouns . The study is experiment al , aimed toward an ultimate explanat ion of the underlying case system and consequently how this linguistic knowledge can help in the subcategorization of Tagalog verbs. The writer believes that the semantic features postulated in this study subcategorize verb s with more exactitude than has been possib le earlier. Since the surface re alizat ion machinery is not developed to a point where one can make precise predictions , the ultimate empirical validity still remains to be tes ted. In summary , this study at tempts (1) to explain why a deep structure analysis is necessary to make an adequat e de scription of the case system of Tagalog verbs; (2) to explain why a part icular verb has a particular case frame in terms of semant ic fe atures of verbs; (3) to explain the intuitively perceived differences in case constituents in terms of subcases , thus getting closer to semantic adequacy ; and (4) to formalize the system in a way which avoids the notat ional problems of Fillmore 's case grammar and Chafe 's semant ic case model. None of the previ ous works of Tagalog have undertaken any one of these obj ectives. It may be mentioned in this connection that others re cently have at tempted the use of subcases in the ir analyses , but none on Tagalog : see McCoy 1969 ; Nilsen 1971; Anderson 1971; Tay lor 1971; and Harrison 1971.

CHAPTER II TAGALOG DE EP STRUCTURE CASES

As postulated in the introduction, the verb is central to the Tagalog sentence . Nouns are peripheral and tied to the verb cent er by relat ions such as agent ive , objective , instrumental , direct ional , locative , and the like . The nature of these case relationships of the nouns to the verb will be discussed in some detail in this chapter.

2.1. THE USE OF CASE IN PHI LIPPINE STUVIES

The not ion of 'case' is not new in the analysis of Philippine lan guages . In 1906 F.R. Blake wrote a paper entitled 'Expression of Case by the Verb in Tagalog'. In 1930 he wrote another paper in which he defined his use of case very clearly . He says , 'the term case as regularly used refers primarily to form and has to do with meaning only insofar as that is denoted by the form ' (1930:34). But this use of the term, Blake points out , is limited and does not denote the re lationship itself. Blake goes on to clarify by using the phrase case form for 'case' in its usual sense , i.e. , the inflections , and the term case for the re lationship without regard to its means of expression . Fillmore emphasizes this clarificat ion in his current general theory of case grammar and adopts Blake 's usage by , he says , 'using the term � to identify the underlying syntactic-semantic relationship, and the term � form to mean the expression of case relationship in a particular language - whether through affixation, suppletion, use of clitic particles, or constraints on word order' (1968 :21). Bloomfield did not use the term case since affixes on nouns' in Tagalog do not occur to mark such re lationships . In general , the term has been av oided by others writing on Philippine languages . However, avoiding the use of the term case does not do away with the type of re lationships often indicated by noun affixes (case forms ).

15 16

Th ese relat ionships tying noun ph rases in th e Tagalog sentence to verb cent ers are indicated by affixe s in th e verb rath er th an on th e noun and by part icles introducing noun ph rases . Affixe s in Tagalog verbs mark case re lationships between th e verb and th e subject of th e sentence , wh ile th e particles introducing noun ph rases mark th e same kind of relat ionships, but do so between verb s and non-subject noun ph rases. At least th ree terms have been used to de scribe th e verb affixe s referre d to ab ove : fo cus , voice and case . Summer Institute of Linguistics ' personnel introduced th e term focus for th ese affixes (Healey 1960 :103) . Kerr explains th at th e verb , by th ese affixes , 'has an implied focus of attention on the entire expression marked as topic ' (1965 :17) . Oth ers have designat ed th ese affixe s by th e term voice , including Bloomfield (1917, 19 33), Lopez (1937) , and McKaUghan (1958, 1962 ). McKaughan in his earlier writing preferred voice to focus to emphasize th at th e re lationship was verb to subj ect (he called it 'topic ' th en ) rath er th an a relat ionsh ip of emphasis seemingly conveyed by th e SIL term 'focus '. Oth ers using th e term 'focus ' in th eir descriptions of Ph ilippine languages include Dean (1958) , Pike (1963) and other SIL linguists , Capell (1964) and Bowen (1965) . Th ose wh o have fo llowed Blake (1906, 19 30 ) in his use of th e term case include Kerr (1965), McKaugh an (1970 ) and Gonzales (1971). Wh ile most Ph ilippine linguists avoided th e term case entirely , McKaughan did refer to 'pronouns inflected for case relations, and case marking particles ' wh ich 'indicate various case-like relations to the verb center ' in his monograph on th e I�6le c�io � a�d Sy��ax 06 Mana�ao Venb� (1958: 7-15) . In a footnote (1958:16) he says , 'these case relations remind us of the following : nominative, ergative, accusative, and dative (locative and benefactive). ' But in th e 1958 monograph , McKaughan used th e term 'voice ' for verbal affixe s th at indicate th e 'specific syntactic relations between the topic ... .and the verb ' (1958 : 19 ). In a later article , th ough not using th e term case he ob viously referred to case-like relations between th e verb and th e topic as well as th e (case ) re lat ions between th e (case) particles and th e np n-topic nominal expressions . In 'Overt Re lat ion Markers in Maranao ' he says , 'verbal affixes thus mark grammatical relations between verb and topic which intersect the relations marked by particles used with other than topic substantives ' (1962 :47) . Taking up from McKaughan's Maranao study , Kerr concluded th at 'the case-like relationships marked by the verb voice affixes are the same types of relationship as those obtaining between the non-topic nominal expressions and the verb ' (1965 :16) . He noted th at verb voice affixes have case-marking functions . Th is parallels to a cert ain extent wh at 17

Blake wrote in the 1906 article mentioned above . In his article , Blake stated that 'the case relations of a noun may be expressed by a verb' and that verb s have 'case indicating functions' (1906 :183). Kerr also used case to encomp ass both types of relationships : the case-like relations marked in the verb between the verb and its topic and the case-like re lat ions between the verb and the non-topic nominal expres sions . Un like Blake however, Kerr did not distinguish clearly between case form and case (meaning). Fil lmore turned to Blake 's use of case in his conceptual framework . In 1968 , he postulated that with each underlying predicate expre ssion there is an unordered set of argument s. Each of these argument s is labelled according to its semant ic role (or 'case ' relationship) with the predicate word. The role types are themselves unanalyzables corresponding to elementary perceptions on the part of human beings concerning matters relative to an action . The roles include re lat ions to actions such as who did it , who experienced it , where it happene d, what the result was , and a few others . A numb er of these role notions may be universal , and can be grouped in each language into a limited number of cases , name ly agent , instrument , object , dire ctional , location and so forth . In this study , these role types and their groupings are used to describe the semantic structure of predicates and their argu ment s. Fillmore 's case grammar model thus has two leve ls: the deep structure and the surface structure (1968 :21) . According to McKaughan , this difference between deep and surface structure helps to clarify the 'problem of conceptualizing the cross cutting of the cases marked by verbal affixes and those marked by particles or pronouns' (1970:294) . He argues that with the availability of a model that moves from deep to surface structure , instead of just describing what is found on the surface all at one time , 'we can discuss the underlying cases in one step and then move toward the surface in another step, topicalizing one of the NP' s with resultant changes' (1970 :29 5). In discussing deep structure , Fillmore describes the underlying sentence as consisting of a 'verb and one or more noun phrases� each associated with the verb in a particular case relationship' (1968:21). Using McKaughan 's description of Maranao , he describes 'primary top icalization ' for that language as fo llows : 'one NP is chosen as topic for every sentence, and this choice is recorded in the following way: 18

its original case preposition is replaced by so and an affix is inserted

into the V which indicates the case category of the chosen NP ' (1968:55). The result ant surface structure indicates what the topic is by the pre posed particle so, and in turn what the underlying case relat ionship of the topic to the verb is by an affix in the verb rather than in the noun . McKaughan says that Fillmore 's process of topicalization (or subject ivalizat ion) 'immediately clarifies what has confused our de scriptions for so long, and what has made us unintelligible to non Philippinists in our discussions of voice, focus, case, topic, etc. ' (1970:29 5). It is interesting to note that the surface structure of a Tagalog sentence is actually quite similar to the deep structure representation of a sentence proposed by Fillmore . The Tagalog verbal sentence on the surface oft en consists of a verb followed by a series of noun phrases re lated to the verb as agent , obj ect , instrument , sour ce or goal . The thesis in this study is that the deep structure of a sentence may be stated in terms of these underlying role re lat ionships rather than start ing with surface syntactic re lationships , the role relationships underlying the surface arrangements. Probab ly because of the striking res emb lance of a surface Philippine language sentence to Fillmore 's suggested universal structure , recent studies on Philippine languages are heavily influenced by his case grammar model. Gonzales (1971) worked on the semantic structure of Kapampangan , using Chafe 's generative-semantic mo del (1968 :70). Chafe 's model as used by Gonzales , bears a striking resemb lance to Fillmore 's (1968 ) case grammar and Chafe acknowledges his debt to Fillmore 's work (Chafe 1970:10). The main difference between the two is that Fillmore 's V's and C's (cases ) are primitives of deep structure in syntax , distinct from the interpretative semantic component , whereas Chafe 's v----N configurat ions are meant to be semant ic , syntax being incorporated into semantics. So in Gonzales ' study , V (verb ) is used as the nucleus of a sentence with accompanying role-marked N's (nouns ). On the basis of the specifications of V, co-occurring N's are postulated which stand in the fol lowing possible (case ) relations to V: agent , agentive beneficiary , associate, complement , experiencer, goal , instrument , location , material , measure , mot ive , norm, partitive , patient , source, time . Mirikit ani (197 1) , on Kapamp angan , introduced semantic relationships taken from Fillmore 's case grammar , but in general used Chomsky 's generative-trans formational mode l instead of Fillmore 's. The resultant difference is in the notati onal approach , since Mirikitani introduced case relationships through subcategorizational rules (1971:14) to avoid mi xing relat ional and categorial functions , a weakne ss which Fillmore notes in his model (1971:35) . 19

2.2. CASE AS USEV IN THIS STUVY

Case as used in this study is adopted from Blake' s use of the term (1930 :35) to ident ify a synt actic-sema ntic relationship without regard to its me ans of expression. The reason for emphasis upon the relation ship without regard to its means of expression come s from the fact that for Philippine languages, surface forms do not always reveal easily the underlying case re lations . Surface expressions which indicate case relationships , are called case forms . Fol lowing Fillmore , the deep structure relationship s between verbs and the nominal constituents of a sentence are stated in terms of semantic role relat ionships in this study other than purely syntactic relat ionships . Th e description proceeds from these deep structure relat ionships to the ultimate surface syntactic realizations by trans format ional rules . Since 'every language has approximately the same case relationships though they differ widely in their use of case forms' ( Blake 19 30 :34), a study of these relationships in Tagalog may also furnish an excellent basis for a comparison of language s of widely differing types . Further, if these relat ionships can be shown to be comparab le across languages, then there would be strong evidence for considering case to be a un iversal category of language , and for claim ing great er explanatory adequacy for grammars written within a case grammar framework ( Fillmore 1968 :20) with its underlying semantic structure . In the following sect ions , the underlying case relations in Tagalog are discussed.

2.3 . TAGA LOG CASES

There are two types of cases in Tagalog , inherent cases and non inherent cases . The first , the inherent or nuclear cases are determined by the cent ral me aning of the verb while the others , the non-inherent or the peripheral cases , are predictable from the existence of certain inherent cases in the sentence .

2.3. 1. Inherent Cases

As stated ab ove , cert ain cases are conceptually inherent to the basic sense of the Tagalog verb . These arrays of inherent cases have the effect of imposing a classification on the verb s according to the sentence types in which they may be inserted. Case, then, functions in the subcategorizat ion of Tagalog verbs. Verb s may be classified, in other words , according to the inherent cases with which they are closely as sociated in the deep structure . The cases inherent to the verb are implied by the me aning of the 20

verb . This may be illustrated as follows : in Tagalog , the verb bi I i to buy in its semant ic impli cations (or features) designates or assume s (1) an initiator and performer of the act ion which also benefits from the performance of the action (is the re ceiver of that action) , and (2) an ob ject that is affected by the action , i.e. , is purchased , and transferred to the agent (purchaser) . On the other hand, bigay to give as sume s (1) an initiator of the act ion who is not the goal or re ceiver, though that initiator is the source from which the action emanates , (2) an ob ject that is transported away from the agent , and (3) a referent to whom the object is transported (a dire ctional goal of the act ion ) . The ro les actants may perform are grouped in Tagalog into five inherent case re lationships in the deep structure : the agentive case (A) , the objective case (0) , the dire ctional case (Dir) , the locative case (L) and the instrument al case (I). These five cases are further subcat egori zed according to the semant ic roles involved in each . A single case may des ignate mor e than one semantic role . As indicated ab ove , an agent may perform the action and be the re cipient thereof (bi Ii to buy) or the agent may perform an action and be the source of the action without being affected thereby (tapon to throw). The following sections indicate what the inherent cases are in Tagalog and their semantic characteristics .

2. 3. 1. 1. The. Ag e.nt.i.ve. Ca.4 e.

The agentive (A) case is the case of the 'typically animate perceived instigator of the action identified by the verb' (Fillmore 1968a:24). This case applies to the actant who performs the action . There are two subclas ses of the agent ive case : the agent ive-as undergoer and the agent ive-as -nonundergoer. Other analysts have not subdivided this case, re ferring to the agent as the actor whether or not that actor is the source , goal or undergoer of the action (par ticularly Bloomfield and various S1L linguists ). The first sub class of the agent ive case , the agentive-as-undergoer, des ignates a performer that unde rgoes the action he initiates. Here the agentive case is core ferential in that the agent both performs the action and is also affected by that action , i.e., is the undergoer of the action . For example , the verb lakad to walk takes an agent that (1) performs the action and (2) is the one in the action that is dire ct ly affected by it ; i.e. , the agent undergoe s the action of walking and is there fore both performer and object . Anderson (1971 :50) describes the same type of agent as one which 'operates in some sense upon itself' . This type of agentive case cannot take a separate object case since the 21

agent is both performer and the object of the action . Fillmore (see Cook 1971:14) refers to these dual ro les as 'core ferential roles ' because there are two distinct underlying functions performed by the l 2 same referent . The following sentences illustrate this subcase .

A (1) Umakyat �. aZimbed he He aZimbed up .

Note : If punung kahoy tree is added, it cannot be the object of the verb . The agent involves himself in the action , he does not make the tree aZimb. Rather, the tree would be the goal of the action and would necessarily be in the direct ional case (Section 2.3.1 .3) .

A (2) Tumayo � . stood he He stood up .

Note : He is the agent-undergoer of the standing action . As in the sentence ab ove , the agent involves himself in the action indicated by the verb . Ot her verb s that require this type of agent are langoy to swim , lakad to waZk , tawa to Zaugh , iyak to ary , and ngiti to smi Ze. The second subclass of the agentive case , the agentive-as-non undergoer, des ignates an agent that initiates and performs the action designated by the verb , but that agent does not undergo the action ; the action re lat es to an ob ject outside of the agent . There are two sub clas ses of this second type of agentive case . One is coreferential with the source of the act ion only , whereas the other is core ferential with the goal or benefi ciary of the action . The first subclass of the agent ive-as-nonundergoer case may be called the agent-as-source case since the agent initiates and performs the action on an object outside of that agent . The agent is both the performer and the source of the action with the two roles carried out by one individual . The following sentences illustrate this subclass.

�sing the notion of 'coreferential roles ', Fillmore analyzes the subjects of verbs like waZk, run, swim as having two case functions : Agentive and Ob jective . What he terms as 'agentive-as-objective ' is similar to the 'agentive-as-undergoer' in this study . Huddleston (1970 :507) analyzes the same set of intransitive verbs as having subjects wh ich occur twi ce in the deep structure , once as Ob jective , and once as Causer.

21n the sentences illustrating the di fferent cases , the verbs are cited with their affixes . 22

A 1 Magluluto ang nanay ng ulam. will-cook mother main di sh Mother wi ll cook the main dish.

Note : Mother initiates and performs the act ion of cooking and is the source of the act ion . The action relates to the main dish , in no way affecting Mother.

A (4) Ita tapon ng bata ang basura sa labas . wi ll- throw chi ld garb age outside The chi ld wi ll throw the garb age outside.

Note : The chi ld initiates and performs the action, which , though it emanates from the chi ld, in no way affects this chi ld. Rather, the action affect s the garbage . Other verb s that require this type of agent are laba to launder, linis to clean , hugas to put, place, abot to hand over, and walis to sweep. The second subclass of the agentive-as-nonundergoer case may be called the agent-as-goal ca se . Here the initiator and performer of the action is also the receiver or goal . That is , the agent is the source of the action , but the action also benefits the initiator. In this instance , the agent case again subsumes core ferential roles in that the terminal goal of the action is also the performer. Pittman (1966 :12) re fers to this type of action as 'centripetal ' (moving object toward actor) as opposed to 'centrifugal ' (removing ob ject away from actor) . The centrifugal action takes the agent ive-as-source case as opposed to the centripetal act ion here , which take s the agent ive-as-goal case . The objects in the following examples move toward the performer of the action and the performer is the goal of that movem ent .

A (5) Kumuha � ng pagkain. got he some food He got some food.

A (6) Umabot � ng saging. reached-for he banana He reached for a banana.

Other verb s that require this type of agent are bl Ii to buy , hiram to borrow , kaln to eat , inom to drink , ubos to consume , higop to gulp down , lulon to swal low and hingi to ask for.

1 The symbol ng stands for the par ticle nang according to the accepted orthography of Tagalog. 23

The following fe ature tree gives a display of the agent ive case and its subcases (or features ).

[+undergoer] [-undergoer]

[+goal�] [-go al] 2.3. 1.2. Th� Obj�ctiv� C� �

The objective (0) case is the most neutral case semantically . According to Fillmore (1968a:25) it is the case of anything repre sent ab le by a noun whose role in the act ion or state is identified by the semant ic interpretat ion of the verb , limited probably to things affected by the act ion or state identified by the verb . Where Fillmore limits the concept to inanimate obj ects , the ob jective case in Tagalog includes experiencer animate entities too. The term ob jective here , therefore , encompasses both Fillmore 's objective and experiencer cases . There are two maj or subdivisions of the objective case in Tagalog, one with agentive involvement and the other with no such agentive involvement . The first type of object acts as the pat ient or is the re ceiver of an externally induced action and the other type is not the patient but the experiencer of an internally induced action . The case re ferred to as the ob ject in previous analyses is here termed the ob jective-as-patient . The following sent ence illustrates this type of obj ect .

o (7) Naglinis ang babae { n� bahay. !!. .I.. .!.2. cleaned the woman { house this place The woman cleaned the house/this place .

When an objective case ob ligatorily occurs with an agentive-as-source or an agentive-as-goal case , the verb affects the object in four different ways : (1) if mot ion is involved, it transports the object away from or toward the agent ; (2) in such instances it transports toward or away from a directional source or goal ; (3) if motion is not involved, the verb changes or does not change the object and (4) when it changes the obj ect , the change is either part ial of total . The object-as-pat ient is in turn subdivided between centripetal and centrifugal objects referred to ab ove . The centripetal object is brought toward the agent when acted upon , the agent being in the underlying 24

agent-as-goal subclass. There are two types of centripetal ob jects : the nontransported centripetal ob ject and the transported centripetal ob ject . The first is acted upon by the agent and is moved dire ctly towards it (agent ) as goal . The foll owing sentence illustrates : 0 (8) Kinain niya an� mansanas . ate he the app te He ate the app te .

The following verbs also show that the dire ction of the object is toward the performer: inom to drink, 1unok to swat tow , kagat to bite , tawag to ca tt, igib to fe tch water , ampon to adopt and kabig to draw towards setf. The second type of centripetal ob ject is acted upon and brought towards the agent from a third argument that is the source of the action. The following sentence exemplifies this kind of obj ect .

o (9) Kinuha niya ang mansanas sa mes a. got he app te tab te He got the app te from the tabte.

The fo llowing verb s also show that the dire ction of the object is toward the performer from a dire ctional source : abot to reach for , hingi to ask from , dukot to draw out from , bunot to ptuck out , ba1tak to putt toward source of force , tanggap to re ceive fr om , agaw to snatch from, and hi ram to borrow from. Unlike the action of the verb on the centripetal object , the action of some verb s does not move the obj ect toward the agent . This type of object is referred to as the centri fugal ob ject. The two types of centrifugal ob jects are the non-transported cent ri fugal object and the transported centrifugal object . The first of these is not carried from the agent to a third argument . The action terminates with the object . The following sentence exemp lifies this type of ob ject .

o (10) Nag1inis siva ng bahay. cteaned he the house He cteaned the house.

Other verb s that take this type of ob ject are : a1aga to take care of someone , akay to tead someone , aksaya to waste some thing , ha1ungkat to ransack some thi ng and avos to arrange some thing. 2 5

When not transported, the centrif ugal objects may or may not undergo a process of change in physical condition when acted upon by some verbs. The action terminat es with the ob ject . The agent with these objects is the source of the action. If there is change , that change of the physical condition of the object may be of two kinds . One type of change is total and the other is partial . Note the following examples.

o (11) Binal i niya ang sanga . broke he the branch He broke the branch.

Here the branch is no longer in its original condition . The agent that performs the action is its source , but it is not the goal or ob ject of the action . Changes of this sort are cons idered total (see also sentence #12) in contrast to part ial change illustrated in sentence #13 - #15 below.

o (12) Tinadtad niya ang karne chopped he the meat He chopped the meat.

Other verbs that take this type of object are : durog to puLverize , sira to destroy , punit to tear up , hiwa to cut, sLice , gi llng to grind , giba to demo Lish, putul to cut , pi raso to take a piece of, bas ag to break , tunaw to me Lt, pitas to pick . With some verb s the ob ject does not undergo a complete change of state. It is generally an object which is handled by an agent-as-source of the act ion . The following sentences illustrate. 0 (13) Hinu gasan niya ans �i nssan. washe d he the pLate He washed the pLate.

0 (14) Binuksan niya ans radyo . turned-on he the radio He turned on the radio.

0 (15) Linabhan niya ans dami t. Laundered he the cLothes He Laundered the cLothes . 26

Other verb s that take this type of object are : punas to wipe off, hi lamos to wash (face) , banlaw to rinse, sara to cZose, bukas to open , tal i to tie and pah id to wipe . With some verbs, the object does not undergo any change at all. The following sentences illustrate .

o (16) Inipun niya ang pe ra. saved he money He saved the money.

o (17) Hinal ungkat niya ang bahay. ransacked he house He ransacked the house.

Some centrifugal ob jects are carried away from the agent toward a third argument that is the receiver where the action terminates .

Examples : o (18) Itinapon nlya ang basura sa i log. threw he the garb age in river He threw the garbage in the river.

0 (19 ) Ibinigay niya ang �e ra sa akin. gave he the money to me He gave me the money .

Other verb s that take this type of object are : tanim to pl.ant, tago to hi de , hulog to drop , hatid to de l.iver, balik to return , hagis to hurl., throw and latag to spread. The following fe at ure tree gives a display of the patient subcase of the ob ject ive case .

[+OJ

[+pat ient�J [-pati ent J [+centri�fugal J [-cfJ :I [+t ranspor��tedJ [-transpJ [+transportedJ [-transpJ [+change of� stateJ [-cs J [+totalJ� [-t J As indicated earlier, the ob ject case basically divides between those that re ceive an externally induced action (patient ) and those that do not . The latter undergoes some kind of process stated by the verb with out the presence of an 'animate instigator' of the action . Under this subclass , ob ject-as-nonpatient case there are two types of obj ects, one that 'experiences ' a sensat ion or that is affected by a psychological event , and the other which does not 'experience ' or 'feel' the process stated by the verb . Cert ain verb s require the experiencer case as referents. These referents 'suffer' or 'feel' psychological effects from the action designated. Earlier analysts have not distinguished this case from the actor or agent case (see Bloomfield and SIL linguists) . The semant ic differences are , however, clear. The experiencer does not perform an action. He is affected by the action , but not because he initiates it . The syntactic implications are also different in that this case is often the only case in the sentence . The fol lowing sentence illustrates .

o (20) Nagutom ang mama/pusa. fe Lt-hungry man cat The man/cat fe Lt hungry .

Other me nt al state Or psychological verb s that take this case are as fo llows : hi 10 to be di zzy , uhaw to be thirs ty , lungkot to be sad and tuwa to be happy . There are two types of non-experiencer objects. One undergoes a process of 'becoming' and is called here the 'inchoat ive ' object to emphasize the beginning of a change , and the other undergoes a general process stated by the verb . These obj ects marked 'inchoative ' go through a process of 'be coming' something other than their original state. Note the following examples .

o (21) Gumanda si Neneng. become-beautifuL Neneng Neneng became beautifuL.

o (22) Pumuti ang buhok niya . became-white the hair his His hair became white .

o (23) Lumi it ang t i napay . became-smaLL the bread Th e bread became smaLL. 28

Although adj ectival concepts appear here , this subclas s of the objective case actants differs from the actants of ordinary adj ectives by having been once in a different state, and not being in a part icular non-changing state or condit ion as are the latter actants. The actants in the inchoat ive subcase must undergo a process of change , and this process is conveyed by the notion of 'be coming' . Other verbs that take this kind of object are : laki to become big, tigas to harden, become hard , lambot to soften, become soft , bal t to become good, yaman to become rich , taas to become tall, taba to become stout , hirap to be come di fficult , lago to be come luxuriant , klnls to become smooth and kislap to sp ark le. A subset of the same class of object indicates change of a temporary or transient nature .

Examples : o (24) Namula ang pi sngi niya. became-red the cheeks her She blushed.

o (25) Namutla �. became-pale she She became pale.

Other verb s that take this type of object are : puti to become whi te , payat to become thin, to lose weight , itim to be come black/gray , dl law to become yellow, tigas to become stiff, to faint , ngal umata to de ve lop dark rings around the eyes , hina to be come weak , nginig to tremb le , kupas to fade , etc. Objective actant s that undergo the process indicated by non-stative types of verb s are called here non-inchoat ive objects. These objects are usually inanimate. Again , no agent is involved overtly in the action upon this type of object . There are two subclasses of the non-inchoative obj ect . One . type is transport ed and the other is not . The latter is illustrated by the following sentences.

o (26) Bumukas ang pi nto. opened the door The door opene d. 29

o (27) Kumuku lo ang tub ig. boi ling the water The water is boi ling.

Other verb s that take this type of object are : sara to close , buka to bloom, to open, hinto to stop , galaw to move and kal uskos to make a rus tling sound. A transported non-inchoative ob ject is carried to a second argument where the action terminates. The following sentences illustrate .

0 Dir (28) Bumagsak an!:! bola sa pu t i k. fe n ban mud The ban fe U into the mud.

0 Dir (29) Bumuhos an!:! tub i!:! sa lata. poured water can The water poured into the can .

Other verbs that take this type of obj ect are : tulo to trick le, taob to turn over, I ubog to sink, I i taw to appear, I utang to float, ti lapon to be thrown out and tapon to spill. A certain type of object seems to have the characteristic feat ures of the 'becoming' types of objects and the 'process-undergoer' types. Like the first type of object , this object frequent ly occurs with stative types of verb s but instead of undergoing an internal process of 'becoming' , similar to the second type , it undergoes a general process stated by the verb .

Example : o (30) Nabasa ang sah ig. wet floor The floor got wet.

Other examples are : sunog to get burned, luto to get/be coo�ed, bali to get broken , tuyo to dry up , pisa to get crushed and baluktot to be bent. However further analysis indicates that these objects actually allow an external causer to occur with them . The potent ial causer may be either instrumental or agentive .

Examples : I(force ) (31) Nabasa ng ulan ang sahig. wet rain floor The rain got the floor wet. 30

A ( 32) N a b asa ng b ata ang sah· Ig . 1 chi Ld The chi ld got the floor wet.

When a causer is pres ent , an element of unintentional or accidental me aning is added to the sentence and the ob ject has unexpected events happen to it . This object was first thought to be a subclass of objects not allowing agentive involvement . However, it has been dropped from this classification because causers may occur with it . The following fe ature tree gives a display of the non-pat ient subcase of the object ive case .

[+OJ

[+patien�t J [-pat ien t J :�[+experiencerJ [-experiencerJ [+inchoa�t ive J [-inchoa tive J [+trans�ient J [-transient J

[+t ransportedJ [-transported]

2.3. 1.3. Th� Vi��ctional Ca4�

The dire ctional (Dir) case is the case of the animate or inanimate object from or toward which the act ion of the verb is directed. This case actant occurs with verb s of mot ion . The dire ctional case has been previously analyzed as locative or referent (see SIL papers on Philippine linguistics , 1964). As with other cases , this one may also be subdivided. The first subdivision is the dire ctional goal, designating an actant toward which the action of the verb is directed, or the place where the action termi nates or is terminated. The following sentences exemplify the. first subdivision of the directional case .

�e first example with the instrumental force as causer always has the unintentional interpretation. However, with the agentive causer present , the sentence gets two readings . One is accidental and the other ab ilitative . Some native speakers differ entiate the two interpretations by stressing the affix of the verb of the sentence having the accidential meaning. However , most native speakers of Tagalog do not make this distinction . The second sentence having an agentive causer has the following readings : a. (Accidental ) The chi ld got the floor wet unintentionally. b. ( Ab ilitative ) The chi ld was able to get the floor wet. 31

Directional Goals with Agents

Dir kay Maria. A sa kaniya . Pumunta ang mangingisda {sa dagat. doon .

to Maria to he r went the fi sherman to the sea {there }

to Mari a. to her. The fi sherman went to the sea. { there .

Oth er verb s th at require th ese cases are : dapo to aZight on , kapit to ho Zd on to, lip at to transfer, pasok to enter into and tingin to Zook at.

Directional Goals with Agent and Ob jects

Dir 'y H, d,. A 0 sa kaniya. Nagbigay slya ng pera (34 ) rsa babae . dlto.

i gave he money oman to ��this :one here to{�� Mari a. } to her. He gave some money to the woman . {to this one here .

Dir A 0 { sa bangko. (35) Nag h u 1·og slya ng pera doon .

in bank deposited he money { there

in the bank s ed y { He depo it mone there

Other verb s th at require th ese cases are : lakip to encZose in, salansan to fi Ze , bagsak to drop , akyat to carry up and itsa to throw to. Th e second subdivision of th e directional case is th e directional source , th e case in wh ich th e actant is th e place or person from wh ich th e action starts. Th e following sentences illustrate . 32

Directional Source with Agents

sa n. A kina Pedro. (36 ) Nanggaling siya �;� {sa bahay. d ito.

d aame he �: ��= from the� hous e {��:from he re ��)l from our pZaae fr om Pedro 's pZaae. H e aame from the house. {from here .

Other verbs that require these cases are the following : umpisa to start from , mu la to aome from , simula to begin from , and buhat to aome from. The only di fference between the directional goal actant and the directional source actant is the direction of the action . Generally only the agent-as-goal co-occurs with the directional source actant . Examples of verbs that require these cases are : agaw to snatah , hi la to puZZ. sunggab to grab , bunot to puZZ out . ka l adkad to drag , supsop to sip , kagat to bite , hingi to ask for , hiram to borrow , abot to reaah for and pasan to aarry on one 's baak. The following feature tree gives a display of the directional case and its subcase s. [ +Dir]

[ +gO al] �(source) 2.3. 1 .4. The Loc.a.t-<'ve Ca..6 e

The locat ive (L) case is the place where the action occurs . In contrast with adverb ial expressions of place which can occur with all verb types, this case is required by a limited set of verbs. 'The following sentences illustrate.

L (37) Lumangoy ako sa i log. swam I in river I swam in the ri ver. 33

L (38) Tumi ra ako sa bahay niya . Lived I in house his I Zived in his house.

A dire ctional case can occur with a locat ive case in a sentence as seen in the examp le below .

Dir ( Goal) L (39) Naghalo ako ng gatas sa kape sa kapetera. mixed I mi Zk with aoffe e in aoffe e pot I mixed mi Zk with aoffe e in the aoffe e pot.

In this sentence , the agent I initiates and perf'orms the action of' mixing the object , mi Zk , with a recipient , the aoffe e which is its directional goal , in a container which is the location where the action of mi xing takes place . There are very few verbs that take both the directional and the locative case . Examples of verbs that take the locative case are : lipad to fZy , tigi l to stay (at a pZaae) , luto to aook (in a utensi Z) , babad to soak , laba to Zaunder, hint ay to wait, duyan to swing (in a swing, hammoak) , tampisaw to pZay in water, laga to boi Z and sakay to ride .

2.3. 1.5. The In�t�umental C�e (Fo�ce )

Among all the cases discussed here , the instrumental ( I ) case is classified as belonging to both inherent and non-inherent types of cases. However, only a very small set of the I case belongs to the inherent category . Words in this set are limited to the f'orces of nature that are causally involved in the action stated by the verb . The natural phenomena nouns such as ulan rain , araw sun , kidlat Zightning , when classified as inherent I cases , are implie d in the me aning or semantic propert ies of' the verb . Section 6.3. 1. 1.2 des cribes these actants as 'incorporated instrument s' because unlike their non-inherent force counterpart , these actants never surf'ace .

Examples :

I ( f'orce) (40) Humahangin. (ang hangi n) wind The wind is bZowing.

I ( f'orce) (41) Umaaraw. (ang araw) shining sun The sun i8 shining. 34

2.3.2. Non- inherent Cases

The inherent cases that have been discussed are implied in the se mant ic feat ures of the verbs. They subclassify verbs and are ob ligatory in that the semantic implications , even if they are not brought to the surface , are 'understood ' by the speakers of the language . On the other hand , there are certain cases that also subclas sify the verbs but in contrast with the first type of cases , these are predict able . Their occurren ce is dependent upon the occurrence of one or the other of the inherent cases . For example , the occurrence of benefactive phrases in the sentence seems more directly dependent upon whether the agentive phrase is present than upon the semant ic properties of the verb . The se are the cases 'compatible with the cases originally chosen ' or required by the verb (Fillmore 1968:87). Cook states that these cases are 'peripheral to the analysis and simp ly add in circumstantial detail of the verb al action ' (1971:12) . Three non-inherent cases are treated here , the instrumental, the benefactive and the affected cases .

2. 3. 2. 1. The. 1 Ylh tJtLlme.Ylta.i eM e.

The instrumental (I) case expresses the 'force or object causally involved in the action or state ident ified by the verb ' (Fillmore 1968:24). In Tagalog there are two subclasses of the instrumental case : the instrument al tool and the instrumental force . The first subclass of the instrumental case , the instrumental tool, is typically an inanimat e ob ject which acts as a tool to bring ab out the action identified by the verb . Its presence in the sentence is dependent upon the presence of the agent ive case. Mo st Philippine linguists limit the use of the instrumental role to this subclass. (See pub lications of SIL linguists; Constantino 1965; Bowen 1965.)

Examples : I(tool) o ng basahan ang dumi . (42) Pinah i ran ng katulong sa pa mamagi tan basahan {nito

with rag the di rt wiped helper by me an8 of a rag {with thi8 with a rag. The helper wiped off the di rt by mean8 of a rag. {with thi8 . 35

I (tool) A 0 ng ma rti lyo . (43) Binasag ko ang salamin sa ea mamagi tan ng marti lyo . {n ito. With hammer broke I the gLass by means of a hammer {with this with a hammer I broke the gLass by means of a hammer {with this Verbs with which this case occurs are : hiwa to aut, sLice , hampas to hit, sampa l to sLap , wasak to de stroy , palo to spank , pukpuk to pound , I inis to aLean , ipit to press , durug to puLverize , walis to sweep (with a broom) , s inturon to hit (with a beLt) , talop to peeL, punas to wipe and hugas to wash. The second subclass of the instrumental case corresponds to the case called 'Force ' in other case grammar studies (see Huddleston 1970 ; Fi llmore 1971) . It re fers to the inanimate unintentional performer or non-responsible causer of an event . The occurrence of this case is dependent upon the presence of the ob jective case in a proposition where no agency involvement is present . It there fore never co-occurs with agents. The force subclass of the instrumental case can be expressed by impersonal entities limited to the forces of nature or natural phenomena like ulan rain , bagyo storm , baha fLood, kidlat Lightning , araw sun , ambon drizzLe , kulog thunder, hangin wind, alon wave and other impersonal entities like diseases , plants, fire and rock , which cause an event to occur.

Examples : 0 I(force ) (44) Nabas a siya ng ulan. wet he by rain He was drenahed by the rain.

o I( force ) (45) Naanod ang bakya ng baha. carried-away the wooden shoes by fLood The wooden shoes were carried away by the fLood.

o I( force ) (46) Nabuksan ang pinto ng hangi n. forced- open the door by wind The wind forced the door to open, or The wind opened the door. 36

o I(force) (47) Nalason siva ng kabuti. poisoned he by mushroom He was poisoned by mushrooms .

o I(force) (48) Napatay siva ng tuberkulosls. ki ZZed he by tubercuZosis He was ki ZZed by tubercuZosis.

The impersonal entities may refer to inanimate objects that cause an event to happen . Because of the presence of non-responsib le causers of the action, an element of unintentional or accidental meaning is implied in the sentence .

Examples : I( force) 0 (49) Naipi t ng mak ina ang kamay nlya. crushed machine hand his His hand was crushed by the machine.

o I(force) (50) Nasagasaan ang mama ng trak. run over man truck The man was run over by the truck.

The instrumental force too may funct ion as the stimulus wh ich causes an ob ject to undergo or experience some kind of psychological or ment al event . It could be an animate or inanimate cause of the experience .

Examples : I(force ) o sa pa labas. (51) Natakot siva sa ak in. { sa pusa. of th e movie fri ghtened she of me { of the cat of the movie. She was fri ghtened of me . { of the cat. o I ( f'orce ) (52) Nabuwisit siva sa inggay . irri tated she noise Sh e was irri tated by the noise. 37

Again , as in the above ment ioned examples , there is no willful or purposeful agent invo lved in the sentence . This type of instrument al force differs from the one marked by ng in that it is more a passive cause rather than the active causer of the event . The fo llowing sentences show the contrast .

o r(force ) (53) Natakot siva ng ku1og. fri gh tened she thunder She was fri gh tened by the thunder.

o reforce ) (54) Natakot siva sa ku1og. fri ghtened she thunde r She was fri ghtened of the thunder.

Fil lmore re gards thunder in the second sent ence as the instrument which is the 'stimulus or reacted-to situat ion in the description of a me ntal event ' (1971:26 2) . The writer is of the opinion that sa in the sentence above is actually the reduced form of dahl 1 sa because of. But this needs more testing . The role of phrases marked by dahl1 sa was treated previ ously in this 1 study as 'causal case ' and defined as the case which gives the nonagentive cause of an act ion .

l The causal nominal phrase mar ked by (dahi 1) sa/kay may be replaced by (dahi1) sa pronouns or demonstrat ives . Example :

oo dah i 1 �sa suerte . because� ofJ 'L uck [+OJ kay Li to. Yumaman si Ma ria of Lito became rich Maria sa kaniya . of him di to of this 'Luck . to. Maria got rich because of Iri: h'l-m. {this . When this case is subjectivalized, the verb takes the i-ka- compound affix. Example :

[+OJ oo Ikinayaman ni Maria ;:':":'ang� ma=� but:"::"::':'in;':-;<-g ::;'su::':er:":"':te=. caused to become rich Maria � goJo d ,,ortune Good fo rtune caused Maria to become rich or Maria became rich because of good fortune. 38

Examples : I(force ) sa suerte . of tuck (55) Yumaman si Mari a dahil sa suerte. became rich Mari a be cause of Luck

dahi 1 sa nagk aroon siya ng suerte. because got she tuck

(because) of Luck. Maria became ri ch because of Luck . {becaus e she was Lucky I(force ) sa alak. of atcohoL (56) Namatay si Juan di ed Juan { dahi l sa pa inom niya ng alak. be cause of 2rinki ng he aLcohoL

of aLcoho 7,ic.drin�s . an di ed { . Ju because of h�s dr�nk�ng.

It is noted that this instrumental cause oc curs more fr equently in non-agent ive sentences but it can occur in agentive sentences too.

Example :

dah i 1 sa asawa niya . because of wife his Nagipon siya ng pera saved he money { dah i 1 sa gusto ng asawa niya . be caus e of tike wife his

becaus e of his wife. He s aved money { becaus e his wife wants him too.

Fillmore limited his examples to sentences with the experiencer case only . Non-agentive cause or 'causal case ' has been dropped from this study because the writer noted that the dah i 1 sa phrase could possibly be derive d from a sentence . This part of the study is limited to the an alysis represent ed by noun phrases only . So , although ment ioned her e , this type of case which has an event-causing function is not discussed further. The fol lowing feature tree gives a display of the instrumental case and its sub cases.

[ +I J

[+to OlJ �O(force ) 39

2.3.2.2. The Bene6aez�ve C� e

The benefactive (B) case is dependent on the presence of an agentive case in the sentence, i.e. , the benefa ctive case cannot occur unless the agentive case also occurs . The benefactive case expresses the animat e or inanimat e entity for whom or for which , the action of the verb takes place .

Examples: B A 0 pa ra sa bisita. (58) Magluto ka ng adobo para kay Maria. {pa ra sa kanya . for the visitor cook you adobo for Mari a {for her. for the visitor. (You) cook adobo fo r Mari a. {for her. A o B (59) Bumi Ii siya ng kurtina pa ra sa bahay. bough t she curtains for the house She bough t some curtains for the house.

In some verb s the benefactive case indicates that the agent performs an action in place of the benef actor. This happens usually in sentences where there are no objects .

Examples: A B (60) Kumain ka sa ha ndaan pa ra sa akin. eat you at party for me (You) eat at the party in my pZace .

A B (61) Kumanta siya sa palatuntunan pa ra sa ak in. sang he at program in-p Zace-of me He sang in the program in pZace of me (or for me ).

A B (62) Nagluto slya pa ra sa akin. cooked he for me He cooked in pZace of me . 40

2.3.2.3. The A6 6ec�ed Ca� e

The arrected (Ar) actant 'is generally human and surrers (adversely ) rrom a pat ient 's action or his state of being' (Sasaki 1971:68) . The occurrence or this case in Tagalog is dependent upon the presence or an objective case which has undergone some kind of process , the whole event arr ecting the second actant adversely . The rollowing paire d sentences illustrate.

Process Undergone by Ob ject Affected Sentence o o (63) Namatay ang tatay niya . Namatayan � ng tatay. di ed the fa ther hia died he father Hia fa ther died. He Waa adveraely affected by hia fa ther 'a dy ing/death.

o Af 0 (64) Nawa la ang pe ra niya . Nawa lan � ng pera . lost the money his lost he money His money was loat. He waa adverse ly affected by hia money being loat.

o o (65) Nasunog ang bahay niya . Nasunugan � ng bahay . burned the houae hia burned he houae His house waa burned down . He was adverse ly affected by the burning of hia houae.

2.3.3. Summa ry

In this chapter we have discussed the me aning or the Tagalog cases , subdividing them when ne cessary to specify those meanings . Five inherent cases and three non-inherent cases have been discussed. Subdivisions are made in order to rully und erstand the �ntuitive information a speaker or the la nguage has at his command. Ten oppositions , ror example, are needed to characterize the me aning of just the ob ject case relation . We now turn to a rormalizat ion of this inrormat ion . To do .so, the Tagalog verb must be put into a rramework of generative rules that will show basically how to account for sentences with these centers . CHAPTER III BASE RULES

3. 1. INT ROVUCTI0N

The base rules needed specirically ror a description or the case system of Tagalog are presented in this chapter. The rules are general and include only the noun categories pert inent to the sub categorization of the verbs. Adverbial phrases or time, manner and extent are not discussed since they involve complications beyond the scope of this study . With some mo difications , the rules follow Fillmore 's general idea of a grammar model, being a 'transrormat ional grammar whose base component specifies the case structure of sentences' (Fillmore 1971:247) . Case relationships are incorporated in the base comp onent as fe atures or lexical items of the grammar in this study rather than as dominating category symbols . In this choice , the writer agrees with Robinson who claims that the lexical comp onent appears to be the 'logical place' where 'format ive ( terminal ) categories are subcategorized and selectional restrict ions de fined, either by syntactic redundancy rules if they are general , or by entries in the lexicon if they are specific' (1969:70) . Taylor's dissertat ion on 'Case in Japanese ' (1971) is a descriptive exemplification or how case is incorporated in the base component as features of lexical items . Instead of rewriting the sentence as a verb al element followed by a series of cases (i.e. , S � V + C ...C ) as Fillmore does (1970), KP, i n a term introduced by Rob inson in her art icle on 'Case, Cate gory and Conrigurat ion ' (1969:10), has been substituted here ror C .· .C . This i n gives S � V + KP ...KP where in turn KP rewrites as K + NP: The i n ob jection to rewriting C (case) as K (preposit ion or case marker) plus i an NP (noun phrase) is the prob lem of mi xing relat ional (run ctional) notions (case) with categorial notions (case particle + NP) , a notat ional weakness of Fillmore 's model (see Fillmore 1971:3 5) .

41 42

The mo del used in this study is a modified generative transformational model incorporat ing case in the base component as features of lexical items . To do this , Chomsky 's use of subcategorization rules and complex symbols has been adopted. The use of comp lex symbols and features de scribed in this study assume s Chomsky 's first of two possible formats of the base component of a grammar as presented in As pects (1965: 84-111) . The base component consists of two sUbcomp onents: (a) a constituent structure subcomponent , consisting of context -free 'rewriting rules that apply to category symbols and that generally involve branching, and rules that apply to symbols for lexical categories and that introduce or oper ate on complex symbols (sets of specified syntactic feat ures )' (Chomsky 1965:84); and (b) a lexicon subcomponent , which is simp ly an unordered list of all lexical format ives and some redundancy rules. More pre cisely, the lexicon is a set of 'dict ionary entries ', each dictionary entry being a comp lex of syntactic, phonological and semant ic information . The constituent structure subcomponent de fines a set of trees , whose terminal nodes are labeled by 'comp lex symbols '. Lexical categories dominate complex symbols . The fe atures of these comp lex symbols are assigned by sub categorizat ion rules which include context-free rules (usually referred to by Chomsky as 'redundancy rules ') and context sensit ive rules . The context-sensitive subcategorization rules consist of two subtypes, namely ' '' strict subcategorization rules" which subcat egorize a lexical category in terms of the frame of sister category symbols in which it appears and "selectional rules" which subcategorize a lexi cal category in terms of syntactic features that appear in specified positions in the sentence' (Chomsky 1965 : 112-113) . The lexicon sUbcomponent cont ains a simi lar or identical set of subcategorizat ion rules as well as a set of redundancy rules , which predict the existence of one feature in the lexical entry in terms of another. Such redundancy rules may predict context-sensitive feature s such as [+ [+A] ] as well as context-free fe atures such as [+animate]. Lexical insertion then follows Chomsky 's lexical rule : 'If Q is a comp lex symbol of a pre-terminal string and (D,C) is a lexical entry , wh ere C is not distinct from Q, then Q can be replaced by D. I (1965:84) Given, therefore , a lexical entry (D,C) , where D is a phonological distinct ive fe ature matrix 'spelling' a cert ain lexical format ive and C a collection of specified syntactic fe at ures (a complex symbol), the lexi cal rule ab ove permits substitution of D for any complex symbol K that is not distinct from C. The lexical rule simply means that a complex symbol may be replaced by a lexical item if their feature mat rices are non-distinct . Conse quently , Chomsky says that 'lexical entries must be specified negat ively 43

ror reatures corresponding to contexts in whi ch they may not occur' (1965 :11 0) . In this work , all context-rree sub categorization rules will be assume d to operat e both in the categorial component and in the lexicon . Context-sensitive rules operate only in the constituent structure sub component , not in the lexicon . The important ampliricat ion of the base rules given here , is an expanded specirication of the 'complex symbol' rewriting the verb to include case-related semantic and contextual features and the complex symbol rewriting the noun to include case reatures (Tay lor 1971) . As has been stated earlier, certain semantic features of the Tagalog verb govern the choice or the arguments (nominal expressions ) that may occur with it . These (nominal expressions ) in turn must be specifiable with semantic features compatible with the verbs. The verbs are sub categorized by the semantic features they contain which in turn determine the nominal expressions with which they can occur . Thus , the case related semantic fe atures of the verb can be determined by analyzing the potential argument (s) with which it may occur. The possib le base structure configurat ions can be specified by rewrite rules which include both the complex symbol (semantic features) for the verb s and the complex symbol for the nouns . The following base rules for Tagalog rormalize and expand as well as part icularize the informat ion given in the previous chapter. The al low ab le semant ic underlying cases of the sentence are specified as part of the meaning of the verb . Semantic informat ion other than that of case is also needed to rewrite the verb , and will also be given in the complex symbol suggested in this chapter. Selectional re dundancy rules for the nouns must be specified to indicate the choices possib le when the verb center has been chosen . The selectional redundan cy rules are given in Chapter IV.

3.2. BASE RULES

A typical Tagalog verbal sentence consists of a verb (V) accomp anied l by one or more actants, or case-marked phrases (KP) . 5 BR#l. S � V + (KP)

Case-marked phrases (KP) are verbal complements. Constantino rererred to these KP 's as 'comp lement phrases ' (1965 :10) and Kerr called them 'nominal expressions ' (1965:16) . Maximally , five KP's can occur in a single sentence . l The occurrence of KP's in each sentence is limited to a maximum of five . 44

KP KP KP KP KP l 2 3 4 5 (1) Naghal0 ako ng asukal sa ka2e sa t asa ng kutsari tao mixed I sugar aoffe e aup teaspoon I mixed sugar with the aoffee in the aup with a teaspoon .

A verb in turn is specified by BR#2. being composed of a complex symbol. In this study . only the semantic characteristics of non-stative

verbs (i.e .• verbs that express an activity or a process ) are described. 'Causat ives '. 'aptatives '. 'distribut ives '. referred to as 'aspect ' by McKaughan (1958:26). will not be treated as part of the basic semant ic structure of the verb .

BR#2 . v--+ c.s.

With Base Rule #2. the verb is rewritten as a comp lex symbol which is then marked by subcategorizat ion and selectional rules for semantic fe atures specifying its aspectual features and types of case relation ships it can enter into. Basically then . the verb may be marked for l [+agent iveJ or [-agentiveJ. and for [+neutral aspect J or [-neutral aspect J. This informat ion is contained in the feature symbolization following .

� ±agentive 2.i [+vJ [ ±neutral aspect ] The marking of [±agentive J and [±neutral aspect J are independent of each other. The [+agentive J feat ure expresses an activity which somebody does . tYPically the participant which Fillmore re fers to as the 'animate instigator' . The [+agentive J verb s always require the co-occurrence of agents .

Example:

gt [+AJ [+OJ ( 2 ) Na[;g�bukasJ � ng 2l nto. opened he the door He opened the door.

The [-agentive J feature expresses an activity which is characterized as a process undergone by the re ferent of a non-dynami c type of nominal expression which is affected by the action rather than being its initi ator .

�he verbal feature [-agentive J corresponds to Chafe 's selectional unit, 'process' while [+agentiveJ corresponds to Chafe 's 'action andprocess- action ' selectional units . Mi ller (1970:497) divides his active verbs the same way, agentives and non-agentives . 45

Examples :

gt [+oJ Tu��muboJ ang halaman . grew pZant The pZant grew .

gt [+oJ (4) Bu�mu�kasJ ang pi nto. opened door ,. The door opened.

We now turn to the full expansion of the fe at ures specified in 2.i.

2.11 [+agent ive J � [±ext ernalJ

The [+agentiveJ ve rbs are either specified as [+externalJ or [-externalJ. Verbs having a [+externalJ fe at ure express an activity or verb al action which occurs outside of the agent . It is an action externally induced by an agent .

Example :

xt [+AJ [+oJ (5) Na�gt:ayoJ � ng bahay. bui Zt he a house He bui Zt a house.

Verbs having a [-ext ernalJ feature express inner mot ion or an inter nally induced action by an agent . Lopez called this type of agent an 'agent or actor (internal)' which initiates 'inner motion ' or motion restricted to 'inner part s of the body ' or 'putting the whole body in mot ion ' (1941:94).

Example :

x [+AJ (6) Tu�:mayoJ �. stood he He stood.

±centri fugal 2. i11 [+externalJ � [ ±terminal ] Ve rb s having the [+externalJ feature have a [±centrifugal J feature and a [±terminalJ feature . 46

The verb s that have the [+centri fugalJ feature port ray a type of action that moves in a direction away from the agentive source .

Example :

[+AJ [+OJ Na�gb� iJ 1 i � ng gu lay. sold she vegetab les Sh e sold vege tables .

Ve rb s with the [-cent ri fugalJ feature specify a type of action which goes back toward its source .

Example:

[+AJ [+OJ (8) Bumi��J 1 I � ng gu lay bought she (some ) vegetab les She bought some vege tab les.

When the verb is marked [+terminal J. the action terminates with the ob ject ive argument .

Examples :

e [+AJ [+OJ (9 ) Na��i�onJ � ns �e ra. saved he money He saved some money .

e [+AJ [+OJ (10) Kum��ainJ � ng mansanas . ate she an app le She ate an app le .

If specified as [-terminalJ. the verbal action goes beyond the objective argument to the dire ctional argument where it terminates . The object is thus transported to or from the directional argument .

Examples :

e [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (11) Na��gt a�onJ � ng dumi sa basura han. threw she di rt in garb age can She threw some di rt into the garbage can. 47 ��eJ [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (12) Kumuha � ng kanin sa �a la:i0k . got h e rice from pot He got some ri ce fr om the pot.

2.iv [+terminalJ � [±change of stateJ mayVerorbs may having not causthe e [+terthe minobjealJct tofeature change ma nifin estphysic a tyalpe co ndofit action.ion which objeSoctme at[+ter allminal. J verbs do not affect the physical condition of the Example: ��sJ [+AJ [+oJ (13) Sinalansan � ang libro. fi Led he books He fi Led the books .

[+change of state J __ [±totalJ theVe phrbysics wialth co thendi tio[+chn angeof theof obstajectetJ comfeaturepletel havey or th pare tiefallfecty. ofWhen changing the cachangennot normis toallytal, retthurne ob toject its is ori nogi longernal co ndiin tioitsn. ori ginal condition and Example: G�sJ [+AJ [+OJ (14 ) Dinu rog � ang �aminta. crushed he pepper He crus hed the pepper.

(A pepper after being crushed is no longer a pepper.) theWhen obje thect ischange superf isic parial.tia l, the effect of the action of the verb on Example: ��sJ [+AJ [+DirJ Pinunasan � ang mes a. wiped he the tab Le (A table Heaft wipeder bei ngth e wipedtabLe. is still a table.)

2.vi [-externalJ __ [±directionJ 48 The [-external] feature can be either [+direction] or [-direction]. movementA verb speci. fied with the [+direction] feature is characterized by Example: i [+A] (16) Tum��akboJ � . ran he The [-Hedir ecrantion]. feature indicates non-movement. Example: i [+A] (17) UmG�i�akJ � . cri ed she She cried. 2.vii [+direction] ----+ [:l:centrifugal] The [+direction] feature may be either [+centrifugal] or [-centrif ugfeatalure]. s Thougspecifh yitheseng actfeationure res laareted si tomi thelar agentin name in and 2.i ii,funct theyion toare the dirinteerprctioetednal soargumentmewhat . di Thefferent [+centrily whenfug althey] featureare as socindiiatedcate withs th ata the asdir ectheti ongoal of of the the act actionio n,is whetowardreas thethe direct[-centriionalfug al]argument feat urewhic inh dicaacttess thainsteat thd e ofdirect towardion itof. the action is away from the directional argument Examples: i +cf� [ +A] [+Dir] (18) Pumunta � sa ba�an . wentG � he to town He went to town . r! ir �Cfl [+A] [+Dir] (19) TuL;makasJ � sa b i 1 angguan. es caped he jai Z He escaped from the jai Z. [+ageThentiv fole]lowing type paofrt verbial s trdiscee usshowssed .inthe BR#2different.i to 2.vfeatiiures. Ve ofrbs theare 49 trlistedee sp beeciflowied with by numtheirber respes correctivspoe ndingfeatures to eaandch theverbir. places in the

I I [-agtI ] [+agen ive] [+exte xt] [+centrifugal]� [-cf] [+direction] [-dir] � � (9) [+terminal] [-ter] (5) (6) [+terminal] [-te ] � [+centrifugal] (7) [+change of state] [-cs] (3) �[+total] [-t] A(1) (2) (1) luto to cook [+V, +agt, +ext, +cf, +ter, +cs, +t] (2) hugas to wash [+V, +agt, +ext, +cf, +ter, +cs, -t] (3) ipon to collect [+V, +agt, +ext, +cf, +ter, -cs] (4) tapon to th row [+V, +agt, +ext, +cf, -ter] (5) kain to eat [+V, +agt, +ext, -cf, +ter] (6) kuha to get [+V, +agt, +ext, -cf, -ter] (7) punta to go [+V, +agt, -ext, +dir, -ter, +cf] (8) takas to es cape from [+V, +agt, -ext, +dir, -ter, -cfJ (9) iyak to cry [+V, +agt, -ext, -dir]

2.vi ii [-agentive] � [±experiential] [-experienThe [-agenttial].ive] Verbverbs s markedare ei ther[+experie specifntiedial] [+exexprpeessrient a psialychological] or nominalevent re exsultingpressio inn. a particular mental state in the referent of its 50 Example: xP [+OJ (20) NalG�ungkJ ot � . became sad he The [-exHe perienbecametia sad.lJ feature expresses a non-psychological change of staoccuterring or cond withitio then verbof th. e referent of the [+OJ nominal expression Example:

( 21) grew chi l,d The chil,d grew. disNotecussed tha byt Filthislmore approach. In steadoesd, not the re quireexper ienthetial sepa aspectrate exofperiencer such sen case oftences the verbis (m andore apa prsubcaopriasetel ofy, ob Ijec betsli oneve nou) trnsea. ted as a semantic feature 2.ix [-experiential] � [tinchoative] or Verb[-inchoas marketived ].[-ex Whperienen speticifal]ied may as behaving either the specif inchoatiediv [+ie ncfeaturehoative, the] inver bphalys acticalio ncond expritioessesn. a process of 'becoming', of a change of state 2.x [+inchoative] � [ttransient] natureThe . prTheocess fo ofllowing 'beco minsentg'ences may beillust eithratere ofth esea tr kindsansient of orcha perngemanents. Examples: rans [+0] (22) Gu��mandaJ ang batao became beautiful, the chi l,d The chi l.d became beautiful,. rans [+OJ [ +IJ (23) Nan��gi timJ � sa in it. became bl.ack she sun She became tanned/dark (due to) the sun. 51 When specified as having the [-inchoativeJ feature, the verbal action exexprpressesess a staany tekin ofd of'b econon-ageming'.nt ive process of activity that does not Example: � nch [+OJ (24) UmirkotJ ang gU l ong. rotated the whee l The whee l rotated.

2.xi [-inchoativeJ � [tmeteorologicalJ A verbal action specified as [-inchoativeJ may be further specified as either [+meteorologicalJ or [-meteorologicalJ A feature of the verbal action is restricted to act. s of [+natumeteraloro phenologicalmenaJ . Example: eteor010giCal (25) Umu[;� lan. J (It) rained It rained. ity.The [-meteorologicalJ feature marks all other types of verbal activ Example: eteor010g1ca (26) Kumu�� lo ;]ang tubig . boi led the water The water boi led. 2.xii [-meteorologicalJ � [tterminalJ The [-meteorologicalJ feature may be either [+terminalJ or [-terminalJ. Thedir ectio[+ternalminal argumentJ feature to coindimplcatetese its that me athening. verb does not require a Example: [+OJ (27) Su�maJra an� bintana . closed the window The window closed. theThe me an[-ingter mofinal theJ verfeatureb. requires a directional actant to complete 52 Example: � e [+OJ [+DirJ (28) Buma�gsJ ak an9 ibo n sa IU2a . fe 7,Z the bird on ground The folThelowing bird par fe ti7,Zal on tr theee shogrouwsnd. the features described in BRN2.viii xii (pp.49-51) to complete the picture given earlier. [+VJ [+agentiv�eJ [-agent iveJ [+exp (1) xPJ �[+inc�hoativeJ [-inc hJ [+transientJ [-transJ (2)� (3 ) [+meteoro10gica1J [-metJ (4) - [+ter /\J [-- rJ (5)� �(6) (1) lungkot to be sad [+V, -agt, +expJ (2) pula to blush, become re d temporari ly [+V, -agt, -exp, +inch, +transJ (3) pula to become red [+V, -agt, -exp, +inch, -transJ (4) ulan to rain [+V, -agt, -inch, +metJ (5) ku l o to boil [+V, -agt, -exp, -inch, -met, +terJ (6) bagsak to fa ll [+V, -agt, -exp, -inch, -met, -terJ or Allstate verb denos tedhave byaspe thect verb. Pei .... definesviewed thisas co mverbpletedal feature or in progras 'tesshe , action instaThent teanermous 'a spector endur' asing, used momen in tathisry stuor hadybi istual' often (1 re969:ferre19)d. to in pretevc.io).us Aspecstudiest is as used tense her e(B tolake di 191fferent6, 19ia25te; TagaConstalognt inofrom 19other65,, 19non71. axisPhili ppineorient atlanguagesion. St thatockwe usell (1te957nse: C-to47 -4indi8) cagiveste a adi fferentgood dist sysincttemio nof besaystween: the Tagalog aspect system and the English tense system when he 'All Tagalog ( T ) verb forms are oriented toward a single temporal axis, what Bull (1960:17) has called the Point Present (pp) , the instant of speaking. T has no verb forms oriented to the Retrospective Axis ( RP ) , a recol lected moment of speaking. Since English verb forms are 53

oriented toward both of these axe s (present or � � and pa st tenses ), the most fundamental di fference between T and E verb systems is evi dently at this point. The T verbal di stinctions shoul d not be confused with a system that has more than a single axis of orientation. '

Bowen used the term aspect �or Tagalog and described it as 'somewhat tisimedil toar titom e,the aste nsetense sy stemsystems o� Enareglish' (196 ....5:1bu 13)t the. system is not closely Otanes (1970:37) gave an excellent �eature analysis o� aspect in beTagalogen adop verbteds inand this, exc stueptdy �or. a �ew modi�ications, her analysis has aspectVerb s[- neutare eiralther aspect not ].marked �or aspect [+neutral] or marked �or Examples: eut. asp [+A] (29) Tu��makbo .] ka. run (you) You run . eut.asp [+A] (30 ) Tu��makbo .] �. ran she Sh e ran. eut. asp [+A] (31) Ma��tulog .] ka. sZeep you (You) sZeep. eut . asp [+A] (32) Na��tulog .] �. sZept he He s Zept. 2.xFeatv belourew.s speci�ying verbal aspect are described in rules 2.xiii- 2. xiii [-neut.asp.] � [±begun] begWhenun. marked �or aspect, the verbal action is either begun or not 54 Examples: [+begun] [-begun] [+begun] nag linis rna9 I iIin i s nag lilinis cLeaned wi LL cLean i8/are cLeaning

2.xiv [+begun] � [±completed] or noForn-coms mspeplecifted.ied with the feature [+begun] are of two kinds: completed Example: [+comp] [-comp] naglinis nag lilinis cLeaned i8/are cLeaning

2.xv [+completed] � [±recent] Completed forms further subdivide into recently completed and non respectrecently toco mreplecented.tnes s.The' feature [-recent] here means 'unspecified with Example: [+recent] [-recent] ka I iIi n I s nag linis The followingjU8t cLea treened shows thecLea neddifferent aspectual forms of the verb rnaglinis to cLean : [+v] [+neutral aspect] [-neutral aspect] (1)

[+re(2)cen� t] [-re(3cent) ] (1) rnagllnis to cLean [+V, +neut.asp.] (2) kali Ilnls just cLeaned [+V, -neut.asp., +beg, -comp, +recent] (3) naglinis cZeaned [+V, -neut.asp., +beg, +comp, -recent] (4) nagli linis i8/are cLeaning [+V, -neut.asp., +beg, -comp] (5) rnagli linis wi LL cLean [+V, -neut.asp., -beg] 55 Base Rule #3 rewrites the case phrase (KP).

BR#3. KP __ K + NP markTheing KP par extipaclends (K)int ando its a nouncateg phrorialase constitu(NP). Theent s casecons-maistirkingng of pa art iclcasee (M'cocKmplementaughan 19mar58)ker, called' by Co na sta'pntrepositioino (19n'65) by, sigFillnalsmore the (1 966a)surface and re alat ion theof a K nomandinal dire elctlyement adj tooine thed itver b.to theIn hisnoun 1970phrase mode byl, means Fill moreof prelieposminatitioned asselectio simplern rul andes more. (S eedir ectlCooky 19repre71:1senta1.) tivItes reofte thent iofan ctsis prine Tagferredalog he. re RelatEverivye NPcl auisses re writtenand other as N anat troptibuionaltes willdeter minotner be (Dtretea) tedand ina nounthis work(N). .

BR#4. NP - (Det) N The Noun in turn is rewritten by a complex symbol.

BR#5. N � c.S. The complex symbol for nouns includes at least the inherent features nounsgiven begivenlow bywhich Chomsky follow in ge196nerall5. y the matrix of features of the English

5.i [+N] � [±common]

5.ii [+common] � [±concrete] 5.iii [+concrete] - [±count] animate 5.iv [+count] -- rsingUlar l! � animate 5.v [-common] fsingUlaJl selecThetiosenal inherent restr ictiofeatnsure ofs of l!nou thnse withnounsrj verin bsTagal to avoog idare devneicessaant rysentence for thes. For[-agent examivplee] , ve[+rbagents mayiv e]oc curver wibsth occu [+arnima withte] [+a nounsnima te]as N'sexper asiencer agents.s; Verbs may Theoccu for llowiwingth [± tranimaee teshows] N's the asse ob inherentjects and fe diratureectios ofnals the. nouns. 56 [+N] [+common�] [-common ] [-,o etel �� (�) �� [+count] [-co(5)unt ] [+singul(7) ar] [- (8)sg] [+animat�e] [-anim ate] [+singular] [-sg] [+singular] [-sg] (1)� (2) (3)� (4) (1) tao person [+N, +com, +conc, +count, +an, +sgJ (2) tao persons [+N, +com, +conc, +count, +an, -sgJ (3) halaman plant [+N, +com, +conc, +count, -an, +sgJ (4) halaman plants [+N, +com, +conc, +count, -an, -sgJ (5) asin salt [+N, +com, +conc, -countJ (6) kaligayahan happiness [+N, +com, -concJ (7) Pedro Peter [+N, -com, +an, +sgJ (8) Pedro Pedro and his companions [+N, -com, +an, -sgJ The subcategorization rules below assign case features to all N masubcategtricesori. zaChomstionalky's rules 'Aspec appearts' mode bothl seinems the to ba requirese rule thas andt this the lexicoand othern, Taywhereaslor calledsuch rules these in'c Tayase-relalor'sted approach redundancy appear rul onlyes' inonce his, inde thescri ptlexicoion n. ofchar caseacterize in Japane the nouse n(1 97in 1:2Tag5alog.8). There are five case features that may 5.vi [+N] � [tOJ 5.vii [+OJ � [-A, -I, -Dir, -LJ 5.viii [-OJ � [tAJ

5.ix [+AJ � [-I, -Dir, -LJ

5.x [-AJ � [tDirJ

5.xi [+DirJ _ [-I, -LJ 5.xii [-DirJ - [tIJ

5.xiii [+IJ � [-LJ 5.xiv [-IJ [tLJ � 57 After these rules apply, all N matrices are distinct from all others tuin reat thleaat stdi fferentone featureiates. orEac marksh mat rixit as Or diseffegmerentnt hasfrom a thdiste inctotherives. fea Chomskylexical reformatferredive to(1 965a 'd:8ist1)inct. ive-feature matrix' as representing each of Withthe casethe apfepliaturescatio markedn of these positiv ruleelys, and a gi eavench Nalso matrix ther. hasha s atthe mo stother one appfourlied feat toure [Ns J.mar ked negatively. The following diagram shows these rules casNotees. thaIn Tat thisylor 'sspe workcifie, thiss one comatrrerixspo ndwhis chto is th mae prrkededi necategat ivof elyan equfor aall tiopresenalnt senstutedynce, and. That will sen notte bence distypecus howeversed further is beyo. nd the scope of the [+NJ [+O�J [-O J A: [+AJ [-AJ lr �' � l [+f � �� J �;'J � [- [+1J [-1J I [:[ 1J ] TI I I I l\ I I

-Dir -I +1 -I -I ��-1� J �� -1�,] �= -1�,] �i] +1 �l-1 ] relaThtede next semant setic of fe atsubcauretegs toori nounszatio markednal rules for as easigch n ofdiff theer entfive casecases assigas thosened toalre theady noundesc byribed rules in 5Cha.vpteri - 5 II,.xiv. and The so, fenoat urfurtheres are extheplanat sameion issym bogivenl for her noe.uns Onlyare thelisted rule withs re accolevantmpa nyingto this ill paustrt ratofio thens . complex

5.xv [+OJ � [±patient J 5 8

[+A] �at Nagl uto � ng� adoJbo. cooked she adob o She cooked adobo. centrifuga 5.xvi [+patient] - ±transported [+A] +cf-transp C J (34) Nagl aba � n9o daml t. washed she theIT c 1. othesJ She washed the c 1.othes . [+A] -cf-tra nsp (35) Kumain � ns mansanas . ate he �appO 1.e J He ate an app 1.e. � O [+A] G+t-cfransp [+Dir] (36) Kumuha � ns kend sa kahon . got he candy from box He got some candy from the box. [+A] +cf+tran sp [+Dir] Nasl asay � ns ope ra sa bintana. put he moneyIT J at window He put some money at the window . 5. xvii [-transp] - [:tchange of state] ransp [+A] t�cs l (38 ) Inipon � ansL; pe ra niyJ a. saved he money He saved his money. 5.xviii [+change of state] [:ttotal] � 5 9 [+V] [+A] (39) B i na 1 i � ang� sa�ng a. broke he branch He broke the branch. [+V] [+A] (40) Hinugasan � ang� �ba sc. washed she g'lass Sh e washed the g'lass. anirnat [+ Eil_ 5. xix l:patientj [±experiencer] +an [+V] +ex-patp (41) Nasuya �[0 . got di sgusJ ted he He got di sgusted. anirnat 5.xx -patient _ [-experiencer]

5.xxi C[-experJience r] � [tinchoative] 5. xxii [+1nchoative] � [ttransient] [+V] r!�nJ;transch (42) Namuti � . became-white sheJ She turned pa'le.

[+V] r!�nch�trans [+L] (43) Pumuti � sa Amerika. became-fair Jshe Ameri ca She became fa ir (comp 'lexion) in Ameri ca.

5. xxiii [-inchoative] � [ttransported] 60

t�nchtransp [+DirJ (44) Bumags ak ang� erop l anoJ sa lupa . fe ZZ th e airp lane ground The airp lane fe ll to the ground. ransp (45) Kumul0 an��g tubig.J boi led the water The water boi led.

5.xxiv animate -- [tA] f+NG- J 5.xxv animat e - [-A] f+Nl.:- J 5.xxvi [+A] � [tundergoer] an � n l (46) Tumalon �G� cU. jumped he He jumped. n f!� l [+OJ Nagl inis �l;uncU ng sapatos . cleaned he shoes He cleaned the shoes .

5.xxvii [-undergoerJ � [tgoalJ

(48) Bumi 1 i � ng tinapay . bought ��he bread He bought some bread. 61

Nagayos � ng si lya . arrange d�� he chair He arranged th e chair(s) .

5. xxviii [+DirJ � [±goa1J ��ij (50) Pumunta � sa tindahan . went he to store He went to the store . ��iJ (51) Nasi tsa � ns bola sa ak in. threw he baH to me He threw the baH to me . ��ij (52) Nanggaling � sa bahay. came he from house He came from the house. ��iJ (53) Kumuha � ng pagkain sa kus lna. got he fo od from kitchen He got some food fr om the ki tchen.

5.xxix [+1J � [±too1J [+AJ ��ooJ [+oJ (54) Hiniwa � ns kuts i lyo ans karne . s Heed he knife the meat He s Heed the meat with the knife. ��ooJ [+OJ (55) Nabuksan ng hangi n ang bintana. opened wind the window The wind opened the window . 62

The determiner, optional in BR#5, is also rewritten by a complex symbol. BR#6. Det � c.S. The determiner always has the plurality feature [-sg]. 6.i [+Det] � [-sg] The determiner can only occur with a noun if the latter is marked [-sg]. If N is marked [+sg], then the determiner does not occur.

6.11 - [- [+Det] ] Example: �:J [+Det] (56) Kumakanta anlij m!ja batao��J singing chHd (pI) The chi ldren are singing. The K (Kasus) that stands for the case marker, or more generally, the category of morphemes that are realizations of the case system, is re written as a complex symbol. BR#7. K � C.S.

where C is a case feature and is a member of [+A, +0, +Dir, +1, +L]. This states that the lexical category (K) agrees with the noun in its case feature (C) as well as in its inherent property feature [±common]. K animate f f ...:-common � SingUlar When markedI [-common], the� K is animate (such as for names) following the feature [+animatJe] of the properJ noun that follows it. When marked [+animate], the K is either [±singular] depending on the number of the animate proper noun that follows it. The [±common], [+animate] and [±singular] features of the K may be represented graphically as follows. 63

[+commonJ [-commonJ I (proper) I [+singularJ [-singularJ I I I I I � I • I } { n i { n � na} kay kina The choice of ng or sa depends on the case of the noun that follows it. Ng does not occur before locatives and directionals. Ni/nina does not occur before objects, locatives and directionals. They are entered in the lexicon as follows: K n9 +K n i +K nina [�com [+L] +an-corn +a-con rn [ +Dirl.� +sg [+LJ -sg [+LJ [+OJ[+Dir J [+OJ[+DirJ Sa does not occur before objects, agents and instruments. Kay/k ina does not occur before agents and instruments. They are entered in the lexicon as follows:

sa kay kina Kco m -coK rn -coK rn [ [+AJo [+sg+an �+an-sg � [ +IJ [+A [+A [ +IJ [ +IJ

�A�ER IV SELECTIONAL RE DUNDAN CY RULES The verb in this study is selectionally dominant. Selectional ties exist between the verb and the arguments that occur with it. These ties are expressed by semantic features which are inherent to the verb, fea tures which determine and restrict the selection of the nouns occurring with it. These restrictions of co-occurrence between the verb and the agents, objects, directionals and instrumentals that may occur with it are generalized by selectional redundancy rules. These rules function like Taylor's redundancy rules which 'predict the co-existence of Y and X on the basis of the existence of X alone' (1972 :20 3) . Chomsky defines such a rule as a 'selectional relation between two positions in a sen tence' (1965 :113) . These rules predict one feature uniquely on the basis of the presence of another. Selectional redundancy rules specified in this chapter are perhaps some kind of agreement rules since features in the verb agree with those in the nouns that complete the proposition in which they occur. It may be that one could conclude even that these rules are of government because on the one hand only those nouns may occur with verbs that are permitted by the verbs' complex symbol. A selection, in other wordS, of the possible features aSSigned to nouns is made by the choice of the verb in a given sentence. On the other hand, through later transfor mational rules, it is the selection of a particular nominal expression to be subject of the sentence that causes certain changes in the surface structure of both nominal and verbal expressions. The selectional redundancy rules follow. SRR#l contains the following information.

65 66

a [+AJ r �patient l SRR#l generalizes the relationship between verbs and the agents and objects which may occur with them.L All verbC s are Jspecif ied for [+agentiveJ or [-agentiveJ. Verbs having a positively specified agentive feature occur obligatorily with agents. Those having a negatively spec ified feature agentive must have objects but not agents. The symbol alpha (a) stands for (+) and (-) values of features. An a symbol on the left side of the arrow and an a on the right side of the arrow agree in their +/- feature specifications. In the rule above, a verb having a positively specified agentive feature requires a [+ ____ [+AJ J or an agentive type of noun while one having a negatively spec ified agentive feature does not permit an agentive noun to occur with it. When present therefore, the a indicates agreement or disagreement of values in various parts of the rule (Harms 1968:59). SRR#l is a combination of the following rules. 1.i [+AJ J Agentive verbs always occur with agents. Example: gt [+AJ [+OJ ( 1) NaGSl�manehoJ � nSl kotse. drove he the oar He drove th e oar.

1.ii [+AJ J Non-agentive verbs never occur with agents. The following is there fore not possible. (See subrule l.iv below.) gt [+AJ [+OJ (2)* Tu��muboJ an� hardinero nSl halaman . grew the garde ne l' the pl.ant The gardener grew the pl.ant .

1. iii 67

Agentive verbs do not occur with ob jects interpreted as non-patients . This implies that agentive verbs may occur only with objects interpreted as pat ient s.

Example :

� gtJ [+A] ��at ientJ (3) Na!;!!tanim � n!;! mais. pl.anted he corn He pl.anted corn .

l.iv � gt at ient

Non-agent ive :verbs never occur with ob jects marked by the feature [+patient ]. ThiC s Jimpliest that non-agG: entivJe Jverb s can only co-occur with objects interpreted as non-pat ients.

Example :

� gtJ ��atienJ (4) iUmaba! an!;! tuta. grew fa t puppy The puppy grew fa t.

SRR#2 contains the following informat ion .

fV l ---+ �ndergoe �ext ernaJj J f a l-a Gpatient l l! SRR# 2 generalizes the re lationship between verb s] marked [external] and the types of agents and objects that co-occur with them. Ve rb s having a positively specified feature [+external] require the presence of [+patient ] obj ects . Verb s marked [-external] do not allow [+pat ient ] obj ects. SRR#2 is a combination of the fo llowing rules .

2.i

Verb s marked [+ext ernal] never occur with agents marked with the feature [+undergoer] . It follows from SRR#l that these verb s always occur with agents marked [-undergoer] . 68 2.11 Verbs having a positively specified feature [external] must occur with objects marked by the feature [+patient]. Example for #2.i and 2.ii. G!xJ G�nJ G�at1enJ (5) Nagh ugas � ng baso. washed she glass She washed the glass. 2.i11 Verbs marked [-external] never co-occur with agents marked [-under goer]. By implication, they occur with agents marked [+undergoer]. 2.iv Verbs negatively specified for the feature [external] do not occur with objects marked by the feature [+patient]. Example for #2.iii and 2.iv. �!xtJ G�nJ (6 ) Tumakbo � ran he He ran . SRR#3 contains the following information. �:oaJ C�cJ G��:aJ SRR#3 generalizes the relationship between verbs marked for centrif ugal and the types of agents, objects and directionals that may occur with them. SRR#3 is a combination of the following rules. 69

3.i

Verbs marked with the se mantic fe ature [+centrifugal] never occur with agents markedC:J with-[ the sem antic feature [+goal]. By implication , this type of verb can take agents marked [-goal ].

3.ii

Verbs marked [+cent ri fugal ] do not co-occur with ob jects marked [ -cent rifugal].C:J Th is im[plies_ tha C:t theyJJ can only occur with ob jects marked [+centrifugal].

Dir 3·iii f l:- goal Verbs positively specified for the fe atJ ure [centrifugal] cannot co occur with direC:ctioJ-nals marked[ [-goal ].J By implicat ion , they can only occur with dire ct ionals marked [+goal ].

Example for #3.i, 3.ii and 3.iii above .

Dir oa +goal (7) Na�g�Jhag is� �J n9� �bateJ sa ahasJ . hurled he stone atG snake He hurled a stone at the snake.

3.iv oa

Verb s marked with the semantic feat ure [-centrifugal] never occur with agents marC:kedJ- [-goal[ ]. By imC:plicaJJti on , they occur with agents marked [+goal ].

3.v

Verb s marked [-centrifugal] do not co-occur with ob ject s marked [+cent rifugal] . This implies thC:Jat theyJ can only co-occur with ob jects marked [-centrifugal].

Dir 3.vi f l.! goal ] Verbs negat ively specified for the Jfeature centrifugal cannot co-occur with dire ctionals marked [+goal]. By implication , it ca n occur with dire ct ionals marked [-go al ]. 70

Examp le to illustrate #3.iv, 3.v, and 3.vi above .

oa (8) Kumuha��J �� J ng � pe�Jra sa nana��Jy ni ya . got he money fr om mother his He got money fr om his mother.

SRR#4 generalizes the relat ionship between ve rb s marked [±t erminal J and the dire ctionals that may occur with them.

SRR#4. e -- G Ct [+DirJ] SRR#4 is a coC:mbinatJ ion of the following ru les . 4.i � e [ +DirJ

Verb s marked with theG semantic fe ature] of [+terminalJ do not allow directionals .C: J

Example :

G e [+AJ [+OJ (9 ) Nagw�a Jlls � ng sah ig. swept she the floor She swept the floor.

All verbs having a negat ive ly specified fe ature [-t erminalJ require directionals .

Examples :

e [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (0) ItG�aponJ mo ang basura sa i log. throw you garbage in river (You) throw the garb age in the ri ver.

e [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (ll ) Kumuha�� J ka ng pagkain sa me sa. get you food fr om tab le (You) ge t (some) food from the tab le . 71

e [+A] [+Dir] (12 ) Pu��munJta � sa oS2i ta l. went he to hospitaZ He went to the hospi ta Z.

SRR#5.

SRR#5 indicat es that verb s marked [+change of state] can on ly occur with ob jects having the same semantic feature ; conversely, verbs marked negative ly for the same feature only allow objects also negat ively specified for the said feature . SRR#5 is a combination of the following rules .

Example:

s [+A] s (13 ) BlnG�alJ i � angG� saJng a. broke he bran ah He broke the branah .

5.ii

Example :

[+A] (14 ) InG�Ji2un � ang��Jsil ya. ao ZZeated he ahair (s) He ao Z Zeated the ahairs .

SRR#6.

SRR#6 indicates that ve rb.s marked [+total] (change ) occur with objects having the same semant ic feature . On the other hand , ve rb s marked neg ative ly for the same feat ure do not allow objects posit ively specified for the said feature . SRR#6 is a combination of the following rules .

6.i C:J-- [ _ CJJ 72

Example :

[+A] �� (15) Pinit�� pi t � ang bauang. crushed she gar'lic She crushed the garLic.

6.11

Example : CJJ �� [+A] (16 ) Pinunasan � ana ��mes a. wiped she tab Le She wiped th e tab Le .

SRR#7.

SRR#7 indicat es that verb s marked [+terminal] cannot occur with objects having the semant ic fe ature [+transported]; verb s marked neg atively for 'terminal' cannot occur with objects having the feature [-transported] . SRR#7 is a combination of the following rules .

7.i

Terminal verb s never occur with ob ject s marked [+transported] . By implication, only ob jects marked [-transported] occur with terminal verbs.

Example :

G e [+A] � ransp Nag�buJnot � ng� sahigJ. po'lished he fLoor (husked) He poLished the fLoor (with a husk) .

7.ii

Non-terminal verbs never occur with objects marked [-transported]. This implies that this type of verb can occur only with objects marked [+t ransported] . 73

Example :

e [+A] ransp [ +Dir] (18) Na�gs�abJ I t � ng�� ku lal o sa pako. hung he m08quito� net nai l, He hung the m08quito net on the nai l,.

SRRU8 contains the following informat ion .

:irectioJ -- � __ [+Dir]] SRRU8 states Cthat verbs marked [-direction ] do not allow dire ctionals . Example :

i [+A] (19 ) UmG6 iyakJ �. cried she Sh e cri ed.

SRRU9. xperientia � experience

SRRU9 generalizes: the re lat ionship between verb s and objects marked [+experient ial]C or [-experieJ nt ial].[ __ C: JJ SRRU9 is a combination of the following rules.

9.i :xperient ia -- xperience Ve rb s having a positively sp ecified feature [+experiential] do not co-occur with� ob jects havingJ the [__semant ic C:fe at ure [-exJJperie ncer]. This rule implies that experiential verb s can co-occur with objects marked with the feature [+experiencer].

Example :

xp xp (20) Na�gu�to]m �.�� ] go t hungry he He got hungry .

9.11

Verb s having a negat ive ly spe cified feat ure [-experient ial] do not co-occur with objects having the semant ic fe ature [+experiencer] . This rule implies that non-experient ial verb s can occur with objects having the fe at ure [-experiencer] . 74

Example :

xP xp (21) lu�:magJo anlg� damJ o. grew (luxuriantly) the grass The gras s grew luxuriant ly .

SRR#lO cont ains the following informat ion.

:nchoativ - __ �inchoative SRR#lO generalizes the re lationship between verb s and ob jects marked [+inchoative ] or G[-inchoat ivJe ]. Thi� s rule imCplies that JJinchoa t ive verbs can co-occur with ob ject s marked with the feature [+inchoat ive ].

Example :

G nc nc (22) lumiakJl an�g� baJta o grew the child The chi ld grew .

10 .11

Ve rb s having a negat ive ly specified feature [-inchoat ive ] do not co occur with object s having the semant ic feature [+inchoative ]. This rule implies that non-inchoat ive verb s can co-occur with objects having the feature [-inchoative ].

Examples :

nch nc (23) Kumu�i loJ ang �� tubJlg. boi led the water The water boi led.

SRR#ll cont ains the following informat ion.

SRR# ll shows that verb s marked [+t rans ient ] never occur with objects marked [-trans ient ] and vice versa. This implies that transient ve rbs requi re only obj ects marked [+transient ] and non-trans ient ve rb s can occur only with obj ects marked [-transient ]. SRR#ll is a comb inat ion of the following rules. 75

11. i

By implication , trans ient verbs occur only with trans ient ob jects.

Example :

ran rans (24) [;Namut� J i �� . J beaame -whi te she She Zost aoZor/she beaame paZe .

11.11

The rule above implies th at non-transient verb s occur only with non transient objects.

Example :

rans rans (25) GPu�mut Ji G��. J beaame fa ir she She beaame fair.

SRR#12 contains the following informat ion .

SRR#12 generalizes the relationship between verb s marked [-agentive ] or [+agent ive] and the inst rumentals that may occur with them, except for ve rb s marked [-direct ion] which neve r take instrumentals specified [+tool]. The following rule expresses this general fact ne cessary to SRR#12 .

Example :

i [+A] (26) NguG�mlJtl �. smi Zed she She sm i Ze d.

SRR#12 is a combination of the fol lowing rules . 76

Verbs having a positively specified fe ature [+agent ive J may co-occur with instrument als interpreted as [+toolJ.

Example :

gt [+AJ oo [+OJ Bi�nas� agJ � (n�g� baJto) ang salam ln. broke he stone gZass He broke the gZass (with a stone) .

12.11

Verb s having a negat ively specified feat ure [-agentive J may co-occur with instrumentals that are marked by the semant ic fe ature [-toolJ.

Example :

gt [+OJ oo (28) Na�b �as aJ � (n�g� ulaJn) . drenched he rain He was drenched (by the rain) . l Except for the locatives , these select ional redundancy rules account for the co-occurrence of the inherent types of cases with the verbs.

1 If the verbal feature tree were expanded to include locative selectional features, the verbal feature [±localJ � be added to the [±total] and [-direction] features of the verb . The following tree illustrates . [+v]

[+ext� �ernalJ [+centri � � �rection] [+terminal] : I [+local] [-local] �: :�'1 I [+chang�e of state] , : [+tot ] ti a �� to reside� in toiY ary�k [+localJ� �[-localJ I I [+localJ [-localJ I I, I I , I I I I I laba sara I � to Zaunder to dose I I lutu bal i to aook to break

(Continued opposite) 77

The following rules may be added to the base rules .

[ - directiOn] - [ :!:local] [ ±total] } Any verb having the semantic feature [ +local] dictates the presence of a locative act ant to complete its me aning.

CHAPTER V THE SUBCATEGORIZATION OF THE TAGALOG VERBS

As has been indicat ed earlier, the feat ure characteristics of Tagalog verb s impose a classification on those verbs. The maj or subcategori zation of the verb s present ed in this chapter is based upon the semantic feat ures as well as the contextual case fe ature s that make up verb al matrices . The semantic feat ures that make up the complex symbol of the verb are given in Chapter III . Given certain basic propert ies of verbs, all their other grammat ical properties can be supplied by the applicat ion of the select ional restriction rules discussed in the previous chapter. Chapter IV also explains how the semantic properties of the verb dictate what kind of cases may occur with it . The characteristics of these cases which are propert ies of the nouns are discussed in Chapter II . This chapter describes the verbal mat rices as consisting of two types of features , the semant ic features and the contextual case fe atures . The verbal matrices of fifteen classes of verb s to wh ich the maj ority of Tagalog verb s belong will thus be de fined in this chapter. In Fi l lmore 's case grammar of 1968, verb s were defined in terms of 'case frames ', that is, according to the case environments which the sentence provides (1968a: 26) . In his 1969 article on lexical information (1969 :76), he used the term 'case structure ' to re fer to the combinat ion of cases that might be as sociated with a given predicate. The arrays of cases defining the sentence types of a language , according to him, have the effect of imposing a classification on the verbs in the lan guage (1968a:21) . Contrary to Fillmore 's view , in this study the arrays of cases in the nouns do not impose a subclassificat ion on the ve rb s of Tagalog. The array of cases is not sufficient in itself to do this . Besides , the verb is considered as central in this study , not the noun . Therefore , the semantic and select ional features of the verbs predict the types of cases that may occur with them. Ult imately these semantic

79 80

and selectional fe atures subclassify the ve rbs. Whereas Fillmore 's case frame s consist of cat egory symbols , the se lect ional rules here repre sent case frames in terms of select ional features. Thus [+ A 0 DirJ in Fillmore 's system corresponds to

[+AJ [+OJ ] [ +Dir]

in the system presented here , though the latter notat ion does not require the cases to be introduced in some arb itrary order. Each case , however, is well defined by a cluster of features. This is similar to Fillmore 's 'core ferential roles '. But the features go beyond dual roles to capture more distinct ions in their use. For example, Fillmore (see Cook 1971:15) talks of the agent ive case as being somet ime s coreferential with the source , and sometime s with the goal case . In this study , these fe at ures are dominated by still another feature called [-undergoerJ which has a positively specified [+undergoerJ counterpart . The [+undergoerJ type of agent is neither the goal nor the source of the action but both. It un dergoes the act ion it originates . The action of swimming, walking, running or moving, for instance , dic tates the single pos itive subfeature [+undergoerJ for the agent . The verb kuha to get require s two sub features for the agent [-undergoer, +goal J, since it is the non-undergoer re cipient or goal of the action . Tapon to throw , on the other hand, also requires two agentive subfeature s but it cont rasts with the verb kuha to ge t, in that the agent is not the goal of the action . It has the subfeature s [-undergoer, -goal J. The following verb s then require three types of agents .

iyak to cry

kuha to get dergOe ��gOal G- �J tapon to throw J ndergOe r __ ��gOal ...J l! l,; � In the following paragraphs inherent and cont]extual fe atures necessary to distinguish each class of verbs are listed for each type of verb . The branching feature diagrams in Chapter III (see also Appendix A- l ), give a graphic view of how the fe at ures are arranged in hierarchical order. The verb s listed below these diagrams are thus representat ive of the verb s for the different classes. 81

The semant ic feat ures are summarized, and these features are those subcategorizing the verbs. These cont extual fe atures of each type of verb have been determined in the selectional re dundancy rules given in Chapter IV . There are fift een clas ses of verb s resulting from the contrasting matrices exhib ited in the following paragraphs .

1. The first type of verb has the fo l lowing semantic and contextual feat ures.

+V +agentive +external +centrifugal +terminal +change of stat e +total

dergOe + ��gOal l.; �J +pat ient +centrifugal �o-tra nsport ed +change of state + +total

The [+agent ive ] feat ure indicat es that this t ype of ve rb requires an agent which is the source of the action performeJ d externally (outside of that agent ). The [+centrifugal] feat ure indicates that the action is directed away from the agent toward an ob ject (required also by the [+external] fe at ure ) where the action terminates . The [+terminal] fea ture indicates that the action is not carried beyond the object . The verb 's act ion upon the ob ject causes a change in physical condition. In this class of ve rb , the effe ct of the change upon the ob ject is total. This ty pe of verb then require s two arguments, one having an agent ive case feat ure which is only the source of the action and an objective case feat ure which is not moved toward the agent , [+centrifugal], nor is it transported anywhere . It is a static object , [+patient ]. that acts as the re cipient of the action which causes it to change in physical condition totally . Thus the verb bal uktot to bend from this set has the meaning (some one) bends (some thing) .

Examples :

(1) Binalu��kto t ng magn�� anakaw an��g Jrehas . bent burgLar iron bars The burgLar bent the iron bars . 82

(2) Wi�nasak�J ng lo��ko- l oko ang �kot� se. d�s troyed madman oar The madman destroyed the oar.

-g +t (3) N n�� uto ng nanay ang gu ay . oooked motherl� vegeG�tab teB Mother oooked the vege tab teB .

Other verb s that belong to this class are : pit pit (some one) orushes (some thing) , tastas (some one) rips (some thing) , patay (some one) staugh ters (some thing) , yupi (someone) dents (some thing) , buhay (some one) keeps ative (some thing) , linis (someone) oteans (some thing) . ihaw (someone) broi ts (some thing) . tuwid (some one) straigh tens out (some thing). laga (someone) boi ts (some thing) . buro (someone) piok tes (some thing) . Ini t (someone) heats (some thing) . unat (some one) removes the oreas e from (some thing) . gupi t (someone) outs (some thing) . ah it (some one) shaves (someone) and basa (someone) wets (something) .

2. The second type of verb has the following semantic and contextual features.

+v +agent ive +external +centrifugal +terminal +change of state -t ot al

dergoe + t�goal ;1 [; J +patient +cent rifugal [0-t ransported +change of state + -total

This type of ve rb differs from the first one in that the effect of the verb al action of the verb upon the object is notJ to change its condition totally but part ially . Otherwise, all the other fe at ures function just like those characterizing the first type of verb . This type of verb , then, requires two argument s, one having the agentive case feature and the other the objective case fe ature . The verb hugas to wash belongs to this type of ve rb class and has the me aning (someone) washes (some thing) . 83

Examples :

( 4) B i na��nl awan �� an!il�� dami t. rinsed she cl.othes Sh e rinsed the cl.othes .

(5) Pinunasa�TI n �� an!il�� meJ s a. wiped she tab I.e She wiped the tab I.e.

Other verbs that belong to this clas s are : laba (someone) washes (something) , linis (someone) cl.eans (some thing) , hi I amus (some one) washes the fa ce , sara (someone) cl.oses (something) , bukas (some one) opens (some thing) ,' wisik (someone) sprinkl.es (something) , tagpi (someone) patches (something) , di lig (someone) waters (something) , talup (someone) pee l.s (some thing) , tabas (some one) cuts (a dress material. fo l.l.owing a pattern) , and tal i (someone) ties (something) .

3. The third type of verb has the following semant ic and contextual features .

+v +agent ive +external +centrifugal +terminal -change of state

ndergOe + t�go al l;. �'j +patient +centrifugal [0-t ransported + -change of state The only contrasting feature of this class of verbJ from the first and second types is the non-change-of-state effe ct of the verbal action upon the ob ject . The re st of the fe atures are the same as those character izing the first and second types of ver bs. This type of verb requires two arguments too. One has the agentive case feature and the other, the objective case fe at ure . However, the obj ect does not undergo any change of state as the two earlier types do. Thus the verb ipon to gather, col.l.ect , has the complete me aning of (someone) gathers (something) . 84

Examples :

s s (6) InGl(�u�Jn �� ans� �baJsur a. gathered he garbage He gathered (oolleoted) the garbage .

s s I na�yos�J �G� ans msa s� i �IyJa . arranged he ohairs He arranged th e oh airs .

Verbs of this type are : halungkat (some one) ransaoks (something) , akay (some one) guides, leads (some one) , alog (someone) jars (some thing) , uga (someon e) swings (someone) , b i tb it (some one ) oarries (some thing) , buklat (some one ) opens (something) , hintay (someone) wai ts for (some thing) , tipid (someone) eoonomizes (some thing) , tiklop (someone) fo lds (something) and aruga (some one) takes oare of (some one) .

4. The fourth type of verb has the following semant ic and contextual features .

+V +agentive +external +cent rifugal -terminal

ndergOe + gOal� tl.; �J +pat ient +centrifugal + [0+t ransported I+Dir l + ligoaJj J Unlike the first three types of verbs, this class is marked by the [-t erminal] fe at ure which indicates that a third argument , [+Direc tional], is needed to complete the meaning of the verb . The [-terminal] feat ure also indicates that the obj ect is transported or trans ferred to a third argument , the directional, where the cent rifugal action termi nates . This type of verb then require s three argument s, one having the agentive case feature further specified as non-goal and source of the action, another having the ob jective case feature which is carried away from the agent toward a directional-goal , and lastly , an argument having 85

the directional case feature further defined as [+goal J functioning as the receiver of the object . Thus the verb tapon to throw from this set has the me aning (someone) throws (some thing) (somewhere) .

Examples :

V O +cf +cf i -ter +trans j (8) I� aabot nlij��bata anlij �ako sa ka��r�l ntero. wi Z Z Jha nd-over ahiIT Zd naJi Z aarpenter The ahi Zd wi Z Z hand over some nai Zs to the aarpenter.

[+VJ [+AJ [+oJ [+DirJ (9 ) I 1 a 1 asa:z: � anlij �e ra sa alkans l:z:a . wi ZZ put he money piggy bank He wi ZZ put some money in the piggy bank.

[+VJ [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (10) Itata�on n I Pedro anlij basura sa labas. wi ZZ throw Pedro garb age outside Pedro wi ZZ throw some garbage outs ide.

Other verb s that belong to this class are : abuloy (someone) aontri butes (something) (somewhere) , bagsak (someone) drops (something) (some where) , b I gay (some one) gives (some thing) (to some one) , bayad (someone) pays (some one) (something) , laklp (someone) enaZoses (something) (some where) , salansan (some one) fi Zes (something) (somewhere) , sampay (some one) hangs (aZothes) (somewhere) , sab I t (some one) hangs (something) (somewhere) , sanla (some one) pawns (some thing) (somewhere) , hulog (some one) drops (some thing) (somewhere) , sabog (someone) saatters (something) (somewhere) , kab I t (some one) aonneats (some thing) (somewhere) , 1 I pat (someone ) transfers (something) (somewhere) , akyat (someone) aarries up (something) (somewhere) , lako (some one) peddZes (some thing) (somewhere) , budbud (some one ) distributes (some partiaZe- Zi ke matter) (somewhere) , ha 1 ang (someone) b Zoaks (some thing) (somewhere) , ta I I (some one) ties (something) (somewhere) , taya (someone) bets (something) (someyJhere), tago (some one) hides (some thing) (somewhere), sandlg (some one) Zeans (something) (somewhere) , llblng (someone) buries (someone) (somewhere ) and babad (someone) soaks (something) (somewhere) .

5. The fi fth type has the following semantic and contextual features . 86

+V +agentive +external -centrifugal +t erminal

0 +patient -centrifugal + [-transported This type of verb differs from the previ ous Jcl as ses of ve rb s in that it has a [-centrifugalJ feature which indicates that the verbal action is toward the agent where it terminates . As in the first three types of verbs, the [+t erminalJ feat ure indicates that the action is not carried beyond the ob ject . Verbs of this type re quire two argument s, one having the agentive case feature which is both the source and goal of the action and another having the objective case fe at ure . The ob ject is further marked [-cen trifugalJ because the object is brought toward the agent , and marked [-t ransportedJ because the act ion terminates at the ob ject . The ve rb kain to eat from this class has the complete meaning of (someone) eats (something) .

Examples :

V -cf +ter ( ll) H� umu 1 i anl;l�� mama !l. �ma�Jno k . caughtJ the man chicken The man caught a chicken.

[+VJ [+AJ [+OJ (12 ) Umamoy � ns bulaklak. sme lled she f'lower She sme lled the f'lower.

[+VJ [+AJ [+0] (13) Umi nom � ns alak. drank he wine He drank some wine.

Other verb s that belong to this class are : kain (someone ) eats (some thing) . lulon (someone) swa'l 'lows (some thing) . amp on (someone) adop ts (someone) . subo (some one) takes in (food) . sipsip (some one) sips (some thing) . sunggab (some one) grabs (something) . tikim (someone ) tas tes 87

(8omething) , tawag (8ome one) oalls (someone) , lagok (some one) gu lps down (some thing) , igip (some one) fe tohes (water) , kab ig (some one) draws (some thing) towards self, hi th i t (someone) smokes (some thing) , langhap (some one) inhaZes (something) and higop (some one) suoks in, sips (some thing) .

6. The sixth type of verb has the following semant ic and contextual features .

+V +agentive +external -centrifugal -terminal

+pat ient -centri fugal + �o+t ransported r+Dir l + L:-goaJj J In contrast to the fifth type of verb , the [-terminalJ feature indicates the requi rement of a directional argument to complete its meaning. The verb al action transports the ob ject from a directional argument to the agent . This type of verb then , requires three arguments. One has the agen tive case feature , but in this instance it is further de fined as the goal of the action . The second is marked by the objective case fe ature further specified as [-centrifugalJ, because the act ion transport s or carries the ob ject towards the agent from a dire ctional case feature further specified as [-goal J. The verb kuha to get that belongs to t his class of verb has the meaning (someone) gets (some thing) (from 8omewhere) .

Examples:

-cf i -ter ans (14) Humi ram ang G�tata y ng� pe ra sa Gban� gkJ o. bo�rrowev J d the fa therG� money J bank The fa ther borrowed some money fr om the bank.

[+VJ [+AJ [+OJ [+DirJ (15) Humi 1 i ns ans bata ns man ika sa nanay n i ya . asked for the ohi Zd do ll mother her The ohi ld as ked for a do ll from her mother. 88

[ +vJ [+AJ [+oJ [ +Dir] (16) Kumuha � nlj b unlja sa puno. got he frui t tree He got some frui t from the tree.

Other verb s that belong to this class are : hin 9 i (someone) asks (from some one) (for something) , dukot (someone) draws out (something) (from somewhere) , tanggap (someone) receives (some thing) (from somewhere) , abot (someone) reaches (for some thing) (from somewhere) , agaw (some one) snatches (something) (from somewhere) , hi la, haltak (some one) pulls horizontally (some thing) (from somewhere) , bunot (some one) pulls verti cally (something) (from somewhere) , hanap (someone) searches (something) (from somewhere) , buhat (someone) lifts (some thing) (from somewhere) , sungki t (someone) picks fr ui ts by a pole (from somewhere ) and kalawit (some one) hooks (some thing) (from somewhere) .

7. The seventh type of verb has the following semantic and context ual feat ures .

+v +age nt ive -external +dire ction +centrifugal

+ ��ndergOeJ [+Dir + L: goaJjl

The presence of the [ -externalJ fe ature in this type of verb differen tiates it from the previous clas ses of verbs, because this indicates an internally induced action rather than action performed externally . The [ +direction J feature indicates that the action shows movement toward or from a directional argument . In this part icular clas s of verb , the movement is toward the direct ional argument [ +centrifugalJ . The verb s that belong to this class require two arguments. One argument has the agent ive case fe at ure and is the initiator or source as well as the undergoer of the action . The other has the directional case fe ature which completes the central meaning of the verb as the goal of the action . Punta to go from this clas s has the meaning (someone) goes (somewhere) .

Examples :

[+VJ [+AJ [+DirJ (17) Pumunta � sa Honolulu. went he Honolulu He went to Hono lulu. 89

r i � n �� (18) Umak� baJy ang� lolaJ sa akJin. lea�ned� -on-arm the grandmother on me Grandmother put her arm on me (my shoulder) .

Other ve rb s that belong to this class are : dapo (someone) alights (somewhere) , kapi t (some one) holds (somewhere) , pasok (someone) enters (somewhere) , t 1 ngl n (someone) looks (somewhere) , I uhod (someone) knee ls (somewhere) , upo (some one) sits down (somewhere) , damay (someone) helps or aids (somewhere) , higa (someone lies down somewhere) , tayo (someone) stands up , lakad (some one) walks (somewhere) , takbo (someone) runs (somewhere) , gapang (someone) craw ls (somewhere) , dapa (some one) lies on his stomach (somewhere) and tlhaya (someone) lies on his back (some where) .

8. The eight type of verb has the following semantic and contextual features.

+v +agentive -ext ernal +direction -centrifugal

+ ��ndergOeJ [+ Dir l + l..:-goa1j This class of verb contrasts with the seventh type in that instead of being marked positive ly for the fe at ure cent rifugal, it is marked neg at ively , [-cent rifugal] . This means that the action moves away from the dire ctional argument . The verb s that belong to this clas s require two arguments. One has the agent ive case feat ure which is undergoer of the action it initiates . The other has the directional case feature which completes the cent ral me aning of the verb by being the source of the action . Bitiw to let go , from this clas s has the meaning (someone) lets go (from somewhere) .

Examples :

nJ (19 ) Bumi tiw �� sa san��ga� �ngJ puno. let�� goj he from branch tree He let� go of th e branch of the tree. 90

[+V] [+A] [+Dir] (20) Humiwa lay � sa akin. separated she from me She separated fr om me .

Other verbs that belong to this class are : kalag (someone) re Zeases (himse lf) (from somewhere) , takas (someone) escapes (from somewhere) , ails (someone) leaves (from somewhere) , layas (someone) runs away (from somewhere) and balik (someone) comes back (from somewhere) .

9. The ninth type of verb has the following semant ic and contextual features.

+V +agentive -external -direct ion

+ �ndergOeJ This class of verb has the feature [-�direction] which in dicates that the action doe s not involve any movement . A verb of this type requires only one type of argument , one having the agent ive case feature further spe cified as [+undergoer] . This signifies th at the agent is both initiat or and undergoer of the action . The verb iyak to cry belongs to this class of verb s with the full meaning of (someone) cries .

Examples :

i ( 21) Bu�mah� Jln anG�Jg tao. sneezed the man The man sneezed.

[+V] [+A] (22) Gumising s i Pedro woke up Pedro Pedro woke up .

[+V] [+A]

(23) Ngumi ti � . smi led she She smi Zed.

Other verb s that belong to this clas s are : galaw (someone) moves , handa (someone) gets ready , hi lik (someone) snores, iglip (someone) takes a nap , hiyaw (someone) shouts , simangot (someone) frowns , pi la 91

(someone) fa LLs in Line , tahan (someone) stops cr ying, tigi 1 (some one) stops , ubo (someone) coughs , hinga (someone) breathes and tahol (some one) barks .

10 . The tenth type of verb has the fo l lowing semant ic and contextual features.

+V -agentive +experiential

o -patient + +experiencer

In contrast to the previous classes, these verb s have a [-agentive ] fea ture , which means that the verb s Gdo not co-ocJcur with arguments having the agent ive case. The [+experiential] fe ature indicates that these verbs exhib it psychological events.

The verb s that belong to this clas s require an argument having the ob jective case which 'experiences or fe els ' the act ion stated by the verb . The ve rb gal lt to be come /feeL/get angry belongs to this class of verbs.

Examples :

xp (24) Na�Jgalit ang� �mamaJ . got angry the man The man got angry .

[+VJ [+OJ (25) Nalungkot ang babae. became sad the woman The woman became sad.

[+V] [+oJ (26) Naloko ang estudyante. got crazy the student The student got crazy .

Other verb s that belong to this class are : tuwa (some one) fe eLs happy, gLad, inls (someone) fe eLs bored, buwisit (someone) fe eLs exas perated, lito (someone) fe eLs confus ed, hi 10 (someone) fe eLs di zzy , gutom (some one) fe eLs hungry , uhaw (someone) fe eLs thirsty , inip (some one) fe eLs impatient , takot (someone) fe eLs fri ghtened and gulat (some one) fe eLs surprised. 92

11. The eleventh type of verb has the following semantic and con textual features .

+v -agentive -experiencer +inchoat ive +transi ent

-patient +inchoative + �o+tr ans ient �

The verb s belonging to this class have the [+inchoativeJ feature which causes a nominal to undergo a change of state, specifically a process of becoming. They also contain the [+t ransient J fe ature which me ans that the re ferent of a nominal undergoes momentary change . This class requires only one type of argument , one that has the ob jective case feature further subcat egorized as [-pat ientJ dictated by the [-agentiveJ feature of the verb . The argument is also marked [+in choativeJ to indicate that it may undergo the process of becoming. The [+t rans ient J subfeature of the objective case indicates that the nominal undergoes temporary change . Pula to bZush is an example . It means to go through a momentary process of becoming red.

Examples :

ran rans Na��ngi timJ � �� . J became tanned he He was tanned.

[+vJ [+OJ (28) Namut la � . became paZe she She became paZe.

Other verb s that belong to this class are : puti to become vemporari Zy fa ir in cmmp Zexion . payat to become momentari Zy thin . nga l umata to Zook Zike one has ZOBt much sZeep . katl to itch momentari Zy . maga to become BwoZ Zen . sakit to fe eZ pain and ngawit to fe eZ tired.

12 . The twelfth type of verb has the following semantic and con textual feat ures . 93

+v -agentive -experiencer +inchoati ve -trans ient

o -patient -experiencer �+inchoative + -transient The verb s belonging to this class contrast fromJ the eleventh class by being marke d [-t ransient J. This fe ature indicates that the process of becoming, [+inchoative J, is of a non-temporary nature . Like the previous class, this verb requires one type of argument , one that has the objective case feature with the subfeat ure [-transient J. This feat ure indicates that the process wh ich the ob ject un dergoes is of a more permanent nature . Ganda is an example of this type of verb . It means to go through a process of becoming beautifuL.

Examples :

(29) grew plant The��:�l plant grew ��;;J. .

[+vJ [+oJ (30) Gumanda si Maria. became beautiful Maria Ma ria became beautifu l.

[+vJ [+oJ (31) Dumi lim ang langi t. became dark sky The sky became dark .

Other verbs that belong to this class are : pula to become red, puti to become white , payat to become thin , itim to become dark , lago to become luxuriant , tamis to become sweet , alat to become salty , dumi to become di rty , lala to become worse , liit to become small, lamig to become cold , I iwanag to become bright, clear, labo to become blurred, taas to become tall, init to become warm , dilim to become dark , sikip to become tight and luwag to become loose.

13. The thirt eenth type of verb has the following semantic and con textual feat ures .

L 9 4

+v -agentive -experient ial -inchoat ive +meteorological

+ � oo These verb s have a [+meteorological] �featureJ which is restricted to event s of natural phenomena. This class of verb occurs with an argument marked [+instrumental] Which also has the sub feature [-tool]. However, this type of argument never surfaces . An examp le is ulan to rain.

Examples:

et (32) Lunl��indoll . quaked It quaked.

[+v] (33) Humangi n. b Lew (wind) The wind bLew .

[+v] (34) Umaraw. shone (sun) The sun shone . Other verbs that belong to this class are : kulog to thu nder, bagyo to storm, kidlat to Lightning, baha to fLood and ambon to drizzLe.

14. The fourteenth type of verb has the following semantic and con textua l features .

+v -agentive -experiential -inchoat ive -meteorological +terminal

-patient -experiencer [0-inchoa tive + -transport ed These verbs have a [-me teorological] feature indiJ cat ing all types of action not depict ing acts of nat ure . The [+terminal] feature of the verb signifies the absence of movement or direction . 95

Verbs of this class require a type of argument having the objective case feat ure which undergoes the process stated by the ve rb and such action ending with it [-t ransported] . The verb kulo that belongs to this set of ve rb s has the me aning undergo a proaess of boi Ling.

Examples :

et -inchoative r:�tel -transported Kumuku[i J lo ang�o tub ig. boi Ling the water J The water is boiLing.

Other verb s that belong to this class are : hinto to stop , putok to ex pLode, kal uskos to make a rus tLing sound, bula to bubb Le , andar to start (motor) , uga to shake , bukas to open, sara to aLose and buka to bLoom.

15. The fi fteenth type of verb has the following semantic and con textual fe at ures .

+V -agentive -experiential -inchoat i ve -meteorologi cal -terminal

-patient -experiencer �o-inchoa t ive + +transported [+Dir + go a l J l! Jj These verb s have a [-meteorological] feat ure and a [-terminal] fe ature , the latter indicating a directional non-act-of-nature type of action . They require two kinds of argument s. One has the object ive feature , which undergoes the process stated by the ve rb . This ob ject is directed toward the second argument which has a directional case fe ature where the action terminates or ends . Bagsak to fa LL which belongs to this class of verbs means to fa LL (somewhere) .

Examples :

O et -inch Dir -t�er +transp �+goalJ (36) BuGmallsJak anll ibon sa bubonll' fe U theG birdJ on roof The bird fe U on the roof· [+vJ [+OJ [+DirJ ( 37) Bumaon an!l !lulon!l sa �ut i k. sank whee l mud The wheel sank in the mud.

Other verb s from this class are : bangga to crash (somewhere) , dikit to stick (somewhere) , angat to raise (somewhere) , bakas to leave a trace (somewhere) , tagos to penetrate (somewhere) , halang to block the way or opening (somewhere) , tusok to pierce (somewhere) , lubog to sink (some where) , apaw to overflow (somewhere) , tapon to be thrown (somewhere) , tulo to drip (somewhere) , litaw to app ear (from somewhere) , ikot to go around, dausdos to slide (somewhere) , lutang to float (somewhere) , agos to flow (somewhere) , ligwak to spi ll (somewhere) , luwa to pro trude . bulge and gulong to ro ll (somewhere) .

Su.mma.JtIj

In this chapter, the maj or subcategorization of the Tagalog verb s have been discussed. Only the inherent types of cases such as the agentive , the objective , the directional and the instrument are treated in this chapter because these are the non-predictable and nuclear cases that make up the verbal structure as understood by the nat ive speaker. The non-inherent cases like the benefactive and the affected cases are not included in the case frame of the verb because these are predictable from the inherent cases present in the proposition. Locatives wh ich can be attached to any type of sentence are also not discussed in this chapter because these are not re levant to the sub categorization of the verbs. Time has not been discussed as one of the cases in this study . Other studies (Taylor 1971) use Time in the sub categorization of the verbs. In this study , it is treated as being outside the nominal phrases used to subcategorize the verbs . As such , Time falls under the category of modality. 'Model cases ' (Cook 1972 : 45), or adverb ial phrases of time , place , and circumstance are generally optional to the sentence structure because their wide range of use makes them of little help in defining the characteristics of any particular verb . The underlying structure of the ve rb and its arguments have been discussed in Chapters II to V. The next chapters will discuss the sur face case forms . A superficial examination will show that there is a many-to-one correspondence between case and case forms . While there is no apparent one-t o-one correspondence between the two, the next chapters will illustrat e that surface forms are not as haphazard as they appear to be. The postulat ion of verbal semant ic fe atures along with the syn tactic case frames makes it possib le to explain most of the surface 97

forms . However, as will be seen , exceptions remain . The point of this study is that the semantic fe at ures must be considered for the explana tion of surface forms and at least those postulated are necessary .

CHAPTER VI SURFACE CASE FORMS IN THE NOUN PHRASES

Non-subj ect noun phrases rollowing the verbs in Tagalog are part ially marked ror case by rormal surrace distinctions . The case re lationships are marked by case rorms : the case marking particles and verbal arrixes . The case marking particles are ng or sa berore common nouns , ni or kay, · berore proper nouns , ng-pronouns and demonstrat ives and sa-pronouns and demonstrat ives . 1 In addition to these NP case markers , there are also compound rorms incorporat ing them: e.g. , para sa / para kay fo r, dahi 1 sa / dahi 1 kay because of and sa pamamagitan ng by means of.

�he ng and sa pronouns and demonstratives follow . 'Pronoun ' refers to personal pronouns and 'demonstrative' refers to demonstrative pronouns in this study .

N g-prcnouns Sa-prcno1.IDS Singular: I ko (sa) akin you me (sa) iyo he/she niya (sa) kaniya

Dual: you and I (rare ) nata, ta (sa) kan ita

Plural : we (exclusive) namin (sa) amin we (inclusive ) nat in (sa) atin you ninyo (sa) inyo they ni la (sa) kani la

N g-dem:nstratives Sa-dem:nstratives here nito di to there niyan diyan there (yonder) niyon doon

99 100

The number of surface case forms introducing noun phrases creat es a prob lem. The case marking particles are not in one-to-one correspondence with the number of Tagalog cases ; there are more cases than forms . This necessitates a discussion of how the underlying cases are marked in the surface structure . Non-subject markers will be illustrated first .

6.1. THE INHERENT NOUN PHRASES

6.1.1. The Agenti ve Noun Phrase

The non-subject agentive (A) noun phrase is marked in the surface structure by the particle ng before common nouns and ni before proper nouns . Ng-pronouns or demonstratives can replace the ng/n i -marked phrases. No surface distinctions are available in the case form to show the subfeatures of this case.

Examples : A n� bab�e n I Ma r I a (1) Lu lutuin ang ulam. � {nito }

woman Mari a wi ll aook the main di sh she {this one }

The woman Maria wi lZ aook the main di sh. She This one }

ng ao Pedro o (2 ) Kinuha n� � ang pera {�nito }

ro got ;�� the money { is one } �� an r � � took the money . He�: This one

6.1.2. THE OBJECITI VE NOUN PHRASE Like the agentive noun phrase, the objective (0) nominal expression is marked by ng before common nouns . But unlike the A phrase, the 0 phrase is not marked by ni nor ng pronouns . Instead of ni-marked 101

phrases and ng-pronouns , kay-marked phrases and sa-pronouns are used. The 0 phrase can still be replaced by ng-demonstratives. Again, the many subfeatures of this case are unmarked by case forms .

Example : ng batao A Tumawag ang pasahero kay Pedro (*ni Pedro) . {sa kaniya (*n i ya) . �.

ahi td Pedro· aa ZZed th e passenger him {that one

the ahi Zd. Pe dro . Th e passenger aa ZZed him. {that one.

6.1.3. The Di rec tional Noun Ph rase

The directional (Dir) NP 's are marked by sa before common nouns and kay before proper nouns . Sa-pronouns or demonstratives can replace Dir NP 's marked by sa/kay .

Example : Dir s a kan i 1 a. A sa bukid. ( 4) Pumunta si Maria doon. {�Nena.

their pZaae . the fi eld went M ar'/.. a there {Nena

to their pZaae. to the fi e Zd. ar'/... a w en t M there . {to Nena.

6.1.4. The Locati ve Noun Phrase

The locative (L) NP 's are marked by sa. Unlike the directional NP 's, the locative noun phrases are limited to place nouns so the case markers are limited to sa and sa-demonstrat ives .

Examples : L A sa kasirola. (5) Nagluto siya { dito . in a sauaepan aooked she { here . a sauaepan . She cooked in { h ere . 102

L A { sa lan2it. (6) lumi I i pad ang i bon doon. sky fl-ying bird { there in the sky . The bir d is fLying { there .

Though necessary to the full me aning of the verb , most of the inher ent locatives are not expr essed in the surface structure because they are already implied or closely associated with the verb . For example , the verb to cook implies utensils; and to fLy , the sky as a medium. There are locative phrases that fu nction like adverbial expressions of place. These, though marked the same way as the inherent locative phrases , can occur with all verb types . Th e following sentences illus trate:

A 0 L (7) Kumain siya ng mais sa i I a IIm n2 E!uno. ate he corn under a tree He ate corn under a tree.

A L ( 8) Nagara l siya sa kuwa rto. studi ed she room Sh e studied in the room.

In other words , locatives can occur with all verbs, and part icular locatives , the 'inherent ' locatives, are implied for certain verbs. Both therefore may occur in a sentence .

Example : L (adv.place) L (inherent ) l 2 (9) Sa kus ina siya nagluto ng adobo sa kasirola. in the ki tchen she cooked adob o saucepan She cooked 'adobo ' in a saucepan in the kitchen.

Chomsky makes the same distinction in A¢ pec�¢ (1965). He classifies L ab ove as a Verb Phrase Complement and L as a Ve rb al Comp lement . l 2 'Verbs ', he states, 'will be subcategorized with re spect to Ve rbal Comp lements but not with respect to Verb Phrase Complements' (1965:102).

6.1.S. The Instrumental Noun Phrase (Force)

As discussed in Section 2.3.1.5, a very small set of nat ural phenom ena nouns belongs to the inherent instrument al-force case cate gory . Since these nouns are suppressed before they re ach the surface, there is no way of determining what their case forms look like . This type 10 3

of case is only marked overt ly in the verb (see Section 7.4.1.5) .

6.2. THE NON-INHERENT NOUN PH RAS ES

6 • 2 • 1 • The Inst r u me n tal Nou n Ph r a s e

The instrumental (I) NP 's are marked by ng or sa pamamagi tan ng by means of. Both ng's have forms identical to the agentive markers . Without an agentive NP present , the I phrase is always marked by ng, otherwise , it can be marked by ng or sa pamamagitan ng, generally with sa pamamagitan ng, to differentiate it from the ng-agent ive phrase.

Examples : With Agents : I (tool) ng martilY� (10) B .lnasag nlya sa pamamag I t an ang salamin. { ng martilyo } with hammer broke he by means of the mirror a hammer He broke the mi{ rror with a} hammer.

With Implied Agents:

I (tool) (11) Binangga ng trak ang poste. hit the truck the post The truck hit the post.

Without the agent expressed (that is, the driver of the truck), the instrumental NP 's are always marked by ng and the sentence implies the presence of an agent . As mentioned in Chapter II, the instrumental force is often the role of noun phrases in sentences having impersonal entities such as forces of nature (i.e. , rain , flood, wind, wave , etc.). These noun phrases are marked by ng and may be replaced by ng-demon strat ives .

Examples : I(force ) { lak ing alon . (12) Nalunod siya ��t:�

big wave drowned he { this one

a big wave . He was drowned by { this one .

L 104

I (force ) (13) Nabuwa l ng hangin ang puno. fe n wind the tree The wind blew down the tree.

When both the agent and the instrument are present in the deep struc ture , the instrument is often omitted in the surface structure .

Example : A (14) Nas agasaan ang bata ng tsuper. ran over the chi ld dri ve l' The chi ld was run over by the drivel'.

This is also true when the instrument is closely associated with the verb . Run over is a verb associated with some kind of vehicle so it is unne cessary in the surface structure . However, it may appear in the surface structure un like th next example. Many concrete nouns which are instrumental in concept can be used as verb bases. These verbs carry an instrumental meaning and the identical instrumental NP 's that co-occur with them are automatically deleted. This is simi lar to Fillmore 's 'cognate-object ' construct ions (1968a:85). In the ab sence of an instrument al NP, the agent ive NP is often present in the surface structure .

Example : deleted I (15) Isususi ng tatay ang pinto (ng susi). lock-with-key fa ther the door (key) The fa ther wi ll lock the door.

6.2.2. The Benefacti ve Noun Phrase

The benefact ive (B ) phrase is marked by para sa before common nouns and para kay before proper nouns . These NP 's may be replaced by para plus sa-pronouns or sa-demonstratives .

Examples : A 0 B L (16) Humi ram siya ng lib ro �� Ben sa akl atan . borrowed he book for Ben library He borrowed a book for Ben in the lib rary . 105

B pa ra sa anak mo . {para sa kaniya . pa ra dito. h��r chi ld buy you food for Mi la {the house this

your ch ild. him. Buy some fo od for Mi la. {the house. this.

6.2.3 . Th e Affected Noun Phrase

The case-marking particle of the affected (Af ) case cannot be deter mined because it is always in subject form. This case is only marked overt ly in the verb by a verb al affix.

Example : A 0 (18) Nawalan � ng pe ra. lost he money . He lost some money . (He was adversely affected by the loss of his money ).

6.3. SUPPRESSEV NOUN PHRAS ES IN THE SURFACE STRUCTURE

In Chapter V, the ve rb s were subcategorized according to cases and subcases that they require to complete their central meaning. However, there is no exact correspondence between these and the number of ob lig at orily pres ent syntactic constituents in expressions containing these verbs . Synt actically , cert ain conceptually understood arguments or roles may be 'suppressed' in the surface structure under cert ain con dit ions . Fillmore explains the suppression of some cases in the surface structure by the introduction of the case notion of (1) built-in ro les, (2) core ferential roles and (3) vacant ro les (see Cook 1971:14) .

6.3.1. Bui lt-I n Roles

There are two types of built-in roles . One has a very high selec tivity between a specific verb and a noun expression. The obj ect , directional or instrument comp lement , is incorporated into the verb 106

itself. Fillmore used the verb 'to dream (a dream) ' to discuss 'cog nat e-object ' constructions in his 'Case for Case ' article (1968a:85). The term 'incorporat ed roles ' is used here to refer to similar con structions (see Fillmore 1969 :82). The other type is the 'lexicalized roles ', which are 'built-in roles ....im plied by the lexical content of the verb itself' (see Cook 1971:14).

6.3.1.1. Inco�po��ed Role4

The fo llowing sentences are illustrations of case incorporation in Tagalog not only affecting ob jects but also instruments, locations and directionals . The identical nominal expression is often not given any linguistic expression because it is redundant . But it is not grammat- ically forbidden .

6.3 .1.1.1. Inco�po�azed ObjecZ4

In the following sent ences, the verb bases , which are usually inher ent ly nouns , have identical obj ects which are not ordinarily expressed in the surface structure .

Examples : Suppressed 0 (19) Nangitlog ang manok (ng itlog) . Laid-egg the hen egg The hen Lai d an egg.

Suppressed 0 (20) Nangisda ang mama (ng isda) . went-fishing the man fi sh The man went fi shing.

Other surface verb forms that take incorporated objects are magbahay to buiLd a house, magts inelas to wear sLippers , mamunga to bear frui t, manganak to give birth , managinip to dre am , et c.

6.3.1.1. 2. Inco�po�azed In4z�umenz4

Many concrete nouns which can be used in instrument al NP 's in Tagalog may also be used as verb bases. These Tagalog verbs which carry an instrumental meaning usually suppress an identical I case in the sur face structure .

Examples : Suppressed I (21) Binato niya ang mga �ao (ng bato) . stoned he the peop Le (with stone) He threw stones at the peopLe. 107

Suppressed I (22) Isusus i ng lalaki ang bahay (ng susi). will- lock-with-key man the house (with key) The man wi ll lock the house.

Suppressed I (23) Babarll in ng sundalo ang kal aban (ng barl l). wi l l-shoot-with gun soldier the enemy (with gun) Th e soldier will shoot the enemy .

Other surface verb froms that take incorporated instruments are mamayong to use an umbre lla. mamana to shoot with an arrow . mambomba to bomb (to drop or leave a bomb) . magasarol to use a hoe . magbunot to use a coconut hus k and magkamay to use the hands . Certain verb s that belong to the natural phenomena set take ob lig- torily suppressed instrumental force .

Example :

Suppressed I (24) Umulan (ang ulan). rained the rain It rained.

Other surface verb forms that incorporate instrumental force are uma raw the sun shone . umambon it drizzled and kumldlat the lightning struck.

6.3.1. 1.3. Inco�po�ated Vi�ectionaL6

A few verb s may take incorporat ed dire ct ionals j usually noun phrases again implied by the lexical content of the ve rb .

Example : Suppressed D (25) Kandungln mo ang bata (sa kandungan mo) . hold-on- lap you the chi ld (on your lap) Ho ld the ohild on your lap .

Other verbs that take incorporated direct ionals are Itab l to put beside and batukan to slap at nape of neok .

6.3. 1 .2. Lexi caUzed Ro.e.e�

Unlike sentences with incorporated roles where the verbs are derived from nouns, sentences with lexicalized ( Le x ) roles have action verbs. For certain verbs, the nature of the understanding of one of the ro les or cases is so clear that it need not be expre ssed linguistically at l 108

all unless quite speci�ic additional in�ormat ion is to be eommunicated. The missing expression in the sur�ace structure is clearly apparent even i� not linguistically expressed. Such an expression may be lin guistically mani�ested only i� there is a need to quali�y or quant i�y it in some way . In Tagalog, there are examples o� lexicalized objects, instruments and dire ctionals .

6.3.1.2. 1. Lex�catized Object4

In the examples below, where the speci�ic object is predictable or concept ually understood by the listener, it is dropped from the sur�ace . The ob jective NP 's of this type are often not expressed because they are closely associated with the central me aning or lexical content of the verb .

Example : Suppressed 0 (26) Haglalaba ang babae (ng dami t) . wash-aLothes the woman (aLothes) The woman wi LL wash aLothes.

The 0 case may sur�ace i� quali�ied or delimited as in the �ollowing example .

A 0 (27) Haglalaba ang babae nlj medyas niya . wash woman ny Lons The woman wi H wash her ny Lons .

Some verb s are so closely associated with a speci�ic object that the o case is o�ten deleted.

Example : deleted 0 (28) Dumi lat ka (nlj mata mo) . open-eyes you eye you Open your eyes.

The 0 case may surface again if qualified or modi �ied in a special way .

Example : o (29) Idi lat mo ang maljaljanda mong mata. open-eyes you the beautifuL (pl. ) your eyes Open your beautifuL eyes .

The 0 case is le�t out of the surface structure in the �irst examp le because mata eye is subsume d as part o� the meaning o� the verb di lat open-the eyes. 109

Other surface verb forms that take built-in ob jects are magh i lamos to wash (face) . magh inaw to wash (hands) , and magkula to bLeach (cLothes).

6.3. 1.2.2. Le.x.[c.a.Uze.d I n4,tIt.u.me.n,t4

Examp les of this case notion among instrument s are more evident . Again, the missing case is implied by the lexical content of the verb . The typical instrument associated with sampa l sLap is a hand, and sipa kick is a foot and halik kiss is the lips . These built-in instrument s which are so closely associated with the mean ing of the verb are not expressed at all in the surface structure unless qualified in some way .

Examples : Suppressed I

(30) Tinaga niya ang sundalo. (associated I of taga is itak boLo) hacked he the soLdier He hacked the soLdier.

Expressed I

(31) Tinaga niya ang sundalo ng matalim na itak. hacked he soLdier sharp boLo He hacked the soLdier with a sharp boLo.

Suppressed I

(32) Nanaksak siya ng tao. (associated I of saksak to stab stabbed he man is a pointed tool or instrument He stabbed a man . usually a kn ife )

Expressed I

(33) Sinaksak niya ang tao ng balisong. stabbed he person jack-knife He stabbed the man with a jack-knife.

Other surface ver b forms that take built-in instruments are suntukin to box (with fi sts) . kagatin to bite (with teeth) and kurutin to pinch (with fi ngers).

6.3. 1 .2.3. Le.x.[c.a.Uze.d V.[It.e.c.tiona.i..6

A directional-goal case may be 'pre sent in the deep structure but may not always surface because its presence is implied in the lexical con tent of the verb . 110

Examples : Suppressed Dir (34) Dumungaw si Haria (sa bint ana) . Looked-out-from-window Mari a (from window ) Maria Looked out of the window .

Suppressed Dir (35) Umahon ka na (sa tub ig) . get-out-of-water you (from water) Ge t out of the water.

Other sur�ace verb �orms that take built-in directionals are : sumungaw to Look out (of a porta L) . lumuwas to go (to the city from the coun try) . bumangon to get up (from a pLace where one re c Lined) . magpasan to carry (on shouLders) . magkipkip to carry (under arm) and magsunong to carry (on head) .

6.3.2. Coreferenti al Roles

Core�erential roles may occur with a single referent when two dis tinct notions are apparent . Tagalog reflexive sentences have the same re �erent �or the A and the 0 ro les or cases. The 0 case may surface as ng sari Ii one 's seLf but it is most o�ten suppressed in the surface structure .

Examples : A-O (36) Nagsanay � ) . practiced he He practiced (himse Lf) .

A-O (37) Nagbitay � (ng sari li). hange d he (himse Lf) He hange d himse Lf.

There is a reflexive me aning o� the verb when it occurs with the A-O core�erential case .

A-O (38) Nagba ri l � shot (seLf) he He shot himse Lf.

Siya he/him in the sentence above has two distinct case notions : one . the agentive instigator of the action and the other, the undergoer obj ect o� the action . Both case notions have only one semant ic re �er ent . 111

In the underlying structure though . there are two argument s that the verb takes : one the agent and the other the obj ect. The ident ical 0 is. however. deleted before it reaches the surface . In some instances . it does surface . especially when subj ectivalized.

Example :

(39 ) B I na r i 1 niya anI! sa r IIi n i �a . 8hot he him08eL f He 8hot him8e Lf·

Ot her surface verb forms that require an A-O case are maggamot to treat one '8 8eLf fo r an iLLne88 . magaliw to enjoy one '8 8eLf. magahit to 8have one '8 8eLf. magkamot to 8cratch one '8 8e Lf and magblgti to hang one '8 8eLf.

6.3.3. Vacant Roles

'Vacant roles ' are case notions which are not necessarily manifested in the surface structure . but must be present in the deep structure (see Cook 1971 : 14).

6.3. 3. 1. Va.c.a.nt Objective Role.

Example: Vacant role=O (40) Nagnakaw siya sa bangko (ng pe ra) . robbed he from bank money He robbed the bank.

6.3.3.2. Va.ca.nt In4tAume.nta.l Role.

Example : A 0 Dir Vacant ro le=I (41) Bumi 1 i siya ng pagkain sa palengke (s a pamama9i tan n9 pe raj . bought he food from market (by mean8 of money) He bought fo od in the market.

Verbs can have two or more types of roles or noun phrases suppressed.

Examples : Vacant 0 Lex I Incorp Di r (42) Nambatok s iya (ng tao) (ng kama�) (sa batok) . hit-at-nape-of-neck he (8omeb ody) (with hands ) (at nape of neck) He hit (8omeone, with fLat of hand, at the nape of the neck) . 112

Lex 0 Le x I Lex Dir (43) Nanabunot siya (ng buhok) (ng kamay) (sa ulo) . puLLed-hair she (somebody 's hair) (with hands ) (on head) She puLLed her hair.

6.4. SURFACE REALIZATION OF ARGUMENTS

From the examples given above , it is apparent that the noun phrases that can occur in the surface structure do not mat ch on a one-to-one basis the case roles conceptually required by the ve rb . For examp le , the verb maglaba to Launder has an ob ligat ory semantic case frame of

[ ____Ab] to Launde r cLothes but a syntactic surface case frame of [ ____A( O) ] where the ob ject may or may not occur with the verb . Syntactically , the [ ____A( O)] case frame can be illustrat ed as fo l lows .

Examples :

[ __A] A (44) Naglaba �. Launde re d she She Laun d ered.

[ __AO ] A o (45) Naglaba � ng maruming dami t. Laundered she dirty cLothes She Laundered some di rty cLothes .

In the deep structure all the suppressed expressions ment ioned in this chapter are ob ligat orily present . This study has not at tempted to show how the suppressed cases are treat ed in the surface structure . Fillmore proposes a 'coreference deletion' rule which provides for the deletion of the second of tw o coreferential cases (see Cook 1971 :15) . A further study of Tagalog verbs is needed to mark each one for the ob ligatory or opt ional occurrence of each accompanying deep structure case in the surface structure .

6.4.1. The next chapter will discuss the other case form that marks case re lationships in the surface structure - the ve rb al affix. The following is a summary of the case markers in the noun phrase. 113

CASE CASE FORMS

Cornmon Proper Noun Noun Demon- Pronouns Markers Markers stratives sg/pl

A. Inherent Cases

l. Agenti ve n9 nl/nina ng-pro ng-dem

2. Obj ect ive ng kay/kina sa-pro ng-dem

3. Directional sa kay/k ina sa-pro sa-dem

4. Locat ive sa # # sa-dem

5. Instrumental (f'orce) ng # # #

B. Non-inherent Cases

lao Instrumental (with- n9 nl/nlna ng-pro n g-dem out agents)

b. Instrumental (with (sa pamama- nl/nina ng-pro ng-dem agents) gitan) ng

2. Benefactive para sa para kay/ pa ra + para + kina sa-pro sa-dem

3. Affected # # # #

# means no case form

CHAPTER VI I SURFACE MAN IFESTATIONS OF TAGALOG CASES IN THE VERBS

7.1. INTROVUCTION

In a Tagalog sentence , there exists a peculiar relationship between the verb an d one nominal expression . This re lationship is similar to the Predicat e/Subject re lat ionship in English. However, in English generally only two to four nominal expressions can be made the subject . the agent and the object (sometime s the dat ive or instrument ). Tagalog , on the other hand, can subj ectivalize one of as many as five to six nominal expressions . These include the agent , obj ect , directional , instrument , locative and benefactive nominal expressions . Early Philippine linguists re ferred to this re lationship between the ve rb and one particular nominal expression as 'voice '. Later the rela tionship was called 'focus '. The subject , the phrase in fo cus in Tagalog, is marked by the particle ang instead of the case-marking particles ng and sa. When marked ang, the focused phrase loses its original case marker and most investigat ors of Philippine languages state that the case re lat ionship of the neutralized phrase to the verb is indicated by the verbal affix. Later linguists (e.g. , Kess, Schachter, Constantino) however, ob served that there is a many -t o-one correspondence between the verbal affi x and the focused phrase - that verbal affixes are not sure indicators of the case or voice relat ionship of the verb to its favored nominal expression . It seems imperat ive there fore , that case relation ships instead of being based on surface forms , be determined in the deep structure as advocated by Fi llmore .

7.2. SUBJECT AS A SURFACE PHENOMENON

Subject is treated in this study as a surface phenomenon and the fe a ture [+subject J is added to the surface structure . It means definite ness. The question then arises as to the ro le of surface structure in

115 l 116

semantic interpretation because this is count er to the theory which stipulates that semant ic interpretation must be entirely determined by the deep structure (Chomsky 1971 :209). In support of the posit ion taken here , it may be ob served that many aspects of surface structure appear to have a ro le in determining seman tic interpretat ion . Jackendoff shows by means of strong evidence that this is so. For example, he proposes that negat ion and quant ifier are associat ed with the phrases of the surface structure , and their inter pretation is determined by the phrases in which they appear and their relat ive order (see Chomsky 1971 :20 9). Chomsky seems convinced by Jackendoff's evidence and states that 'there is no reason at all why propert ies of surface structure should not play a role in determining semantic interpretation, and the consi derations brought forward earlier suggest that in fact they do play such a role ' (Chomsky 1971:21 4). The mo del used in this study is an extension of Chomsky 's standard trans format ional theory including a possible semantic interpretat ive role by the surface structure . The following diagram depicts the rela tionships held in this study . The surface structure as wi ll as the deep structure have a re lationship to the semantics of the language .

semant ic reading ,...-----, / semantic /'" � component > Deep structure � Transf rmat ion/ Surface �Structure

phonO lOgy.... '--______I/ + Phonetic reading

The introduction of 'subject ' by a transformat ional rule is only possible if we assume that surface structure can play a role in seman tic interpretat ion . The use of ang to mark the subject in Tagalog in the surface structure carried with it the meaning of definiteness . The semant ic component must have access to the surface structure in order to assign the correct semantic interpretation (definiteness).

7.3. PROCESS OF SUBJECTI VALIZATION

In Fillmore 's analysis , there is no subject in the deep structure . His base rule consists of a ve rb followed by case terms later rewritten 117

as categories . One of these verbal comp lements is chosen as subject by a transformat ional rule . Fi llmore views the relation 'subject ' as a 'surface-structure phenomenon ' (1968a:17). In other words , nouns that start out as comp lements as described by Fillmore , in summarizing McKaughan 's work on Maranao, become subjects in the surface structure . The process of subject ivalization or primary topicalization is stated as follows by Fil lmore for Maranao : 'One NP is chosen topic for every sentence , an d this choi ce is recorded in the following way : its original case preposition is replaced by so, and an affix is inserted into the V which indicates the case category of the chosen NP .' The same process occurs in Tagalog. When a complement is chosen as subject , ang (or si if what fo llows is a proper noun ) replaces the case marking particle. Subject ivalization then is a process wh ich re sults in a 'neut ralizat ion of underlying case distinctions to a single form, usually called the "nominative '" (Fillmore 1968a:49). Following Fi llmore , this study treats the subject as an aspect of the surface structure . Th e author agrees with McKaughan that 'topi calization (or subjectivalization ) of one of the NP complements would best be described in the grammar as a late trans formation. ' Southard (1971) gives the opposite view (i.e., subjects exist in the deep struc ture) . The writer was influenced in making this de cision early in the ana ly sis of the data. When going through a list of verb s to get the case envi ronment of each one from its total me aning, the concept of subject never ente red int o the analysis as a fact or in the subclassification of the ve rbs . As Mirikitani (1972:113) says , 'sub ject in itself is not a case relation, ' rather ' ....it is the nominat ion of a particular phrase or entity as being the favored case in a given sentence .' In des cribing this, Mirikitani worked out a detailed transformat ional process called 'sub ject format ion ' fo r Kapampangan , a maj or Philippine language . Briefly , her subject formation process consists of four subprocesses : subject marking, subject determiner incorporat ion, node changing and case incorporat ion . However, she introduces the fe ature [+suJ on the PP (prepositional phrase) leve l whereas the subject feat ure is intro duced here at the terminal level (the N level) . Except for node chang ing, the same steps used by Mirikitani are used here for the process of subjectivalizat ion . Transformat ional rules given below show how the fo l lowing processes occur : subject marking an d copying, K case feature transfer, and incor poration in the verb . These rules also handle simult aneously the lexical spelling of the de-case-featurized K as well as the changes in its feature specifications . 118

7. 3 .1. Subject Ma rking (Obligatory) , TR#l

SD: [+V] , x + K(Det ), Y

1 2 3 4

3 SC: 1, 2, [+subj ], 4

The structural description (SD) refers to any underlying sent ence with a verb [+V] whi ch is followed by a noun which is case marked [+c]. This [+c] may be agent , ob ject , instrument , benefactive , dire ctional or locative . The particular case-marked noun may be preceded by a case marking part icle (K), which may be followed by a determiner (det ) and also by any element symbolized by X. It may be fo llowed by any other element symbolized by Y. The constituents of the sentence are numbered 1-4 . The structural change (SC) reads that the particular case-marked noun re ferred to in the SD which undergoes Transformational Rule #1 is marked [+subject ]. The choice of a part icular noun as subject is restricted to the inherent cas es that occur ob ligat orily with the verb . Generally , all the types of cases discussed in Chapter II can be subjectivalized. But as discussed in Chapter VI certain cases present in the deep struc ture do not surface. These suppressed cases are predicted by the seman tic properties of the verb . So only those cases that can be realized in the surface structure can be subjectivalized. If there is only one actant in the deep structure of the sentence , then it automatically becomes subject of the sentence .l Any of the five KP ' s that may occur in a sentence (see BR#l) may be marked subject , though only one may be marked subject in a given sentence .

7. 3 .2. K Ca se Feature Incorporation, TR#2

+c i SD : [+V] , X , (Det ) , �N+subj , Y 1 2 3 4 J 5

SC: 4 5

Condition: TR#2 ob ligatori ly applies after TR#l. SD reads that the noun marked [+subject ] has a cert ain case [+c ] i which is shared by a particle [+K] which pre cedes it (see BR#7 .i). The constituents of the sentence are numbered 1-5 . (Footnote 1. opposite) 119

SC reads that the case feat ure [+c J of the particle (K) is trans i ferred to and incorporated in the ve rb . The feature [+subject J of the N is copied into the feature mat rix of the K. The K that loses its case feature [+c J retains the rest of its i original features (F ) plus the feature [+subjectJ. The K is not spe i cified with the following feat ures : [+K, +subj ect , isingular , icommon , +animat e J. The subject-marked K which has the fe ature [+common J is trans forma tionally replaced by ang before common nouns and that which has the fe at ure [-common J is replaced by sl or sina in the surface structure . The subject marker K's with their feat ures follow.

ang [+K, +subj , +comJ si [+K, +subj , +sg, -comJ sina [+K , +subj , -sg, -comJ

The incorporated K case fe at ure come s to the surface in combination with aspect and other fe at ures of the verb as a verbal affix. Th is verbal affix is thus the surface marking of the underlying case rela tionship that holds between the subject of the sentence and the ve rb , and is therefore the case form (th ough it also often carries other values ). There is however no one-to-one correspondence between the verbal affix and the case relationship it happens to mark . For examp le a verb marked by the incorporated K case feat ure [+OJ can be marked by the verb al affix i-, -in, -an , ma- , -um- or mang- depending upon the semant ic and syntactic characteristics of the verb , something that will be discussed in later paragraphs. Morphophonemic rules not given here are needed to show the result of the various combinat ions of case , aspect and other fe at ures of the ve rb . A sentence demonstrat ing five NP expansions of the verb hiram to borrow with its different subject ivalization possibilities is given below .

1. Agent as Subject :

V A(subj ) o Dir Huml ram l ang taol ng pe ra sa bangk o borrowed man money bank

I B sa pamamagi tan ng bahay niya pa ra sa anak niya . by me ans of house his for ahi Zd his

l Subjects never occur in special types of sentences . An example of a subjectless type of sentence has the verb marked with the feature [-recent J which means recently completed action. 120

2. Object as Subj ect :

O( subj ) Hiniram ng tao l ang pe ral sa bangko sa pamamagitan ng bahay niya para sa anak niya.

3. Directional as Subject :

Dir( subj ) Hiniraman ng tao ng pe ra l ang bangkol sa pamamag itan ng bahay niya para sa anak niya.

4. Instrument as Subject :

Ipinangh iram ng tao ng pe ra sa bangko

I(subj ) l ang bahay niyal para sa anak niya .

5. Benefactive as Subj ect :

Inihir am ng tao ng pe ra sa ban gko sa pamamagitan ng

B(subj ) bahay niya l ang anak niyal . The man borrowed some money from the bank for his son through a mortgage (by mortgaging his house) .

The fol lowing examp le illustrates the locative as subj ect .

L( subj ) 6. Tinirhan niya l ang bahay namln l . lived he house our He Zived in our house.

7. 4. VERBAL AFFIXES AS CASE INVICATORS

Having discussed the case marking particle in the previous chapter as one of the surface variab les in case identification , this section will fo cus on how the underlying cas es are marked in the verb when chosen as subject .

7.4. 1. Inherent Cases as Marked in the Ve rb

7.4 .1.1. The Agen�� ve Noun Ph4ah e ah Subjec�

When the agentive phrase is subje ctivalized, it is generally marked by the prefi x mag- in the verb . 121

Example :

dergOe t�gOal � [a� g ba� aeJ sI Ma r I a (1) Magluluto siya ng ulam. { ito }

will cook the woman main dish

The woman Maria . w� ll cook the main dis h. Sh e This one }

However, -um- also marks the agentive phrase as subject in some verbs.

Example :

dergOe t�gOal � liang tao J s � Pedro (2) Kumuha slya ng pera sa bangko. { ito }

took the man money bank

an r d : took the money fr om the bank. He�: This one } Lopez (1941:94), when confronted with sentences having both the mag and -um- marking the agentive phrase as subject , confesses that 'such constructions give occasion to the almost unexplainable difficulty of distinguishing when to use -�- and when mag- which results ,' he says , in 'the safest way ....being an appeal to the Sprachge fuhl, the speech feeling, a fact which is true also with other languages .' Pittman (19 66) was confronted with the same prob lem and made an exhaustive list on the use of mag- and -um-. This study profits from these discussions , and by the use of subcases or semantic features, explains formally large numbers of verbs using mag- and -um- . Lopez' Sprachge fUhl led him to call the -um- verb s agent or actor (internal) (1941:94) and the mag- verbs as agent or actor (ext ernal) (1941:99). But the [±external] feature is not enough to handle the distinction between the two markers . Semant ically , -um- marks the subject ivalizat ion of two types of agents and three types of obj ects. The following examples will illustrate the different types of sub jectivalized nominals marked by -um-. 122

ndergOe t�gOal � Umi inom akoG- ng gataJs . drinking I mi Lk I'm drinking mi Lk .

ndergOe (4) P�asok sa bahay 51�� Bino. J entered house Bino Bino entered the house.

+ nChoative -t� ransient l (5) P�uti ang� uhok niya J. became-white his hair His hair turned grey .

nchoat i ve r:�transporte l (6) B�agsak G-� sa put

nchoati ve r:�transported Kumu l0 ant-g tub ig. J boi Led water The water boi Led.

In examples #3 and #4, the verb s with -um- re fer to agents as subjects which undergo the action they initiate or agents that act as the goal toward which the action is directed. Ve rb s with mag- on the other hand re fer to agent s as subj ects that perform act ions away from or ext ernal to them. Between the two agent subject markers in the ve rb , mag- forms however, are more predictable than -um- forms . Lopez ' de finition of the type of agent they mark as subject is fairly accurat e. There are a few examples that do not indicate 'ext ernal ' action but these are special uses. 123

Examples :

xperience ( 8) Nagtiis� �� . J suffe re d (with fortitude) she She suffered.

xperience (9) Nagantok �� . J became-sleepy she She became sleepy .

In many sentences where there is only one noun phrase, the -um- affix appears as the case marker.

Examples :

dergOe (10) T�ayo �� . J stood he He stood up .

+ nchoat i ve -tr� ansient l ( ll) G�anda ang � ahay. J became beautiful house The house became beautiful.

-inchoat ive +transported (12) Lumi taw ang aswang. appeared �ogh os t J The gh os t appeare d.

Very few verbs take the ma- affix to mark the agent ive nominal phrase as subject . This phrase is the only ob ligat ory nominal phrase in such sentences .

Example : [+A] (13) !!2.1i go ang bata. took-a-bath chi ld The child took a bath. 124

7.4.1 .2. The Objecti ve Noun Ph4� e � Subject

When the ob ject ive phrase is subjectivalized, it can be marked in the ve rb by one of three affixes : i-, -in or -an if the agent ive noun phrase is also pres ent . If the ob jective phrase is the only act ant in the sent ence , -um- , mang- or main the ve rb marks the obj ective phrase as subjectivalized. Again there is no one-t o-one correspondence between a subject ivalized objective phrase and the ve rbal affix that indicates its case re lat ionship to the verb . The prob lem of affix overlap , that is, the same case marked by sev eral affixes , may be in great measure resolved by looking int o the co occurrence of the cases , their subcases and the semant ic characteristics of the verbs. Semant ically , with agent s present in the sentence , there are four types of subject ivalized objects marked by -in in the verb , one marked by i- and another one by -an . Without agents, one type of object is marked by mang- in the verb , one type is marked by ma-, two types marked by -um- and a last type marked by -um- or ma- . Differences of case forms in the verb in combinat ion with the verb features (classes ) mark some subcase differences, at least more so than do the particle case forms introducing noun phrases .

7.4.1.2.1. With Agentive Noun Ph4� e4

Examples : (Observat ions based on the examp les fol low them. )

+ hange of stat hange of stat +t�otal J r! t�otal J (14) � a b a J i in n i ya J �an9 but0 mo . J wi ZZ break he your bones He wi ll break your bones.

�v-change of stat hange of stat (15 ) Iipu n.!1!. niya J ��ang saJapi . J wi l l save she money She wi ZZ save some money.

entr1fuga entr1fuga +terminal -transported (16) li�n umi n niya an!l� ma init na !latas. Gwill drink he� t hot mi lk � He wi ZZ drink hot mi Zk. 125

entrifUga entrifUga t�terminal J t�transport e J L;Kukun� niyJa �ang kotse � sa talyer. wi H ge t he cal' gaI'age He wi ZZ ge t the cal' fI'om the gaI'age .

entr1fuga entrifUga -t�erminal +t� ransported (18) tlt atapon nly� a Gan!! basura � sa kalye. wi ZZ thI'oW he gaI'b age Be wi H thI'oW the gaI'b age on the street.

hange of stat hange of stat I!�total J I!�total J GLal abhan ] niya �an!! m!!a dami t mo]. wi ZZ ZaundeI' she cZothes your Sh e wi ZZ ZaundeI' yOUI' cZothes .

The -in affix marks the object ive phrase as subject in examples #14- 17 . However with the use of features, each of these ob jects is dist in guished from the others , though all are marked identically in the sur face structure . The -in verbal affix indicates four types of objects as subj ects. One un dergoes total change (#14), another no change at all (#1 5), the third is moved toward the agent (#16) while the fourth one is moved toward the agent from a dire ctional source (#17). Examples #18 and #19 also indicate by verbal affixe s that the ob jec tive phrase is subject . However, unlike the first four examp les , dif ferent affixes mark different types of ob jects. )- marks a type of ob ject as subject which is transported away from an agent to a directional goal (#18 ) . -An marks a type of ob ject which undergoes part ial change (#19).

7.4. 1.2.2. Wi�hou� Agen�ive Noun Ph4a4 e4

Examples :

+ nchoat i v nchoati ve +tiransient J I!�transient l (20) ��u tla ] �ang pa syenteJ niya . became -paZe patient his Bis patient became paZe . 126

xperient ia xperience (21) ��l: ungkot J �� . J sad She was sadde ned.

nchoative nchoative r- Directionar] titerminal l ��transporte l l..!goal J (22) L;B�angga J �ang kotse qJ sa pade r. hit car waZZ The car hit the waZZ.

nchoativ nchoat ive �iterminal J ��transporte l (23) �Kuma luskos J L;ang saya niya� . made a rus tZing sound skirt her Her skirt made a rustZing sound.

+ nchoativ e nchoat i ve -itransient l r:�transient l (24) �umago J anl;g kapi ta l n Jl ya . became-more capitaZ his

His capitaZ increased. Hang- marks a type of obj ect that un dergoes temporal change (#20). Ha- marks a type of object that undergoes some kind of psychological experience (#21) . Um- marks three types of objects, one which undergoes a process of becoming (#24), another which causes so me kind of movement (#23), and another which is transported to a directional goal (#22). The re is no way of finding out from the sentences above what the non subjectivalized form of the 0 phrase that occurs alone in a sentence looks like . However, with the use of an agent in a causat ive sense , the non-subject form of the 0 phrase can be brought out .

Example :

[+OJ ng halaman ausat i v ausat i v kay Pedro (25) G:�Nagpalaki J G:�siya J nito { sa akin

Pzant Pedro caused-to-grow he this one {me 127

the p1.ant Pedro He caused to grow . th1-S. one {me }

7.4. 1.3. The V��ec��o�al Nou� Ph�a h e ah Subjec�

When the directional (Dir) phrase is subjectivalized, the verb takes the -an affix. Semant ically , two types of directional phrases are marked by -an in the verb when subjectivali zed.

Examples :

(26) Pupuntah� nlya �ang�;� paJ lengke . wi 1.1. go she market She wi 1.1. go to market.

[+Dir goa l Hlhiraman niya ng pera l:ang nanaJj y. wi1. 1. borrow he money mother He wi 1.1. borrow some money fr om mo ther.

7.4 .1.4. The Lo ca�� ve Nou� Ph�ah e ah Subjec�

The locative noun phrase is rarely subjectivalized. When it is , the verb takes the pag- -an comp ound affix or -an to indicate its underlying locative case function in the sentence .

Example : [+A] [+L] (28) �i n�l utu� nlya ang ka ldero. cooked she the kett1.e She cooked in the kett1.e.

Because the dire ctional phrase and the locative phrase are marked similarly by sa, the difference is sometimes made clear by contrasting sent ences like the following.

[ +Dir] (29) Sinulatan niya ang mes a. wrote he the tab I.e He wrote (direct1.y) on the ta b1.e.

[+L] (30) �i n�sulat� nlya ang mes a. wrote he the tab 1.e He wrote on the tab I.e . / He us ed the tab 1.e to wri te on. 128

7.4. 1.5. Th� In4t4um�ntal Noun Ph4a4 � (F04C� ) a4 Subject As discussed previously, the instrumental force belonging to the inherent case category never surfaces. Instead its presence is indi cated by the affix -um- in the verb. Examples: (31) Umuulan. raining It 's raining .

(32) Umaambon . drizz Ling It 's dri zz Ling.

7.4.2. Non-inherent Cases as Marked in the Ve rb

7.4.2. 1. Th� In4t4um�ntal Noun Ph4a4 � a4 Subj�ct When the instrumental noun phrase is subjectivalized, it is marked in the verb by prefixes ipang- or i- if it functions as a tool and maka- if it acts as an instrumental force [-toolJ. When the instru mental tool phrase is subjectivalized, the objective case marking parti cle ng is often changed to sa. Examples: ��ooJ [+OJ .!..pin�basag niya ang ma rtl lyo sa salami n. hammer gZass He used the hammer to break the gZass . ��ooJ [+OJ (34) .!..pinunas niya ang trapo sa me sa. used-to-wipe she rag tab Ze She used the rag to wipe off the tabZe. [+OJ ��OOlJ (35) Nakabasa ng tao ang ulan. was drenahed person rain The person was drenahed by the rain. 129

[+OJ � oo (36 ) Nakamatay ng pasyente an�g TB.J was ki LLed patient TB The patient was ki LLed by TB .

[+OJ � oo Nakasagasa ng mama an�g trJak . ran over man truak The truak ran over the man.

[+OJ � oo (38) Nakas ira ng buhay nlya an�g sugJa1. ruined Life his gamb Ling Gamb Ling ruined his Life.

7.4.2.2. The Bene6�ctive Noun Ph��h e � Subject

When subjectivalized, the be nefactive noun phrase is marked in the verb by the pr efix 1- (when the co rresponding sentence having the agent ive noun phrase as subject is marked by the affix -um- in the verb ) or Ipag- (when the corresponding agentive noun phrase as subject is marked by the affix mag- in the verb).

Examples : A 0 B(subject) (39) Ibili mo ng pagkain ang anak mo. buy-for fo od ahi Ld your Buy fo od fo r your ahi Ld

(With agent as subj ect :

A(subject) 0 B B !:!.,!!!.i II � ng pagkai n para sa anak mo . )

A B(subject) 0 (40) �I aba mo � ng dami t. wash (aLothes)-for you him aLothes Wash aLothes for him.

(With agent as subject :

A(subject ) 0 B �I aba ka ng dami t para sa kaniya.) 130

7.4.2.3. The A66ec�ed Noun Ph�a� e � Sub jec�

The affected noun phrase is alway s subjectivalized. It is marked in the verb by the ma - -an compound affix.

Example :

(41) Nabalian � (ng binti). broke he Zeg His Zeg was broken. (He was adversely affected by the breaking of his leg. )

7.4. 3 . Surface Realization of Taga log Cases

The following is a summary of the surface re alizat ion of Tagalog cases .

Non-subject Nominal Phrases Case Marking Particles Case Marking Subjecti vali zed (Common/Proper/Pronoun ) Verbal Affixes

A. Inherent . -pronoun 1. Agentive { ng/n l/ng -demonstrative mag-, -um- , ma- 2. Ob j ective ng/kay/s a -pro i-, -in- -an ng -dem (without agent s) # -um- , mang-, ma- -pro sa/kay/s a { -an , -in 3. Direct ional -dem 4. Locat ives sal # /sa -dem pag- -an, -an 5. Instrumental (force ) # - um-

B. Non-inherent

1. Instrumental ng i-, ipang- (with agents ) sa pamamagi tan ng/ sa pamamagi tan (ni), sa pamamagitan ng -pro { -dem (without agents) ng maka- 2. Benefactive para �� / para kay / i-, ipag- + sa -pro para { -dem 3. Affected # ma- -an

At tention is directed to the kinds of verbal affixes that surface when the different cases are subjectivalized. The agentive , for example, may have mag-, -um- , or ma- to indicate the case . The usual way to handle the fact that different forms mark the same case has been by

# no case marking indicator. 131

classifying verbs according to the affix, thereby making the affixes allomorphs . All three verbs in this instance are called actor-focus in earlier works , having three subclassifications . Accordingly , the verb bases are classified as mag- verbs , -um- ve rbs or ma- ve rbs. However, as indicated elsewhere in this study , this type of classificat ion is not satisfact ory . In order to reach an explanat ion for the differences in affixes the central meaning of the verbs has been analyzed and the semantic infor mat ion formalized by means of fe at ures . These features are also us ed to explain what varied role s are marked by the same affix where a single affix may mark more than one case role . The next chart (with prob lems to be pointed out shortly) shows there is a close correspondence between the case function and the case form (verbal affix ). The case form is given in the first column and the case fun ct ion in the form of fe at ures in the second . The third column gives the signifi cant verb al semant ic feat ures .

Surface Re alization Subjectivalized Cases Semantic Features (Verbal Affixes ) with Their Features (Verbal)

1 . MAG- Agenti ve Case r-und r+extl l,:- goalJ �cf J 2. -UM- Agentive Case ( 1) r+ext � l,:-cf J (2) [+u� �nd]�J [-ext ]

Ob jective Case ( 1 ) inch r+inch l �-t ransJ l,:-transJ (2) inch r-inchl l-t ranspJ l.7ter J (3) inch r-inchl �+transpJ l,:-ter J c. Instrumental Case ( Force) [-tool ] r-inchl L2-met J 3. MA- Ob jective Case [+exp] r-agtl �expJ 132

Surface Re alization Subjectivalized Cases Semantic Features (Verbal Affixes) with Their Features (Verbal)

4. -I N Ob jective Case (1) te +cs G�� +t j (2) c te �-cs� G+cf �-cs (3) Cf r-cf �-transpJ [!teIjJl ( 4) Cf cf G+transpJ r-l=teIjl 5. 1- a. Ob jective Case Cf [+cf �+transpJ l,:-teIjl b. Benefactive Case [ +ben] [+agt]

. b Ipang- c. Instrumental Case [ +tool] [+agt]

6. -AN a. Directional Case r-me fl L:-terJ

(1) [+goal] �------[+l,:-terjcfl

[+di£lJ l!cf

r-L:-teIjcfl (2 ) [-goal] [+dir] � L:-cfJ b. Ob jective Case

a 1pag_ is derived from mag- verbs and i- from -um- verbs . b With some verb bases ipang- is in free variation with i-. with others only ipang is allowed. 133

Surface Realization Subjectivalized Cases Semantic Features (Verbal Affixes) with Their Features (Verbal)

7. PAG- -AN Locative Case [+LJ [+localJ

8. MAN G- Ob jective Case I+ inch l I+ inch l!transJ l!tran sJ 9. MA- -AN Affected Case [+afJ

10 . MAKA- Instrumental Case(Force ) G; ooJ The following comment s highlight the facts displayed in the chart .

1. The mag- affix marks the agentive case for a subjectivalized noun phrase assigned the nominal subcase feat ures [-undergoerJ , [-goal J by the semant ic fe atures [+externalJ, [+centrifugal] of the verb . In other words , ma g- indicates that the agent is neither the undergoer of the action nor the goal of the action . Examp les of these verbs are in Classes 1, 2, 3 and 4 of Chapter V. There are some overlaps especially in Class 1 which will be discussed later in this chapter.

2. The affix -um- marks the agentive case of a subject ivalized noun phrase assigned the nominal subcase fe at ure s [-undergoer] , [+goal] by the [+external], [-centrifugal] fe at ur es of the ve rb . The difference in the agents for those that take mag- and those that take -um- is ob vi ous ; neither are undergoers of the action of the verb , but the second is the goal of the action, where the first is not . Examples of these i.e. , -um- verbs are in Classes 5 and 6 of Chapt er V.

The -um- affix also marks anot her type of subject ivalized agentive phrase which does undergo the action of the verb assigned by the feature [-external J. Classes 7, 8 and 9 of the ve rb in Chapter V give illus trations of this type of correspondence .

Besides marking the agentive as subject , the affix -um- also signals the ob ject as subject . There are three types of objects characterized by the fe at ures that the affix -um- corresponds to. See Classes 12, 14 and 15 respectively for examples . Note that -um- also marks the instru me ntal case when the feat ure [-toolJ is involved as assigned by the semant ic fe atures of the verbs indicated in the chart . 134

3. The ma- affix signals the object as subject . This type of object is assigned the feature [+experiencer] by the [+experiential] feature of the verb . Clas s 10 illustrates this type of obj ect .

4. The affix -in also signals the ob ject as subject . Four types of ob jects are marked by the same affix. The chart above gives the dis tinctions among these obj ects.

5. The affix i- marks three types of case roles as subject : the ob jective , the benefactive and the instrumental cases . Again , each case role is made distinct from each of the others by means of its respective features . 1- marks a transport ed type of object as subject .

1- or ipag- verbs mark the beneficiary as subject if the verbal feature

[+agentive ] is present . 1- or ipang- verb s mark the instrument as subject if the same feature is present .

6. The affix -an marks the directional and objective cases as subject .

7-9 . The affixes pag- -an , mang- and ma- -an have a one-to-one cor respondence with case function .

10. Maka- marks the instrumental force or cause as subject . It is clear from this informat ion that a single surface form marks various ro les . The differences become apparent through the use of semantic features . The next chart is rearranged, though it gives the same informat ion as the one just discussed. The arrangement shows that the same case role may be marked by different verbal affixes . Where many forms cor respond to a single case function , the fe at ures again may be used to pre dict when to use each affix. Sentence examples from the earlier part s of this chapter are cited for each affix. SUBJECTIVALIZED CASE SEMANTIC FEATURES SURFACE REALIZATION EXAMPLES Ve rbal Nominal 1- Inherent Cases a. Agentive Case (1) ex� und HAG- #1 G+cf l-goalJ (2 ) ex� und -UH- #2,3 �-cf +goalJ (3) [-ext ] [+Gund] -UH- #4,10

b. Ob jective Case (with agentive involvement ) a ( 1) -IN [HAG-] 'V [ _UH_] #14

(2) G��c �� -IN [HA G-] #15 r-csD (3) �� -IN [ -UH- ] #16 G+terCfJ [Cf-t ra nsp (4) J -IN [-UH-] #17 l-terCfJ �Cf+tra nsp (5) J 1- [ HAG-] #18 �Cf-t erJ �Cf+tra nsp (6) J -AN [ HAG- ] #19 ��

�ases that occur with affixes in brackets also occur with the affixes being cited. � w SUBJECTIVALIZED CASE SEMANTIC FEATURES SURFACE REALIZATION EXAMPLES 0\ (without agentive involvementVer) bal Nominal (1 ) r.,:tinChrans �-transinCh - UM- # 5,11,24 J J (2 ) �inCh �inCh MANG- #20 +transJ +trans (3) [+exp] [+exp] J MA- #21 (4) Ginc� inCh -UM- #7,23 +ter �-transpJ ( 5 ) l-terinc� �+trainchnsp -UM- #6,12 J c. Directional Case (1) Cf G-terJ [+goal] -AN #26 (2) [+dir] [+goal] -AN #29 (3) Cf l-terJ [-goal] -AN #27 d. Locative Case [+local] [+L] (PAG-) -AN #28,30 e. Instrumental Case(Force) [+met] [-tOOl] -UM- #31,32 SUBJECTIVALIZED CASE SEMANTIC FEATURES SURFACE REALIZATION EXAMPLES Verbal Nominal 2. Non-inherent Case a. Instrumental Case (with agentive involvement ) [+agt ] [+tool] 1 PAN G- #33 1 (PAN G) - #34

(without agentive involvement (instrumental-rorce» [-agt ] [-tool] HAKA- #35 ,36,37,38

b. Benefactive Case [+agt ] [+ben] 1- [-UH-] #39 IPAG- [HAG-] #40

c. Affected Case s [+ar] HA- -AN #41,42 �� J 138

Note that the agentive case as subject is marked by mag- or -um- in the surface structure . Mag- is differentiated from the first -um- by the distinctive feature [+centrifugal] and from the second -um- by the feature [+external].

The objective case which co-occurs with agent s is marked by -in, i or -an in the surface structure . Th e feature [-total] distinguishes the an- verb from the in- verb , and the features [+centrifugal ], [-terminal] separate the i- verbs from the other two. On the other hand, where the objective case is the only argument in the sentence , it is marked as subject by the -um- , ma- or mang- affixes in the surface structure . Ma- verbs are differentiated from the -um and mang- verb s by the fe ature [+experiential]. Mang- verbs are dif ferentiated from -um- verbs by the feature [+transient]. In predicting the use of -um- or mag- marking the agent as subject , the verbal features [±external] and [±centrifugal] are important . To predict -an marking the directional goal or the dire ctional source as subject , the fe ature [±centri fugal] does not seem necessary . The two functions are not marked distinctly in the surface structure . Only the features [-ter], [+dir] are relevant . The significant features that may predict -in (marking the object as subject ) are [+change of state] with [+t otal], [-change of state] and [-centrifugal]. To predict ma-, marking the object as subject , the [+experiential] feature is important . To differentiate mang- from the rest , the [+t ran sient ] feature is relevant . The fe ature non-experiential with the exception of the [+t ransient ] fe ature can predict the occurrence of -um- verbs (which mark the object as subject ). The re st of the features, [±inchoat ive ], [±met ], do not seem relevant in predicting the -um- affix.

7.4.4. Prob l ems and Exceptions

Basi cally the features [+external] and [±centrifugal] predict in general the appearance of a mag- verb or an -um- verb in the surface structure . Where marked [+external] and [+centrifugal] a mag- verb appears and where marked [+external], [-centrifugal], the -um- verb ap pears . However there is one maj or exception in the set of verbs marked [+centrifugal] . These verbs behave like Class 1 verbs. Where one ex pects a mag- verb to appear from the display of features, -um- verbs also occur with the same base. If not for this exception , there would be a neat division between mag- verbs marked by the [+centri fugal] 139

l fe ature and the -um- verb s marked by the [-cent rifugal] feature .

Some verb s are clearly ma g- verbs. (See Class 1 verbs in Chapter V. )

There is an overlap when the same base may occur with both -um- and ma g affixes . There are two kinds of explanat ions that may account for the overlap . One is semantic and the other syntactic. 2 For certain bases like putol to cut, the -um- verb denotes obt aining

part of the ob ject and the ma g- verb denotes general action . For exam

ple , pumutol means to cut off (a part, a piece, a branch ) from the whoZe and magputol means to cut. Thus the verbs differ semant ically and be

cause of their specialized meaning, the -um- verbs may be classified

separately from their mag- counterpart s.

Another type of ma g- and -um- alternat ion occurs with 'destructive ' 3 verbs. In this alternation each affix seems to favor a different type

of construction . The -um- verb s occur in what Constantino terms a 'definite' type of sentence (1965 :77). The verb follows the subject and is preceded by the subject marker ang. This verb functions as a

nominalized form. The ma g- verb on the other hand occurs in the regular narrative or 'situat ional' type sentence (1965:96) .

Examples :

� ang bumasag ng itlog. he broke egg He was the one who broke the egg.

Nagbasag � ng itlog. broke he egg He broke the egg.

�e writer went over this list of exceptions with two other native speakers of Tagalog and there was no agreement on wh ich base was only a mag- verb or an -um- verb . One tended toward the use of -um- over mag- while the other preferred it the other way. Both agreed though that they would prefer to use -in for these verbs . A study of Tagalog di alects may help in explaining the alt ernation in the use of mag- and -um affixes . 2 0ther examples are hiwa to 8tice (off) , punit to tear (off) , ball to break (off) , taga to hack (off) and gupi t to cut (off) with 8ci880r8 .

�xamples of verb bases that take -um- or ma g- are as follows : durog to puZverize . tunaw to melt, tab as to cut (foZZowing a pattern) , bayo to pound, slbak to 8pZit (with an axe) , tadtad to chop into 8maZZ piece8 , kudkud to grate , ti lad to chop (Wood) , lusaw to ZiquifY , katay to 8laughter, dlkdik to pound, gayat to 8hred, giba to demol i8h , tas tas to rip , biyak to cZeave , basag to break , lukot to crump Ze, wrinkZe , gusot to di 8array , tibag to cut dOwn (lumber) , plsa to crush , pindot to 8quee8e, pinch , tistis to operate , gi l ing to grind, pukpok to pound, likha to cause to bring about , bigkas to recite , gawa to make , katha to create , yari to bring into being , buo to construct, hubog to form and sunog to burn.

------140

If the writer were to restrict the considerations here to the sit uational type sentence , the -um- verbs occurring in definite sentences would be eliminated (though the prob lem is not solved).

The ma g- forms also seem most naturally used in imperative sentences .

Example :

Hagbasag � ng tat long itlog. break you three eggs (You) break three eggs .

Another difference between -um- and ma g- forms results from the re strictions in the type of subject each affix occurs with. Certain -um forms of the verbs from Class 1 co-occur with human sub jects whereas the mag- forms co-occur with nonhuman but animate objects . Examples : puma tay to ki ll {human beings} , ma gpatay to slaughter or ki ll {nonhuman beings}; and bumuh ay to support or keep alive (human beings) , magbuhay to keep alive {plants or nonhuman beings}.

In a few instances only the -um- form of the verb occurs because the mag- form carries a reflexive meaning. Examples: gumamot to aure some one , ma ggamot to aure oneself; bumari I to shoot someone , ma g bari I to shoot oneself.

Very few examples like basa to read, sulat to wri te and gawa to make appear on ly as -um- verbs belonging to Class 1. These are mostly 'cre ative ' verbs.

The verbs in question with -um- that behave like Class 1 verbs most

frequently appear in the surface structure as in- verb s with the object subjectivali zed. The prob lem is thus usually avoided by speakers . There are some other exceptions with verb s in other clas ses to the case function and form correlations given in the summary charts. One is the use of mag- verb s which are characterized as having the feat ures

[+external], [-centrifugal], generally at tributed to -um- verbs. There are however very few of these except ions . Quite a numb er are reflexive verbs. Examples are magnakaw to steal and magba ri I to shoot oneself. (The rest of the re flexive examp les known to the writer are given ab ove).

A few ma- verb s too can be characterized by the same features as the

-um- verbs, having [+external] and [-cent ri fugal] features . Examples 1 are ma tuto to learn and manood to watah . Other case grammarians have analysed these as requiring dat ives or experiencers . The verb s characterized as [-external ] have very few ma- examples : matulog to sleep and ma ligo to take a bath . A very rare examp le of the l Other examples of this type of ma- verbs are makinig to listen and maalaala to remember. 141

[-external], [-centrifugal] features of the verb is ma ngga ling to come l fr om which is marked by the affix ma n g- . A few mag- forms also occur . There are very few examples of verbs marked [+inchoat ive ], [-tran

sient ] that take ma -. The writer knows of only one exception . The verb

is ma ma tay to die . Of the verb s marked [+experiential], there are a few exceptions . One

rare examp le is ma gantok to fe et steepy . There is also an in- form of

this verb (i.e., an tukin to fe et steepy) . Other exceptions marked

[+experiential] are a few mag- verbs, mostly psychological, which seem to imply a deliberateness of action usually as sociated with agent 2 undergoers of the activity. An examp le is ma gdamdam to fe et stighted. The verbs marked [-external], [+direction] and [+centrifugal] that

appear with -an to mark the dire ctional phrase as subject in the surface

structure have a few verbs with the -in affix as exceptions . Examples

are lak arin to watk to , takbuh in to run to , langoyin to swim, da lawin

to visit, pasukin to enter and akyat in to ctimb. The writer is not sure how to classify these verbs . They sugge st movement , but the last three

examples co-occur with phrases marked by either sa (directional phrase

marker) or ng (objective phrase marker) when not subjectivalized. One possible reason for this overlap may be the syntactic difference

between dire ctional phrases marked by -in and those marked by -an . Most

of the verb bases that occur with the -in affix in transitive sentence s

also occur with the -an affix in intransit ive sentences. Examp les are

takbuh in to run to, takbuhan to take some thing by running to someone ;

pasu kin to enter , pasukan to bring in some thing to some one ; labas in to

go out to , iabasan to bring out something to some one ; aky at in to ctimb ,

akyatan to bring up some thing to someone. The [+external], [+centrifugal] and [-change of state] fe at ure s which

predict a ma g- form of the verb somet ime s surface as an -um- verb . The on ly exceptions known to the writer are bumi lang to coun t and guma mi t to use. All of these exceptions un derline the perversity of language . The system described here gives many more an swers than hitherto cited, but exceptions must still be listed to cover all the data. It may be that with more semantic fe ature s the prob lems cited here can be solved. At any rate exceptions are manageab le within the system.

�he examples are ma gbuhat to come from and mags imula to begin from. 2 Other examples of this type of mag- verbs are magtampo to sutk and magh inanakit to fe et hurt.

CHAPTER VI II CONCLUSION

According to Reid (1965 :11), traditional works on the classification of verbs in Philippine languages focus on their 'potential occurrence with voice ( and sometime s aspect ) affixes '. Kess, after concentrating on the study of 'focus construction types ' of Tagalog verbs, concludes that 'while the verb-t opic relationship appears to be a satisfactory point of departure for such an examination, a more extensive study should include relat ionships beyond that of the verb and topic' (1967: 102) . He realizes that a surface considerat ion of focus is not suf ficient for a complete analysis of Tagalog verb al constructions . As a matter of fact , in retrospect , he points out 'that if description of verbal types in Tagalog is to proceed much beyond the stage of discussion that has been reache d, we will have to drop the notion of focus as such and me rely consider the voice-marking affixes of verbs as surface prop erties which may or may not correspond to anything meaningful ' (1971 :8). Unlike the previous studies on Philippine verbal clas sifications , this study focuses on the comp lex symbol of the ve rb . Semant ic verbal fe atures are posited giving a better system of class ification . 'Focus ' or the overt manifestation of case in the verb is discussed only after verb s have been subcategorized according to the different types of com plements or noun phrases they require . This study is also an attempt to un cover the underlying case rela tionships in the Tagalog sentence and the dominant role the verb plays in dictating the types of cases it allows to co-occur with it . It makes no attempt to mat ch these case relat ionships with their means of ex pression in any one-to-one correlation ( i.e., verbal affixes or parti cles that may happen to mark the various cases in the surface structure ) . As emphasized a number of time s in this study , there is no perfect correspondence between the deep cases and overt surface manifestations

143 144

of these deep cases . However, it is possible to explain a large number of surface structure facts by an underst anding of the deep structure case re lationships, and by then mat ching the fe atures of the verb s and the nouns by selectional rules , result ing in the realization that seman tics plays an import ant part in the analysis of the Tagalog case system. The main purpose of this study has been to explain the case system of Tagalog by classifying verbs in a manner that would be sens itive both to the syntactic and semantic re lationships existing between the verb and the cases that occur with it . Each case under discussion has its own subset of cases for a more precise characterization of the relat ion ship between the verb and the noun phrases that occur with it. To formalize these syntactic-semant ic re lat ionships in the sentence , semant ic feature s for the verbs have been made prominent here , perhaps a step in a cont inuing effort to explain and underst and Philippine lan guages . Kess suggests the feat ure approach in his diss ertat ion when he says 'fut ure research might well attempt to determine how many additional fe at ures may be relevant in describing collocational restrictions which govern syntactic relationships ' and again when he adds , 'minute sub categorizat ion ....will lead to ever more precise characterizations of collocational restrictions ' (1967 :103) . Although as stated before , this study is experimental and needs empirical validat ion, it is hoped to have accomplished the fol lowing : (1) presented a more adequate and precise subcat egorizat ion of Tagalog verb s by the use of fe at ures; and (2) made an att empt to formalize the introspect ive judgements of this native speaker ab out the case system of Tagalog verbs, thus getting closer to semantic adequacy , and at the same time avoiding the notat ional prob lems part icularly of Fillmore 's case grammar . The fifteen classes of verbs discussed in Chapter V may not be all inclusive of Tagalog verb types, but the great maj ority of Tagalog ve rb s fall into these classes. This classificat ion has been made using eleven verbal semant ic features , and five cases with thirteen subcases . Though these fe atures may not all be re levant in the definition of the under lying case relationships in Tagalog sentences , some of them surely are signifi cant in formalizing what has been terme d the nat ive speaker ' s intuition about his language , his understanding of the full semant ic and synt actic meaning of a verb even when it is out of context . However, this study has not been developed far enough to be ab le to predict the surface re alizations of all of these cases . As Chapter VI and VII illustrate, the underlying case function and the surface case forms do not mat ch . More rules are needed to correlat e surface forms 145

with deep structure cases . In other words , how can the underlying case features mat ch the obs ervab le case manifestations in a sentence? What this study hopes to have proven is that the exclusive use of surface informat ion is not sufficient to identify true case relation ships in a sent ence . It also indicates that the final crit erion in deep case identifi cat ion or the only means of identifying cases lies with the semant ic informat ion from the deep structure . The semantic informat ion presented in this study may serve as a basis for further research in the causat ive and equat ional sentences of Tagalog. These topics have been barely touched in the analysis of the Tagalog language . A comp rehensive study of the causat ives and equationals added to what has been done in this study will cont ribute toward an ultimat e exp lanat ion of the underlying case system of Tagalog.

APPENDIX A SEMANTIC FEATURE DISPLAYS OF THE VERB AN D THE CASES Semantic Features of the Fifteen Tagalog Verb Classes 1. [+V] [+agentive] [-agentive ] � [+extemal] [-€xtemal] [+experiential] [-€xperiential] � � [ +centrifugal] [ -cf] [+direction]� [-direction] 1 [ +inchoat i ve ] [ -inch] � (�) (10) [+terminal]A [-ter] A [+ter] [-ter] [+centrifugal] [-cf] I I [ +transient ] [-trans] [+lIEteorological] [-lIEt ] (6) (7) (8) I: � (12) � , \ \ I I 1 I I I [+change of \ ./ I 1 \ I " \ I I state]�( [-cs]4) (5) I (11) (13) [+terminal]/\[-ter] , \ \ : I \ I I : 1 � \ I I \ \ I I I I � \ I [+total] [-t] , \ \ \ I I I I I I I (5) (6) ( 8) (9) � I 3 I < 2 (14) (15) I I 1 I I +v +v '' +a(1gt) +agt(2) (3) (4) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) +ext +ext v +cf +cf -agt +ter +ter +v -€xp +cs +cs � +t � �J -t �] � �]� I I I I I I I I I 1 'I I 1 I !�I I I I 7C" 7C" CT C 7C" <1-", <1-C <1-c <1--' -· "" <1-- <1-c c c:r C:J Crt J C '" C - §��]��]�:J rt �:J :J t:}'0 '" 'g'" �<1- �<1- IS �. ;;...... 2. Semantic Feature[ +OTrJ ee of the Object [+patientJ [-patient] [+centrifugal] [-centrifugal] [+experiencer]� [-experie ncer] (7) [ +transported]� [ -transport ed] [ +transported�] [ -transp ] I [+inchoa�tive] [-inchoa tive] (f) � (5) (6 ) [+changeof state] [ -cs] I [ +trans] [ -trans] [+transp] [-transp] I (8) (9) (10) ( 11) I I I I I � (i) l�I � [+total] [-total] I I I I I (2) ( 3) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I (1) (2) ( 3) (4) (5) (6 ) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) I I I I I I l ++patO ++patO -eatxp �+trans+cf p +cs+t -t+cs -transp-cs -+tcfransp ��ansp �trans +transinch +-trinchans �-transp-inch J �� J ��Jl ra] �1L� ��L��; I J o o o J o o �� ] ��o ] J I-' I-' I-' � I-' � rh � � �en en en en �en en w CJ\ \.1l I-' I-' b I-' \.1l � � � � � � end- d-en end- a-en d-til end- + + + + + + o o o .l= \.1l CJ\ -..l0 o ° co I-' b .l= \0 150

3. Semantic Feature Tree of the Agent

[+undergoer] [-undergoer] (1) [+ oal] [-goal] f2) (source) �(3 )

I I I I ��nJ n � Verb Classes 7,8,9 Verb Classes 5,6 Verb Cla�sses 1,2,3,4 ��A G A + Al + 2 + 3

4. Semantic Feature Tree of the Directional

[-goal] (2) I I I I I

I I I I G�ij ��ij Verb Classes 4,7,15 Verb Classes 6,8 + Dirl + Dir2 151

5. Semantic Feature Tree of the Instrument

[+tool] [-tool] (1) ( 2) I (phenomenal) I I I I I I I I ��OOJ ��OOJ APPENDIX B BASE RULES

The fo l lowing restates the base rules discussed in detail in Chapter III. Details are found in the pages enc losed in parentheses after each rule. 5 BR#l. s -- V + (KP) (43)

BR#2 . V �c.s. (44 )

2.i [+V] (44) - :::t. asp 2.11 [+agt ] --� [text ] .] (45) 2.11i [+ext ] - r C f (45 ) �ter --. ] 2.iv [+ter] [tcs] (47)

2.v [+cs] - [tt] (47)

2.vi [-ext ] � [tdir] (47)

2.vii [+dir] � [tcf] (48)

2.v11i [-agt ] __ [texp] (49)

2.ix [-exp ] � [±inch] (50)

2.x [+inch] --+ [ttrans ] (50)

2.xi [-inch ] --. [tmet ] (51)

2.xii [-met ] --. [tter] (51)

2.xiii [-neut . asp. ] � [tbegun ] (53)

2.xiv [+begun ] - [tcomp ] (54)

2.xv [+comp ] --. [tre cent ] (54)

152 153

BR#3. KP __ K + NP (55)

BR#4. NP - (Det ) + N (55)

BR#5. N _ c.s. (55)

5.1 [+NJ --+ [tcomJ (55)

5 .11 [+comJ --+ [tconcJ (55)

5 .111 [+concJ -- [tcountJ (55)

(55) 5 .1v [+count J -

a C:J (55) 5.v [-comJ - ts 5.vl [+N J ---+ [tOJC J (56) 5 .vl1 [+OJ --+ [-A, -I , -Dlr, -LJ (56)

5.vl11 [-OJ -- [+AJ (56)

5.1x [+AJ � [-I, -Dlr, -LJ (56)

5.x [-AJ -- [tDlrJ (56)

5.xl [+DlrJ --+- [-I, -LJ (56)

5 .xl1 [-DlrJ -- [ tIJ (56)

5 . x111 [+IJ --+ [-LJ (56)

5.xlv [-IJ -- [ t LJ (56)

5.xv [+oJ - [tpatJ (57)

cr (58) 5.xvl [+pat J - ttransp 5.xvl1 [-transpJ --+c [tcsJJ (58 ) 5 . xv111 [+csJ � [ttJ (58)

an 5 .xlx __ [texpJ (59) -pat]

an 5.xx c __ [-expJ (59) -pat] 5.xxl [-cexpJ --+ [tlnch J (59) 5 . xx11 [+lnch J --+ [ttransJ (59)

5.xxl11 [-lnch J � [ttranspJ (59) 154

N ----'; 5.xx1v [ ±A] (60) e+an

5.xxv [-A] (60) J� 5.xxv1 [+A]C:J ----+ [±und] (60) 5.xxv11 [-und] � [±g] (60)

5.xxv111 [+D1r] - [±g] (61)

5.xx1x [+I] � [ ±too1] (61)

BR#6 . Det � C.s. (62)

6.1 [+Det ] _ [-sg] (62) N 6.11 .-'- [- [+Det ] ] (62) f+s --"- G BR#7. K � C.s.J (62) o (62) 7.1 [+K] ---? o : __ (62) 7.11 � J / o - �� _. C: J C:J / �� APPENDIX C SELECTIONAL REDUNDANCY RULES

The fo llowing restates the selectional redundancy rules discussed in detail in Chap ter IV. De tails are found in the pages enclosed in paren theses aft er each rule .

SRR#l. (66)

SRR#2.

SRR#3. (68)

��c J r+Dir l:agoalJ SRR# 4. (70)

SRR#5 .

155 156

SRR#6. C�JJ ( 71)

SRR#7. CJ -C (72) ��eJ - _ C�transJJ SRR#8. C: J C (73 ) i �G _ [+DirJ]

SRR#9. (73 ) �:xJ � _ C�exJJ

SRR#lO. C (74) G:ncJ � _ C�incJJ

SRR#ll. C (74) -- _ C�tra JJ ��ranJ [ n SRR#l2. (75) -- _C� tooJJ C:gJ C _ APPENDIX D MAJOR CLASSES OF TAGALOG VERBS

The following restates the semant ic and contextual case feat ures of fifteen classes of Tagalog verbs . These classes are discussed in detail in Chapter V.

Class 1- +V +agt +ext +pat +cf +cf +ter -transp +cs -und +cs ba l uktot +t -goal +tO to bend A � Class 2. +V � � � +agt +ext +pat +cf +cf +ter -transp +cs -und +cs hugas -t �-gA oal [-t0 to wash Clas s 3. J J g +ext +pat +cf +cf +ter -und -transp ipon �-cs! � -goalA [-cs0 to save Class 4. � J J +ext +pat +cf -und +cf Dir tapon -ter -goal +transp G+goal to throw [!�J A �O J Class 5. C J J +ext +pat -cf -cf hu Ii +ter� oa -transp to catch [! j �� J �O J

157 158

Class 6. gt +ext +pat -cf -cf Dir hi ram [!-ter oa �O ] +transp l-goal to borrow �� J J Class 7. J -ext +dir Dir punta ��+cf� l �� G+goalJ to go Clas s 8.

-ext +dir Dir bitiw -cf! ��J ��n� �-goalJ to z.et go Class 9.

-ext i yak -dir ��nJ to ary Class 10. [�� g a ga lit +exp +ex� p to get angry � Class ll. G � G il -agt -exp -pat [V+inc h ] +inch iti m +trans �o+trans ] to get tanned

Class 12. -agt -pat -exp -exp +inch +inch ganda -trans [-t0 ransJ to beaome beautiful. Class 13. f" ] -agt -exp [V-i nch ulan +met ��ooJ to rain Class 14. J -agt -exp -pat [V-inc h -exp -met -inch ] ku la +terJ [-t0 ransp to boi Z. 159

Class 15. -agt -exp -p at -inch -exp -met -inch Dir bagsa k -ter r+ l [V J �+to ranspJ ligoa Jj to fa n BIBLIOGRAPHY

ANDERSON , John 19 71 The g�amma� 06 c� e: towa�d4 a locati4 �C theo�y . (Camb�dge 4tudie4 in ti ngui4 ti C4 , 4.) Cambridge , Cambridge University Press.

AUSTIN, Virginia �orey 1966 Attention, emph�i4 and 60CU4 in Ata Manobo. (Ha�t60�d 4tudie4 in tingui4 �C4 , 20.) Hart ford , Connecticut , Hart ford Theological Seminary .

BLAKE , Frank R. 19 06 'Expr ession of case by the verb in Tagalog.' Jou�nal 06 the Ame�can O�iental Society 27:183-9 .

1916 'The Tagalog verb. ' Jou�nal 06 the Ame�can O�ental Society 36 : 398-414 .

19 25 A g�amma� 06 the Tagalog language. (Ame�can O�ental Se�e4 , I. ) New Haven , Connecti cut , American Orient al Society.

1930 'A semantic analysis of case.' Cu�me Volume 06 tingui4 ti c 4tudie4 , ed. by James T. Hat field, et aZ. , 34-49 . Balt imore , Waverly Press.

BLOOMFIELD, Leonard 1917 'Tagalog texts with grammat ical analysis. ' (Unive�ity 06 Iltinoi4 , 4tudie4 in language and tite4atu4e, 3:2-4.) Urbana, Illinois, University of Illinois .

160 161

BOWEN , Donal d J. 19 65 Beginning Tagalog . Berkeley and Los Angeles , Universit y of California Press .

BUREAU OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS

19 50 'Scope and uses of the verbal affixes -um- and mag-. I (Bulletin no. 2:1-13. ) Department of Education , Philippines.

CAPELL , Arthur 19 64 'Verbal syste m in Philippine languages .' Ph�tippine Jou�nal 06 Science 93:231-49.

CENA, R.M. 1971 'Case opposition in Tagalog. ' The Ohio State Unive��itif wO�R�ng pape� in tingui4tic� , 133-148.

CENSUS OF THE PHILIPPINES 19 60-63 Vo ls . 1 & 2, Manila, Bureau of Census and Statist ics .

CHAFE , Wallace L. 19 70 Meaning and th e �t�uctu�e 06 language. Chicago . The University of Chicago PreS6.

19 71 'Directionalit y and paraphrase.' Language 47:1-26 .

CHOMSKY , Noam 1965 A4 pect4 06 the theo�y 06 4ifntax. Cambridge . M.I.T. Press.

1970 'Remarks on nomina1izat ion . I Reading� in Engti4 h t�an4 60� mational g�amma�, ed . by Roderick A. Jacobs and Peter S. Rosenbaum , 184-221. Waltham, Mass. , Ginn and Company .

19 71 'Deep structure , surface structure and semantic interpreta tion. ' Semantic� : An inte�di4 cipt ina�if �eade� in phil04 0phif, tingui�ti C4 and p� ychol09if, ed. by Danny D. Steinb erg and Leon A. Jakovobits , 183-216 . Cambridge . Cambridge Un iversity Press.

COOK , Walter A. , S.J. 19 71 'Imp rovements 1n case grammar 1970. ' �anguage� and ti ngui4 ti c4 : wO�Ring pap e�4 no. 2:10-22 . Washingt on , D.C. , Georgetown Univers ity Press . 162

1972a 'A set of postulates for case grammar analysis .' Languag eh and linguih t�CA : wo�k�ng pap e�h no. 4:35-49 . Washington, D.C., Georgetown University Press.

1972b 'A case grammar matrix. ' Languageh and li nguiht�CA : wo�k�ng pape� no. 6:15-47. Washington, D.C. , Georgetown University Press.

CONSTANTINO , Ernesto 19 65 'The sentence patterns of twenty-six Philippine languages. ' L�ngua 15 :71-124.

1970 'The deep structures of the Philippine languag es .' The A�ch�ve 1.2:67-79 . Quezon City, University of the Phi lippines .

19 71 'Tagalog and other maj or languages of the Philippines. ' Cu��ent t�endh �n l�nguih t�CA , ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok , vol. VIII, L�ngu�ht�CA �n Ocean�a. The Hague , Mouton .

DEAN , James 1958 'Some principal grammat ical re lations of Bilaan. ' Ocean�a l�ngu�h t� CA monog�aph no. 3, ed. by A. Capell and S. Wurm, 59-64. Australia, University of Sydney .

FILLMORE, Ch arles J. 1966a 'A proposal concerning English prepositions .' Geo�getown Un�ve� �ty monog�aph he��eh on languageh and li ngu�ht�ch , 19 , ed. by Francis P. Dinneen, S.J., 19-33. Washingt on , D.C. , Georgetown University Press.

19 66b 'Toward a modern theory of case .' The Oh�o State Un�ve� �ty p�oject on linguih t�c analYh�h �epo�t no . 13:1-24. (Re printed in Mode�n htud�eh �n Englih h, ed. by David A. Re ibel and Sanford S. Schane. 1969 .)

1968a 'The case for case. ' Un�ve� a.t6 �n li nguih t�c theo�y , ed. by Emmon Bach and Robert T. Harms , 1-88. New York , Holt , Rinehart and Winston, Inc .

19 68b 'Lexical entries for ver bs." Foundat�onh 06 Language 4:373- 93. 163

19 69 'Types of lexical informat ion .' W04king pape44 in llngui6tiC4 no. 2:65-103. Columb us , Ohio , The Ohio State University. (Also in Studie6 in 6�ntax and 6emantiC4 , ed. by F. Kiefer (Foundati on6 06 La nguage Suppiementa4Y Se4le6 no. 10 .) 1969 .)

19 70a 'The grammar of hitting and breaking.' Reading6 in Engll6 h t4an6 604mationai g�amma4, ed. by Ro derick A . Jacobs and Peter S. Rosenbaum, 120-33. Waltham, Mass., Ginn and Company .

19 70b 'Subj ects , speakers and roles. ' W04king pape44 in ll ngul6ti C4 no. 4:31-63. Columbus , Ohio, The Ohio State Univers ity.

19 70c Lecture notes from Linguistic Society of Ame rica Summer Linguistic Institute at the Oh io State University.

1971 'Some prob lems for case grammar .' W04king pape46 in llngul6 tl c6 no. 10 : 245-65 . Columbus , Ohio, The Ohio State University .

GOLDIN, Mark G.

19 68 Spani6 h cd6 e and 6unction. Washington, D.C . • Georgetown University Press.

GON ZALES , Andrew , F.S.C. 19 71 Outline 06 a gene4ative 6emanti c de6 c4lptlon 06 Pampangan . Unpub lished Ph .D. dissertation . University of California at Berkeley .

GUZMAN , Videa de . 19 68 Tagalog ve4bal co-occu44ence wl�h a66lxe6 and complement6 . Term paper. Ungul6 tl c6 650 .

HALLIDAY , M.A.K. 19 68 'Notes on transitivity and theme in English.' ]ou4nal 06 Lingul6 tic6 4:179-215 .

HARRISON , S.P. 1971 Neut4ali zatlon, di 66U6 ion and the concept 06 cd6 e. Term paper. UngullltlC4 650. 164

HEALEY , Phyllis M. 1960 An Agza g�amma�. Manila, The Institute of National Language and the Summe r Institute of Linguistics Philippine Branch .

HUDDLESTON , Rodney 1970 'Some remarks on case grammar .' Lingui�zic Inqui�y 1.4:501- 11.

JACOBS , Roderick A. and Peter S. ROSENBAUM 1970 Szudie� in EngLi�h z�an� 60�mazional g�amma� . Waltham, Ginn and Company .

KERR, Harland B. 1965 'The cas e-marking and classifying function of Cotabato and Manobo vo ice affixes .' Oceanic Lingul�zi� 4:15-47.

KESS , Joseph Francis 1967 SynzacZlc Feazu�e� 06 Tagalog ve�b� . Unpublished Ph .D. dissertation . University of Hawaii .

19 71 The uziLizy 06 60cu� . Unpub lished manus cript.

LAKOFF , George 1968 'Instrumental adverb s and the concept of deep structure .' Foundazion� 06 Language 4.1:4-29 .

1970 I��egula�zy in �ynzax. New York , Holt , Rinehart and Winston, Inc .

LANGACKER, Ronald 19 70 'Review of Goldin, Spanish case and function .' Language 46.1:167-85 .

LANDE , Nobleza Asuncion 1970 'Theoretical and methodologi cal trends in Philippine linguistics research :1560-1970.' Anzh�opological Lin- gui� zi � 12 .6:2 08-25.

LANGENDOEN , D. Terence 19 70 E�� enzia� 06 EngLi� h g�amma� . New York , Holt , Rinehart and Winston , Inc . 165

LEE , Gregory P. 1969 'Subjects and agents.' Wo��ng pape� in lingui�ti C6 no. 3: 36-113. Columbus, Ohio, The Ohio State Un iversit y.

LLAMZ ON , Teodoro A. 19 68 'On Tagalog as dominant language .' Philippine Studie� 16.4: 729-49 .

LOPEZ , Cecilio 19 37 P�elimina�y �tudy 06 the a66ixe� in Tagalog (Publication� 06 the In� �tute 06 Na�onal Language, vol. 2.) Manila, Bureau of Printing.

19 41 A manual 06 the Philippine nat�onal languag e. Manila, Bureau of Printing.

McCAWLEY , James D. 1968 'Concerning the base component of a transformational grammar. ' Foundat�on� 06 Language 4.3:243-69 .

McCOY , Ana Maria 1969 A c� e g�amma� cl� �i6icati on 06 Spani� h ve�b� . Unpub lished Ph .D. dissertation . University of Michigan .

McKAUGHAN , Howard P. 19 58 The in6lec�on and �yntax 06 Ma�anao ve�b� . (Publicati on� 06 th e In�titute 06 National Language.) Manila, Bureau of Printing.

1959 'Semant ic components of pronoun systems : Maranao .' Wo�d 15 :101-2 .

1962 'Overt relat ion markers in Maranao .' Language 38.1: 47-51.

1969 'Minor languages of the Philippines.' Cu��ent t�en� in lingui4 ti C6 , ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok , vol. VIII , Lingui�tiC6 in Ocea�a, The Hague , Mouton .

1970 'Topicalization in Maranao--an addendum. ' Paci6ic lingui4 ti c �tudi� in honou� 06 A�thu� Cap ell. PaciQic Ungui� ti c� , C.13, ed. by S.A. Wurm and D.C. Laycock, 291-300. Canberra, The Australian National University. 166

1972 Subj�c� v��u6 �op�c. Unpublished manus cript . To appear in a F�6�6 ch4i6� in honor of Dr Cecilio Lopez , Philippines.

MEMBERS OF S. I.L. 1964 Pap�� on Ph�Upp�n� Ungu6��c6 . Oc�an�c Ungu6 �� c6 3: 1.

MILLER, J.E. 19 70 'Stative ve rb s in Rus sian. ' Founda��on6 06 Languag� 6:489- 504 .

MIRIKITANI , Leatrice T. 19 72 Kapampangan 6yn�ax. (Oc�an� c L�ngu6��c6 6p�c�al pubUcat�on no . 10. ) Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press.

NILSEN , Don Lee Fred 1971 Towaltd6 a 6�man�� c 6p�uMcauon 06 deep Ca6 �. Unpub lished Ph.D. dissertation . University of Mi chigan .

OTANES , Fe T. 1970 'Some transformat ional rules on noun derivat ion in Tagalog. ' Ph�Upp�n� Joultnal 06 L�ngu�6��c6 1.1:33-73.

PEl , Mario and Frank GAYNOR 1969 A d��onalty 06 l�ngu6��c6 . Totowa, New Jersey , Littlefield, Adams and Company .

PIKE , Kenneth L. 1963 'A syntactic paradigm. ' Languag� 39 : 216-30 .

PITTMAN , Richard ' 19 66 'Tagalog -um- and mag- . (Pau6�c Ungu�6�� c6 , A. 8, 9-20. ) Canberra, The Australian National University.

RAMOS , Teresita V. 1971 Tagalog 6�ltUC�UIt�6 . (PAL1 languag � ��X�6 : Ph�Upp�n�6 , ed. by Howard P. McKaughan . ) Honolulu , University of Hawaii Press.

RE IBEL , David A. and Sanford A. SCHANE 1969 Mod�ltn 6�ud��6 �n EngU6h, lt�a�ng6 �n �ltan6 60ltmauonal gltammalt. Englewood Cliffs , N.J., Prentice-Hall, Inc . 167

RE ID, Lawrence A. 19 66 An Ivatan � yntax.. no . 2. ) University of Hawaii Press.

ROBINSON , Jane J. 19 70 'Case, category and confi guration. ' Jou4nal 06 Lingui� ti � 6.1:57-80.

SASAKI , Tsuyoshi 19 71 'Case grammar for Japanese .' Language� and lingui� ti� : w04�ing pape� no. 2:61-76. Washington, D.C. , Georgetown University Press .

SCHACHTER, Paul 19 61 'St ructural ambiguity in Tagalog.' Language Lea4ning 11 : 135-45.

SCHACHTER, Paul and Fe T. OTANES 19 72 Tagalog 4e6e4ence g4amma4 . Berkeley , Los Angeles , London , University of California Press .

SOUTHARD , O. Bruce 19 71 'Tagalog, English and topicalization. ' W04�ing pape4� in lingui� ti� no . 10 :212-220 . Columbus , Ohio , Ohio State Univer sity .

STAROSTA, Stanley 19 70 'Some lexical redundancy rules fo r English nouns .' W04�ing pape� in li ngui� ti c� no. 2:1-38. Honolulu, University of Hawaii. To appear in Glo��a.

19 71a Ve4ivation and c� e in S04a ve4b� . Paper given at the 20th International Congress of Orientalists , Canberra. To appear in 1 ndian Lingui� .ti� .

1971b 'Review of Ly ons , "Introduction to theoretical linguistics."' Language 47:2.

19 71c 'Lexical derivation in a case grammar .' W04�ing pape� in Ungui� ti � no . 3,8:83-102 . 168

19 72 CaAe in zhe lexicon. Paper read at the 11th Internat ional Congress of Linguists, Bologna .

STEINBERG , Danny and Leon A. JAKOBOVITS 19 71 SemanziC4 : An inze4di� ciplina4Y 4eade4 in philo� ophy, lin gui�zi c� and p� ychology. Cambri dge , Camb ridge University Press.

STEVENS , Alan M. 1969 CaAe g4amma4 in Philippine languag e� . Paper read at Lin guistic Society of Ameri ca me eting.

STOCKWELL , Robert p. 1957 A conz4aA zi ve analy�i� 06 Engli� h and Tagalog . Duplicated. Los Angeles , California, University of California.

TAYLOR, Harvey M. 1971 CaAe in ]apane� e. Seton Hall University Press .

WARD , Jack 19 70 'Philippine linguistics studies : A bibli ographic survey of the coverage in the literature .' Philippine ]ou4nal 06 Lingui�zi C4 2.1:92-115 .

WOLFENDEN , Elmer 1961 A 4e�zaZemenz 06 Tagalog g4amma4. Manila, Summe r Institute of Linguistics and Institute of National Language .