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Piankh and Herihor: Art, Ostraca, and Accession in Perspective

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Piankh and Herihor: Art, Ostraca, and Accession in Perspective Birmingham Egyptology Journal Piankh and Herihor: Art, Ostraca, and Accession in Perspective Steven R. W. Gregory Abstract Due to the lack of firm evidence from which a precise historical narrative for the Late New Kingdom Period may be satisfactorily reconstructed many events within this period continue to attract some degree of controversy in modern scholarly discussion, not least of these the matter of the succession of the senior Theban officials, Piankh and Herihor, each of whom held office as the first servant of Amun under the last of the Ramesside rulers, Ramesses XI. In recent years proposals have veered from the more usual argument as to whether Piankh followed Herihor or vice-versa, and a further possibility has been suggested: that the role of first servant of Amun was held by Piankh during the period of Herihor’s kingship. However, it seems that, in making such claims, there has been a tendency to either dismiss or undervalue the nature of the extant evidence relating to the protagonists in question This short study will therefore offer some alternative interpretation of the pertinent material. Keywords: Ramesses XI; Piankh; Herihor; Karnak; Thebes; ancient Egyptian kingship; ritual landscape; Oracle of Nesamun; Late Ramesside Letters. Introduction Chronological uncertainty has clouded present understanding of historical narrative relating to the Theban rulers, Piankh and Herihor, due largely to a lack of evidence from which the precise sequence of events during the reign of the last Ramesside king, Ramesses XI, may be ascertained. Nonetheless, based on the identification of Piankh as Herihor’s son in a procession of Herihor’s family depicted in Khonsu Temple,1 the assertion that Herihor preceded Piankh as Hm-nTr tpy n Imn, first servant of Amun, at Thebes dominated accounts of the period for much of the Twentieth Century. Once it was recognised that the identification of Piankh in the scene in question had been erroneous – a situation existing at least from Wente’s 1979 publication2 – the Herihor-Piankh sequence became less secure and, in 1992, Jansen-Winkeln presented a convincing argument that it should be reversed.3 Subsequently, 1 Epigraphic Survey 1979: pl. 26. 2 Wente (1979: x-xi), in the preface to the publication of the epigraphic survey of the forecourt of Khonsu Temple carried out by the University of Chicago Oriental Institute, emphasized that the ‘sole basis’ for the assertion that Piankh was a son of Herihor had been reliant upon the earlier Lepsius publication of the procession of princes in Khonsu Temple. 3 Jansen-Winkeln 1992: 22-37. Birmingham Egyptology Journal 2013. 1: 5-18. http:// birminghamegyptology.co.uk/journal/ 5 Steven R. W. Gregory: Piankh and Herihor: Art, Ostraca, and Succession in Perspective the relative position of these two protagonists has given rise to some controversy, and the matter is yet to be satisfactorily resolved. One of the more recent interpretations of the period has been presented by James and Morkot and follows the basic idea of a Herihor-Piankh succession but introduces a new twist to the argument.4 In brief, they place Piankh’s reign within the floruit of Herihor rather than either before or after. James and Morkot propose that Herihor came to power around Year 1 wHm mswt – the ‘repeating of births’ or renaissance period introduced during the reign of Ramesses XI – and advanced from the office of Hm-nTr tpy n Imn to that of king around Year 7 wHm mswt. At this point, Herihor appointed Piankh to the office of Hm-nTr tpy n Imn to effectively serve as his deputy, albeit for a relatively short period due to Piankh’s apparent demise around Year 10 wHm mswt. James and Morkot do recognize some obstacles to their proposal: firstly, two ostraca interpreted by other scholars as supporting the Piankh-Herihor succession; and secondly the Oracle of Nesamun in which Piankh acknowledges Ramesses XI, not Herihor, as his king in Year 7 wHm mswt. In dismissing these difficulties James and Morkot offer explanations which might demand further scrutiny, particularly in relation to other texts and images informing the interpretation of the period. These matters will form the focus of the present discussion. There seems little need to discuss here much of the chronological and genealogical evidence presented in the arguments in question as, for the most part, this has been done adequately and often comprehensively in earlier scholarship albeit, as these scholars appear to accept, without any totally convincing conclusions.5 While many interpretations offer possibilities which allow for most of the circumstances, and occasionally all of the known events, to be covered from both chronological and genealogical aspects of enquiry, the evidence is such that no secure conclusions are presently possible. This being the case, much relating to these aspects may properly be left outside the scope of this brief paper. Suffice to say that in recent years the argument presented by Jansen-Winkeln has gradually gained support;6 yet, despite this, the Herihor-Piankh variant has been defended by some, and perhaps most resolutely by Kitchen. Kitchen asserted that the interpretation of events placing Herihor’s rise to power in Thebes during the early years of the wHm mswt is ‘beyond refutation’.7 Kitchen also maintains that by Year 7 wHm mswt ‘Herihor was dead’ and that Piankh had assumed his offices.8 However, he does offer another possible solution to the argument regarding the Herihor-Piankh succession by proposing that after holding office from Years 1-6 wHm mswt, Herihor passed military, administrative, and religious control to Piankh while himself assuming the ceremonial position of king so as to act as some sort of figurehead – a leader of festival processions such as the Opet – and it was at this time that Herihor concentrated on the construction of the forecourt of Khonsu Temple at Karnak.9 This proposal does appear somewhat contrary to Kitchen’s earlier insistence that fallacy should be discarded, dogma eschewed, and that: ‘Only hard evidence can count’.10 Perhaps on that ground alone Kitchen’s proposal – a notion considered by Broekman to be ‘rather artificial and far- fetched’11 – could be dismissed. Yet moreover, the idea of Herihor being primarily involved in the creation of the forecourt while acting as a nominal leader with no real power seems 4 James and Morkot 2010: 231. 5 For example: Niwinski 1979: 49-54; Jansen-Winkeln 1992: 22-37; Taylor 1998: 1145-55; Broekman 2012: 195-209; and in this volume, Palmer (forthcoming). 6 Egberts 1998: 97; Thijs 2005: 75; Taylor 1998: 1145; Hornung 2006: 226; and Haring 2012: 146. 7 Kitchen 2009: 194-200; text emboldened in the original. 8 Kitchen 2009: 194; underscore used in the original. 9 Kitchen 2009: 200. 10 Kitchen 2009: 192. 11 Broekman 2012: 201. 6 Birmingham Egyptology Journal 2013. 1: 5-18. http:// birminghamegyptology.co.uk/journal/ Steven R. W. Gregory: Piankh and Herihor: Art, Ostraca, and Succession in Perspective inconsistent with the function of the ritual landscape which was itself fundamental in establishing the legitimacy and royal authority of its author, as will be argued further below. The correlation between the onset of the wHm mswt and the rise to power of Herihor, circumstances also preferred by James and Morkot who place Herihor perhaps in Year 1, certainly Year 2,12 also seems somewhat arbitrary and unjustified. Only three dates are known for Herihor: Year 5 in the Report of Wenamun and Year 6 on the coffin lids of Seti I and Ramesses II. However, none of these dates make any reference to wHm mswt; in fact they cannot be placed with certainty in any reign.13 The certain dating evidence which has some bearing on the chronology of the Piankh-Herihor succession is scant, and may be simply stated. Of particular note is the correlation between Year 19 of Ramesses XI and Year 1 wHm mswt; this seems reasonably secure.14 Further, it is certain that, as Hm-nTr tpy n Imn, Herihor was contemporary to Ramesses XI as demonstrated by the texts and images of the hypostyle hall of Khonsu Temple,15 and that Piankh was in the office of Hm-nTr tpy n Imn in Year 7 wHm mswt as confirmed by the Oracle of Nesamun.16 From this relatively sparse chronological information the sequence of events in relation to Herihor and Piankh must be deduced by reference to other extant records, none of which serve to place Herihor in relation to either relative or absolute chronology of the period in question with certainty. However, it is generally agreed that Piankh was in office as first servant of Amun and general in a Year 10 – widely accepted as being a year of the wHm mswt, as indicated by the corpus of correspondence known as the Late Ramesside Letters.17 Thus two dates appear to establish a minimum span for Piankh of Year 7 to Year 10 wHm mswt and it is the proposal of James and Morkot that this period fell within the time of Herihor’s kingship in Thebes. The question of the ostraca texts It seems remarkable, should it be allowed that James and Morkot’s proposal is correct, that none of the Late Ramesside Letters make any reference to Herihor.18 However, Herihor does appear in an inscription on one of two ostraca of the period found during excavations in the Valley of the Kings. These ostraca have been deemed significant in that they are draft letters composed by the scribes mentioned in many of the Late Ramesside Letters, the father and son Dhutmose and Butehamun.19 That of Dhutmose is addressed to Piankh while the letter to Herihor was composed by Butehamun.
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