Creativity and Innovation in the Reign of Hatshepsut

Home , Amenhotep, Amenirdis I, Ay, Beni Hasan, Djehuti, Djehuty (general)

iii

OccasiOnal prOceedings Of the theban wOrkshOp

creativity and innovation in the reign of hatshepsut

edited by José M. Galán, Betsy M. Bryan, and Peter F. Dorman

Papers from the Theban Workshop 2010

The OrienTal insTiTuTe OF The universiTy OF ChiCaGO iv

The Oriental Institute, Chicago

series editors Leslie Schramer and Thomas G. Urban with the assistance of Rebecca Cain

Series Editors’ Acknowledgment Brian Keenan assisted in the production of this volume.

Cover Illustration The god amun in bed with Queen ahmes, conceiving the future hatshepsut. Traced by Pía rodríguez Frade (based on Édouard naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari

Printed by through Four Colour Imports, by Lifetouch, Loves Park, Illinois USA

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of american national standard for information services — Permanence of Paper v

table of contents

Preface. José M. Galán, Spanish National Research Council, Madrid ...... vii list of abbreviations ...... xiii Bibliography...... xv

papers frOm the theban wOrkshOp, 2010

1. innovation at the Dawn of the new Kingdom. Peter F. Dorman, American University of Beirut...... 1 2. The Paradigms of innovation and Their application to the early new Kingdom of egypt. Eberhard Dziobek, Heidelberg and Leverkusen...... Susanne Bickel, University of Basel ...... 21 Luc Gabolde, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (UMR 5140) ...... Dimitri Laboury, FNRS-University of Liège...... Betsy M. Bryan, Johns Hopkins University ...... ...... Catharine H. Roehrig, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York ...... Jean-Luc Chappaz, Museum for Art and History, Geneva ...... JJ Shirley, Journal of Egyptian History ...... José M. Galán, Spanish National Research Council, Madrid ...... 12. The Composition of the Opening of the Mouth in the Tomb-chapel of Djehuty (TT Jose M. Serrano, University of Seville ...... TT and Their sociocultural Contexts. Andrés Diego Espinel, Spanish National Research Council, Madrid ...... 14. unconventional versions: The Theban Tomb of Puiemra, second Prophet of amun under hatshepsut. Barbara Engelmann-von Carnap, University of Heidelberg ...... Ellen Morris, Barnard College...... W. V. Davies, British Museum, London ...... Tamás A. Bács, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest...... 411 Charles Bonnet, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Paris ...... Dominique Valbelle, Université de Paris-Sorbonne, Paris IV/UMR 8167 ......

v Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 361

15 Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime Ellen Morris, Barnard College

The early to mid-Eighteenth Dynasty can be considered a transformational moment in Egypt’s social history. The first true northern empire was forged gradually over the course of a century — first through the vengeful conquests of Ahmose, then through the ambitious and exploratory expeditions of Thutmose I, and finally via Thutmose III’s relentless annual campaigning. The last stage, perhaps already anticipated during the joint reign with Hatshepsut,1 took place over the better part of two decades in the middle of the fifteenth century and occasioned such an influx of prisoners of war that the citizens of the imperial center at Thebes found themselves surrounded by foreign slaves. Prior to the New Kingdom, slavery and systems closely akin to slavery were known in Egypt. As in most state societies, there were people who worked plots of land that they did not own but who were effectively tied to the land and were transferred along with it in royal donations or private wills. Such serfdom is not slavery per se, but inasmuch as it renders vulnerable individuals into transferable belongings, it comes close. Corvée labor is also not slavery exactly. Yet when the penalty for choosing not to participate in an assigned public work project was the permanent loss of one’s own freedom and the enslavement of one’s family, the differences seem mostly temporal. True slaves in Old and Middle Kingdom Egypt appear to have consisted in the main of tax-evaders, their unlucky families, and a motley assortment of those found deserving of punishment or irrecoverably in debt. By the Thirteenth Dynasty, people originally sent to work in labor camps could be transferred to private ownership. Intermingled among this population of native Egyptians in one instance was a sizeable number of Syro-Palestinian individuals (Hayes 1972, pp. 92–109), which is the first time a preponderance of foreign slaves is witnessed in documentary evidence. Such a situation, however, seems to have been a reflection of the greatly increased numbers of northerners settled within the country, rather than of any otherwise unattested military activity. To Moses I. Finley, who has written extensively on ancient slave-systems, the slave is analogous to a stranger and a foreigner even within in his own society. Divested of his rights and unable to put his family and community first or to be supported by them in times of trouble, the slave is an isolated entity who is at the absolute mercy of his master (Finley 1998, p. 143). Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that Egypt’s first foray into large-scale slaveholding occurred in the context of war. The notion that slave societies develop in the wake of war is an old one, espoused by Heraclitus and Marx and Engels, among others (Blackburn 1988, p. 267). The transformational moment for Egypt — in which slaves moved from the realm of the anomalous to that of the commonplace — was occasioned by the onset of an extremely aggressive imperial project. The northerners imported into Egypt in shackles were already estranged and already foreign and therefore, like the quintessential slave described by Finely, especially suited to their new station. The fact that the importation of foreign slave labor coincided with the most elaborate building projects known in Egypt since the Great Pyramids is almost certainly no accident. The employment of erstwhile enemies as slaves allowed the burden of corvée labor to be significantly lightened for Egyptian citizens at

1 Joint cartouches found on a few storage jars at sites in the Sinai III’s intensive campaigning may have been laid during the co- and southern Canaan suggest that the groundwork for Thutmose regency (Morris 2005, pp. 40, 65).

361 362 Ellen Morris the same time as awe-inspiring monuments to Egypt’s power were being erected at an unprecedented pace. “Slaves” () now were foreigners, almost exclusively, while unfree Egyptians were “servants” () and thus allowed to maintain — semantically at least — a modicum of dignity (Loprieno 1997, p. 209). In this transformational moment, then, Egypt’s economy was radically reworked, such that much of the hard labor on state projects and institutional land was now undertaken by a new population. But the point that I argue in this essay and illustrate through one specific case study is that this new population was in and of itself symbolic of a new world order. Now, thanks to this glut of foreign chattel, Egyptians of even relatively modest status could view themselves as microcosms of the state — as literal or symbolic masters over an enslaved enemy. The foreign prisoners of war whose entrance and acculturation into Egyptian society are traced in this essay are first depicted at work on the estates of some of Hatshepsut’s most esteemed nobles. To the best of my knowledge, images of these highly recognizable men appear in Egyptian art abruptly during this reign, although admittedly the numbers of decorated tombs constructed prior to this point in the early Eighteenth Dynasty is small. They reach the zenith of their numbers in the sole reign of Thutmose III and gradually disappear from view over the next two generations. In this essay, it is first argued that among the great mass of prisoners that entered Egypt at this time a distinct foreign population is indeed identifiable in these tombs. Second, the dissemination and eventual assimilation of this cadre of prisoners, turned slaves, is charted. Finally, the case is mustered that these men were, in all likelihood, Hurrian warriors fighting on behalf of Mitanni and that the commemoration of their enslavement reflected both a historical reality and at the same time a celebration of Egypt’s newfound and hard-won position of dominance over its neighbors to the north.

A Distinct Population of Prisoners of War Can Be Identified in Theban Tombs The individuals included in this case study appear in their most distinctive form in the sole reign of Hat- shepsut, in their greatest numbers in tombs dating to Thutmose III’s reign, and can still be recognized in Egyptian art, albeit in much reduced numbers, in tombs of individuals whose careers spanned the reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III. The tombs in which they appear are listed below.

(Dziobek 1992, pls. 10b, 61, 62). pls. 9, 12, 15, 23, 28). - mose III (Säve-Söderbergh 1957, pl. 10). 8, 13)). - - rary of Thutmose III (Tylor and Griffith 1894, pls. 3 and 4). 16–18). (2)). Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 363

and Thutmose III (Davies and Gardiner 1915, pls. 2 and 6). pls. 8, 11, 12). Tati (TT 154), butler. Contemporary of Thutmose III (Davies 1913, pl. 39). Rekhmira (TT 100), vizier. Contemporary of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II (Davies 1943, pls. 39, 45–46, 48, 53–55). Djehutynefer (TT 80), overseer of the Treasury, royal scribe. Contemporary of Thutmose III and Khaemwaset (TT 261), wab-priest of Amenhotep I. Contemporary of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II Amenemhab (TT 85), lieutenant-commander of soldiers. Contemporary of Thutmose III and Amen- Kenamun (TT 93), royal steward. Contemporary of Amenhotep II (Davies 1930, pl. 61). Menna (TT 69), scribe and overseer of the estate of the king, field overseer of Amun. Contemporary of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III (Hawass and Maher-Taha 2002, pls. 16a–b, 25a–b, 49a, 67a).

Possible acculturated members of the same population are evidenced in the tombs of Nakht and Hepu — both dating to the reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III (Davies 1917, pl. 26; Davies 1963, pl. 8). Although there are, no doubt, other comparable individuals lurking in unpublished or poorly published tombs or else in funerary monuments I have simply overlooked, the twenty-two tombs so far identified include roughly 120 of these individuals2 and provide a workable sample. Let me here express my gratitude to J. J. Shirley, who generously allowed me access to her collection of images from the Theban tombs, which she amassed during fellowships funded by the American Research Center in Egypt and the Washington, D.C., Explorers Club between 2000 and 2002. Perusing her photographic trove alerted me to the presence of a number of individuals in tombs that were otherwise inaccessible to me. The men under consideration are recognizable above all by their hairstyle, which usually begins at the midsection of the head and virtually always falls sloppily down around the nape of the neck. Where preserved the hair color is either blond or black. In addition to their unusual coiffure, these men may be distinguished by one or more of the following mostly un-Egyptian features: namely, a small tuft of hair protruding at the front of the head, a thin beard extending from the chin, and a particularly curvaceous manifestation of stomach fat, which swoops down over the belt in a manner previously restricted almost solely to fertility gods and the occasional overindulgent musician. As stated, these men are at their most recognizable — with half-shaved head combined regularly with beard and occasionally also with tuft and voluminous belly — in the tombs of Hatshepsut’s officials, particularly those of Puiemra, Senemiah, Amenemhat (TT 53), and Ne- bamun (TT 145) (figs. 15.1–4, 15.11, 15.14). Paheri’s tomb, which appears to date slightly later, also possesses figures that incorporate most of these features (figs. 15.5, 15.6, 15.12).

2 This number includes some figures who are slightly damaged but who appear to share the same characteristics as other identified figures in the same tomb. 364 Ellen Morris

Figure 15.1. Marsh-workers, tomb of Puiemra, TT 39 Figure 15.2. Foreign bird-catchers, tomb of Senemiah, TT 127 (after Davies 1922, pl. 19) (photo courtesy of JJ Shirley)

Figure 15.3. Foreigner tending cattle, tomb of Amenemhat, TT 53 (photo courtesy of JJ Shirley)

Figure 15.4. Foreigners tending animals, tomb of Nebamun, Figure 15.5. Foreigner plowing, tomb of Paheri in Elkab TT 145 (after Helck 1996, fig. 18) (after Tylor and Griffith 1894, pl. 3) Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 365

The Men in Question Are Prisoners of War, Not Old Men Certain of these individuals from the tombs of Paheri, Puiemra, Amenemhat (TT 82), Intef, and Rekhmira have been identified by the scholars publishing their tombs as old men (Tylor and Griffith 1894, pp. 12, 13, 17; Davies and Gardiner 1915, p. 42; Davies 1922, p. 73). Norman de Garis Davies articulates this position well, stating that the identifying attributes of these figures are “in fact, nothing more than an unusual stress on the signs of old age, viz., the failure of the hair on the crown, an inclination to slovenliness which lets the beard and back hair grow long, and a tendency to flabbiness” (Davies 1922, p. 63). Davies therefore concludes that “the artist, from whose pictures age and idiosyncrasies are usually banned, has delighted to sum up in these old starvelings, perhaps not without a scribe’s contemptuous pity for the yokel, the peasant’s last appearance on the human scene” (ibid., p. 75). This same view has been espoused by Patrick Houlihan in his recent book Wit and Humor in Ancient Egypt and also by Gay Robins in her article “Hair and the Construction of Identity in Ancient Egypt, c. 1480–1350 B.C.” (Houlihan 2001, pp. 41, 55; Robins 1999a, pp. 62–63). There are, however, three major flaws with the assumption that the population under consideration is comprised of old men. Least damaging, but important for argument, is the subjective qualm involving timing. These men make their appearance in Egyptian art in the reign of Hatshepsut, flourish in the sole reign of Thutmose III, and disappear half a century later. The rationale behind such a short-lived artistic craze for elderly laborers would be difficult to fathom. Likewise, while it might be theoretically possible to argue for the equivalent in the mid-fifteenth century of today’s baby-boomer generation — this too is unlikely. More problematic to Davies’ thesis, however, is the presence of stubble, which can be discerned on the head of some of these men, suggesting that their unusual hairstyle was the product of a razor and not the natural aging process (e.g., Davies 1943, pl. 46; Davies and Davies 1933, pl. 12; Hawass and Maher-Taha 2002, pl. 67a). Although the stubble has been argued by Davies in support of his thesis to in fact represent the thinning hair of old age, the inclusion among our corpus of two little boys debunks this notion. In the tomb of Paheri, one of these boys winds string for an older companion who appears to be in the process of making a net. Although the face of the boy is unfortunately damaged, his distinctive long hair combined with the company he keeps strongly suggests that he is a member of the population with which we are concerned (fig. 15.6). The other little boy, who clearly possesses a short fuzz of blond stubble like that of his older com- patriots, is found in the tomb of Menna following behind a couple who are quite probably his parents (fig. 15.7). He brings a small donkey and a kid to the party of surveyors who are about to assess the year’s taxes. Incidentally, it is quite interesting that this scene in the tomb of Menna in fact does include a well-marked elderly man. This stooped individual conforms to the hieroglyphic determinative for smsw “elder” (A20 in Gardiner 1957) in the fact that his posture is bent and that he grasps a forked staff for support. The addition of the child who likewise steadies him is therefore somewhat gratuitous but proves the point that this older gentleman needed all the support he could get. Although the hair of the old man begins at the midsection of his head and falls like that of our subjects, it is distinguished from theirs by color. Likewise, he is paunchy, but his fat is distributed differently than that of our figures with their distinctive round bellies. Clearly, the artist in the tomb of Menna was at some pains to make sure that the features of the old man — included presumably because the scope of the man’s memory served to validate the proper placement of boundary stones — would not be confused with the identifying markers of the population we are examining. By far the most convincing argument that we are dealing with prisoners of war and not old men, however, is the existence of two scenes of blond, half-shaved men being frogmarched by soldiers in the tombs of tomb, which dates to the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, we see a much damaged scene of a bowman delivering two blond men, one of whom appears to have the same pointy beard observed on our figures in other contexts. In TT 143, the captive arrives with his arms tied behind his back to the estate of his new owner. Although the scene is too damaged to identify whether or not his escort was armed, in neither tomb is there any ambiguity as to the fact that the men were prisoners. Further, the presence of the bowman in Sennefer’s tomb strongly suggests that the military were responsible both for the capture and the disburse- ment of these individuals. 366 Ellen Morris

Figure 15.6. Boy (top right) working with foreigners, tomb of Paheri at Elkab (after Tylor and Griffith 1894, pl. 4)

Figure 15.7. Tenant family of foreigners and the noble’s chariot, tomb of Menna, TT 69 (after Wilkinson and Hill 1983, no. 46)

a b

Figure 15.8. Prisoners of war about to be resettled in (a) the tomb of Sennefer (TT 99), and (b) TT 143 (ownership unknown) (photos courtesy of JJ Shirley) Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 367

Over the years, a few scholars have believed the men from these tombs to have been foreign rather than elderly, however, their attempts at identification have not been numerous or satisfying. Flinders Petrie and Eduard Meyer concluded that certain of the figures in the tombs of Puiemra and Paheri were foreigners, however, neither elaborated on his suppositions (Petrie 1917, no. 672; Meyer 1913, pls. 116–18, 635, 780, 787). Indeed, to my knowledge, only a few Egyptologists have attempted to assign these men specific ethnic identities. Gaston Maspero suggested that the men from the tomb of Paheri might have been assimilated Hyksos, while Walter Wrezinski believed the figures in the tomb of Puiemra to be Libyans (Maspero 1896, p. 58; Wrezinski 1914–36, vol. 1, pls. 30, 54). The drawback to these theories is the same as that of Davies’ “old men” hypothesis, for the question remains as to why the figures appear in such profusion so suddenly. The Hyksos had ceased to be a force to be reckoned with nearly a hundred years before, despite the grandiose claims published on the walls of the Speos Artemidos (Breasted 1906, pp. 125–26, §303). Moreover, the Libyans in Hatshepsut’s reign were a perennial but not a particularly pressing problem. Neither of these populations, certainly, was captured in large numbers by Hatshepsut, her father, or even her nephew. When the physical appearance of these men, their sudden, dramatic entrance into tomb art, and the nature of the activities they engage in is taken into account, the most satisfying explanation for their appearance is that they entered the country in shackles after the campaigns of Thutmose I and then again — perhaps in a new wave — following those of Thutmose III. In Egypt’s New Kingdom evidence for the seizure of prisoners of war abounds. The boast of stocking temple workshops with prisoners of their sword’s captivity is found in the inscriptions of most kings, and the totals of such human booty were meticulously enumerated on stelae. While the practice is attested from the very beginning of the New Kingdom, however, it reached an unprecedented pitch of intensity under the Thutmosid kings, precisely at the point that the individuals under consideration appear in tomb art with startling regularity. Thutmose III campaigned for roughly two decades on a nearly annual basis, and during this time foreign captives were routinely taken from Syria- Palestine to Egypt to labor on state building projects and on temple, palace, and private estates. According to a necessarily rough tabulation of the figures in his incompletely preserved annals, this king returned from his campaigns with upward of 6,589 prisoners total. Extrapolating likely figures from the missing data, Donald Redford has estimated that the total count would have been in excess of 7,300 people (Redford 1990, p. 38). Thutmose III’s son, Amenhotep II, is likewise notable for the prodigious numbers of foreign prisoners that he claimed to have captured in foreign lands and transported back to Egypt.

The Men in Question Perform the Types of Work Typically Assigned to Prisoners of War In his annals, Thutmose III states that over the course of his career he donated 1,588 captives to the temple of Amun in Thebes in order “to fill his work-house, to be weavers, to make for him byssos, fine linen, white linen, shrw-linen, and thick cloth; to be farm-hands to work the fields to produce grain to fill the storehouse of the divine endowment” (Redford 2003, pp. 138–39). This latter assignment of prisoners to be field hands on temple estates is significant in that Puiemra, Rekhmira, Menkheperresonb, Amenemhat (TT 53), Amen- emhat (TT 82), Ineni, Menna, Sennefer, Ahmes (TT 121), and Baki all bore titles of some responsibility in these officials, moreover, account for over half of the 120 figures so far identified. Thus, many of the scenes in which the figures are particularly prevalent showcase labor that likely occurred on temple estates and workhouses. Indeed, Amun’s ownership of these environments is often clearly stated. Considering Thutmose III’s specific reference to temple workhouses, it is notable that roughly 13 percent of our figures are depicted laboring in the workhouses of the temple of Amun (Davies 1922, pl. 21; Davies 1943, pls. 48, 52–55; Davies and Davies 1933, pls. 11–12). Indeed, a heading in the tomb of Rekhmira, which portrays many of our figures at work in this setting, reads “[making an inspection of the workshop] in Karnak [and the serfs (mrt)] whom his majesty [had brought away] from his victories in the southern and northern lands as the pick of the booty” (Davies 1943, p. 47). Another heading in the same tomb reads, “making an 368 Ellen Morris inspection of the serfs of the temple property (?) [of Amun] and also the workshop of the temple property, whom the king had brought away as living captives” (ibid., p. 47). The donation of foreign prisoners en masse to temple workshops seems to have been expected of pharaohs, judging from the fact that virtually every known ruler from the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties claims to have offered the gods — and especially Amun — this type of simultaneously pious and warlike gift. Further, it is not unusual to hear about settlements of northerners established in the vicinity of various New Kingdom temples. Under Thutmose IV, for instance, a settlement of people from Gezer existed near this king’s mortuary temple, and the same sort of arrangement may well account for the presence at Memphis in the reign of Ay of a “Field of the Hittites” nestled firmly in land otherwise owned by various mortuary temples (Redford 1992, p. 225). Given that work rosters demonstrate that foreign chain gangs often aided in the erec- tion of New Kingdom temples, such settlements no doubt provided the labor for a temple’s construction and then, later, housed much of its workforce. The shena, or workhouse, where a king typically placed so many of his captives, was the ancient equivalent to a factory. The temple received raw materials in bulk from donations and taxes, and within the shena these materials would be transformed into finished products, often of the highest quality. These products would then be stored in temple treasuries and magazines and thereafter would be used to beautify state buildings or for trade, rewards, or rations. The figures of interest to us are involved in a variety of tasks ranging from those demanding relatively skilled labor (such as carpentry and stone vessel manufacture) to the patently low-status work involved in leather-processing and the mass production of pottery. Such various tasks were presumably doled out to prisoners following a preliminary assessment of whether each individual possessed certain skills that could be of particular benefit to the state. Along these lines, then, it is important to highlight the fact that among our figures, nine of the fifteen craftsmen are depicted gain- fully employed in temple workshops fashioning chariots, composite bows, and arrows (Davies 1922, pl. 23; Davies and Davies 1933, pls. 11–12). Chariots and composite bows, of course, had originally been introduced to Egypt from the north, and it may have been felt that northerners themselves possessed special technical skills useful in their manufacture. Certainly, it is notable that nearly 7 percent of the entire corpus of known Syro-Palestinian words incorporated into the Egyptian language had to do with chariots and their constituent parts (Hoch 1994, p. 462). Four of the figures in the tombs of Rekhmira and Menkheperresonb are depicted as engaged in the same preliminary tasks of creating composite bows (fig. 15.9). The fashioning of these intricate — yet extremely powerful — weapons demanded a great deal of skill, and their manufacture, which could take the better part of a year, was undoubtedly entrusted to specialists.

Figure 15.9. Foreigners at work making weapons in the tomb of Menkheperresonb (photo courtesy of JJ Shirley) Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 369

Given that Egyptian armies frequently commandeered Syro-Palestinian weaponry after a successful battle and later emulated it, northern military technology seems to have been especially sought after. Indeed, these originally northern weapons were gifts fit for kings in the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. At a New Year’s festival depicted in the tomb of Kenamun, for instance, presents sent by foreign dignitaries to Amenhotep II included composite bows, other weapons, coats of armor, and two chariots. One of these chariots was specifically labeled to suggest use in warfare, and the other — which had a pile of Syrian-style helmets below it — was glossed with an inscription stating that it had been constructed with wood from Naharin, the polity better known as Mitanni (Davies 1930, pl. 22). The employment of foreigners in the weapons industry makes a great deal of sense. But for the less skilled prisoners, the future awaiting them in Egypt may have been a bit more malodorous. The other tasks which our figures are seen performing are certainly unpleasant enough to qualify as chores we know or might suspect to have been doled out, where possible, to foreign prisoners. Roughly 45 percent of the jobs, for example, consist of catching, killing, transporting, cleaning, or herding birds, fish, cattle, goat, or swine (Säve-Söderbergh 1957, pl. 10; Tylor and Griffith 1894, pl. 4; Davies 1922, pls. 9, 12, 15; N. de G. Davies 1930, p. 58, fig. 9, pl. 61; Davies and Gardiner 1913, pl. 6; Davies 1943, pl. 46; idem 1913, pl. 39; Hawass and Maher- and 6); Helck 1996, pls. 17, 18; Dziobek 1992, pl. 61). Of these, the category of cowherd is perhaps the most interesting, for thousands of head of cattle are noted among the items of seizure and tribute in Thutmose III’s annals (Redford 1990, p. 50). Thus it is possible to speculate that captured foreigners were deemed especially apt at tending to their own native breeds or that the Egyptians simply liked the thought of them doing so (figs. 15.3, 15.4, 15.10). Significantly, the only titled member of our population was a “guardian of cattle” discovered in the tomb of Tati (Davies 1913, pl. 39). Swamp-work, like the cleaning of fish and duck carcasses, may have been yet another profession that the majority of Egyptians were happy to cede to foreign newcomers. Such work is, of course, the target for a barb in the Satire of the Trades, where the self-satisfied scribal author observes, “The reed-cutter travels to the Delta to get arrows. When he has done more than his arms can do, mosquitoes have slain him. Gnats have slaughtered him. He is quite worn out” (Lichtheim 1975, p. 186). Reed-cutting and rope-making are just two of the occupations, aside from those of catching birds and fish, at which our figures toil in the marshes, but no doubt the others were equally enervating (figs. 15.6, 15.11, 15.13).

Figure 15.10. Foreign cowherd, from the tomb of Amenemhat, TT 82 (photo courtesy of JJ Shirley) 370 Ellen Morris

Figure 15.11. Foreigners working in a marsh environment in the tomb of Puiemra (after Davies 1922, pl. 18)

Agricultural work (the occupation of about 15 percent of the figures under consideration) is likewise derided by the same snide scribe, who states, “The field hand cries out forever. His voice is louder than the [raven’s]. His fingers have become [ulcerous] with an excess of stench” (Simpson 2003, p. 434; for figures engaged in fieldwork, see Davies 1922, pl. 28; Tylor and Griffith 1894, pl. 3; Davies 1943, pl. 39; Shedid 1988, only other employment in addition to making linen, which Thutmose III specifically mentioned as the future destiny of prisoners of war, was “to work the fields, to produce grain to fill the granary of the god’s offering” (Redford 1992, p. 223). Given that state institutions could obtain the largest percentage yield on land that they directly owned and which was worked for them by unfree individuals, there would presumably have been an extremely high incentive to place prisoners of war on institutional land. Further, the gift of such slave laborers to key nobles — so that they too might reap the maximum yield possible on their own lands — would in the end have added up to a far more valuable gift than the numerous gold baubles and flies of valor usually bestowed upon worthies in public reward ceremonies. Papyrus Bologna 1086, a letter addressing the case of a Syrian field hand who should have been delivered to the “House of Thoth” but was instead unlawfully commandeered, for example, meticulously calculates the potential value of this slave’s labor on a per day basis. In assessing his cumulative losses, the writer calculates that one working man was capable of bundling 200 -measures of grain in a day. One -measure of wheat amounted to about 75 liters and constituted a fairly generous month’s rations for one unmarried laborer (Eyre 1987, p. 178). So, if the scribe’s assessment is correct, one man could be expected to reap a great deal of revenue for a landholder in a single day. The sale and rental rates for slaves corroborate the high value placed on their work. The cost of buying a slave averaged around 180 grams of silver, and the rental price of four days of a female slave’s labor in one text was able to earn her owner an extra ox (Hayes 1973, p. 376). Keeping the income-generating power of a slave in mind, the macho boast of one of our figures (fig. 15.12) to the Egyptian bringing him stacks of flax is particularly impressive. The man brags: “If you bring me 11,009 (such stacks), I am the one who will comb them.” The Egyptian, who is portrayed in this tomb as significantly slighter in build than either of the two fat foreigners flanking him, snaps: “Quick, do not talk so much, you old, bald field hand” (Tylor and Griffith 1894, p. 14, pl. 3). Just as an aside here, lest I be charged with dodging the issue, one of the figures is specifically referred to as “old and bald” by the Egyptian, though Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 371 this man is in fact clearly still hale and healthy judging from his build and from his boast even if only a fraction of it were true. Given that this tomb dates from very early in the sole reign of Thutmose III, however, and that the depiction of the men bears a strong resemblance to those portrayed in the tombs of Hatshepsut’s nobles, it is likely that the man had been captured in the reign of Thutmose I and thus had indeed advanced in age at the time of this imag- ined encounter. The final environment in which the proposed population appears in significant numbers is in the vineyard, where 9 percent of the figures labor (Dzi- obek 1992, pl. 1; Davies 1943, pl. 45; Mackay 1916, pl. - prising in view of the fact that northern wine was especially prized by Egyptian connoisseurs and kings alike. During the course of his many campaigns, Thutmose III requisitioned well over 12,500 jars of wine, and the Egyptians assumed direct control over Figure 15.12. Foreigners working flax and Paheri’s chariot the lucrative local wine industries at Aphek and Tell and compound bow, tomb of Paheri, Elkab (after Tylor and es-Sa’idiyeh in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynas- Griffith 1894, pl. 3) ties (Morris 2005, pp. 582, 764). Moreover, excava- tors discovered forty-five wine amphorae as well as fragments of an ivory plaque depicting an Egyptian official in the act of savoring such stores in the remains of an Egyptian governor’s residence at Tell el-Far’ah South (Morris 2005, pp. 746–47). Certainly, judging from numerous wine dockets discovered at Malkata, Amarna, and at other locales as well, when the Egyptians could not or did not import their wine, they preferred to patronize those vineyards that were overseen by northerners. Indeed, the state even transported Syro-Palestinian vintners down to Nubia to help set up vineyards in the southern regions (Vercoutter 1959, pp. 126–27). The use of northern prisoners as vineyard workers dates all the way back to the very dawn of the empire, when Kamose hurled abuse at his Hyksos rival during the siege of Avaris. Amidst the insults designed to humiliate his opponent was the taunt: “See, I am drinking the wine of your vineyard which the Asiatics whom I have captured press for me” (Simpson 2003, p. 349).

These New Foreign Slaves Were a Novelty and a Point of National Pride Kamose’s insult brings up a second facet of the scenes in which foreign prisoners of war labor in the vineyards. Not only did northerners know wine — and apparently produce a superior product — but their presence as laborers working for Egyptian masters spoke powerfully of Egypt’s newfound position in the world at large. One feature of note in the vineyard scenes of Khaemwaeset (fig. 15.13) and perhaps also in the tombs of Nakht and Rekhmira as well, is that a northerner and a Nubian are depicted laboring together in the service of the Egyptian state. It may well be that the artists at the time of Thutmose III and his immediate successors were simply recording what they saw, namely scores of foreign prisoners of war hard at work on Egyptian estates, and that the inclusion of these men in so-called daily life scenes at this time accurately reflected daily life. In specifically juxtaposing the northerner and the southerner under the graceful arcs of the vines, however, the Egyptian artist also celebrated in shorthand version the vast extent of his country’s new empire. Certainly, it is no coincidence that the depiction of foreign prisoners of war on private estates and in the fields and workhouses of Amun coincided with the relatively sudden appearance in Egyptian art 372 Ellen Morris

Figure 15.13. Foreigners at work in the vineyards and marshes, tomb of Khaemwaset, TT 261 (after Mekhitarian 1978, p. 19)

Figure 15.14. Foreigners and a horse, in the tomb of Nebamun, TT 145 (after Helck 1996, fig. 16) Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 373

of processions of foreigners, each depicted in loving ethnographic detail, loaded down with the choicest products of their regions to offer before the king. Indeed, five of our own cadre of tomb owners — Ineni, Menkheperresonb, Rekhmira, Puiemra, and Intef — incorporated scenes of foreign offering bearers in the Further, many of our tomb owners and their contemporaries alike also made certain that their horses and chariots — and even their composite bow in the case of Paheri — were memorialized for all eternity (figs. 15.7, 15.12). The possession of this equipment immediately signaled the tomb owner’s exalted status, but the real joy in owning this form of equipment and parading it around one’s estate was likely its great novelty. Indeed, one senses that the artists themselves were at this point still somewhat flummoxed as to how to accurately render such a strange animal as the horse in two dimensions. The depiction of one of our figures leading and interacting with a horse in the tomb of the military commander Nebamun (TT 145) is therefore particularly notable (fig. 15.14). This taste for owning or indeed domesticating a bit of the empire extended even to gardens — for tomb owners such as Ineni now proudly displayed such foreign plants as pomegranate trees and mandrakes in and among the sycamore, acacia, and palm trees that ornamented their private estates. Pomegranates are depicted in Thutmose III’s botanical garden at Karnak and thus likely had come back with the warrior scholars who took part in Thutmose’s second campaign and perhaps also with the soldiers who participated in early Eighteenth Dynasty expeditions (Manniche 1989, p. 139). Taking all this into account, it can be safely stated that foreign flora, fauna, peoples, and products must have been at their peak of exoticism at the time of the empire’s first real expansion, and thus such imports were far more celebrated than they were to be after the empire had persisted for centuries. Certainly, it would seem apparent that the large number of northerners in Egypt — present this time not as overlords, as the Hyksos had been, but rather as slaves to Egyptians and to Egyptian gods — would have been a phenomenon worth memorializing for eternity. It may also have been worth satirizing. Mention has been made above of the comparatively large frames of the figures when viewed beside the uniformly gracile Egyptians they labored among (figs. 15.5, 15.11, 15.12). There is also the matter of their oftentimes pendulous stomachs (figs. 15.1, 15.5, 15.7, 15.9, 15.12). The great size and bulk of these figures are features reduplicated in enough contexts to suggest that what the Egyptian artist was attempting to convey was something akin to an ethnic stereotype or joke made at

Figure 15.15. Detail from a namban-jin “southern Figure 15.16. Obese foreigners in the tomb of Amenemhab, TT 85 barbarian” screen (after Okamoto 1972, no. 94) (after Davies 1934, p. 191) 374 Ellen Morris the expense of the lumbering, heavy-set men the Egyptian fieldworkers now found themselves living amidst. One might compare such unflattering representations of foreigners in Egypt with the delight obviously taken by Japanese artists in depicting enormous, and oftentimes enormously fat, Portugese traders (fig. 15.15). These men, with their bulbous noses and their attendant animals, appear rather suddenly in the namban-jin or “southern barbarian” screens, which were a popular artistic genre as Japan emerged from an extended period of isolationism in the sixteenth century (see Okamoto 1972). Clearly, in a reversal of traditional Egyptian and Japanese norms, there were some instances in which size did not equal status. Indeed, it is important to note that this same stereotype of the grotesquely fat foreigner is explicitly depicted in the tomb of Amenemhab (TT 85), dating from the reign of Thutmose III, in which two of our own figures are discovered laboring (fig. 15.16). The contrast between the trimness of the Egyptians and the obesity of their prisoners is likewise highlighted in the tomb of Horemheb at Memphis (Gilroy 2002, p. 41).

Depictions of the Men Become Rarer after the Reign of Amenhotep II, as Their Living Counterparts Began to Assimilate into Egyptian Society Postulating, then, that the abrupt appearance of these figures upon the Egyptian artistic scene may be satis- factorily explained by the military policies of the Thutmosid kings and by the desire of their closest officials to celebrate the empire — as well as their own positions of authority over its spoils — still leaves us to account for the gradual disappearance of these figures within the span of several decades. It seems, however, that this fading from view may have been a direct result of the documented treatment of prisoners of war in Egypt. Orlando Patterson in his book Slavery and Social Death has noted that in societies worldwide the transfor- mation of a formerly free person into a slave is one that is fraught and which needs to be properly managed by virtue of a rite of passage that effectively divests the person of his or her former individualized identity. Patterson argues that the death of the free agent and the birth of the slave is frequently marked figuratively by the bestowal of a new slave-name and quite literally by the imposition on the body of a slave-mark (Pat- terson 1982, p. 52). The vast majority of prisoners of war in Egypt’s New Kingdom upon crossing the border were renamed. A ship’s captain named Ahmose in the early Eighteenth Dynasty had nineteen foreign prisoners of war who he personally had captured and who the king had allowed him to retain as a reward for his bravery; only one was allowed to keep her name (Drower 1973, p. 479). Typically the new names of prisoners of war indicated their status (such as “Settled-in-Thebes”), celebrated the pharaoh under whose reign they were captured (e.g., “Ramesses-is-strong,” “Ramesses-endures,” etc.), or honored the official that now owned them (Bres- ciani 1997, p. 242). We know from texts of Ramesses III that after their arrival in Egypt and their official registration, captives were branded — or rather “cartouched,” as the verb (mnš) is actually written — with the name of the king they served. The treatment of prisoners of war in this regard was exactly the same as that meted out to Levantine cattle (LÄ I 850–51). A second stage in processing new captives and in divesting them of their former selves is also described by Ramesses III. His Libyan captives were “placed in strongholds of the victo- rious king that they might hear the speech of the (Egyptian) people (be)fore following the king. He made a reversion of their speech, re[ver]sing their tongues that they might go upon the road, which (they) had not descended (before)” (Morris 2005, p. 700). Thus while the foreignness of prisoners of war seems to have been exactly what made them ideologically valuable to the nobles who showcased them on their walls, foreignness was not, in fact, what was valued in the long term. Obedience and acculturation were. To the Egyptian mind, teaching a foreigner to speak Egyptian was viewed as highly unnatural but also as akin to the process of domesticating a wild animal. The metaphor is made explicit in the Instructions of Ani, which states: “the savage lion abandons his wrath, and comes to resemble the timid donkey. The horse slips into its harness, obedient it goes outdoors. The dog obeys the word and walks behind its master. The monkey carries the stick, though its mother did not carry it. The goose returns from the pond, when one comes to shut it in the yard. One teaches the Nubian to speak Egyptian, the Syrian and other foreigners Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 375 too” (Lichtheim 1976, p. 144). Clearly, a quick acculturation of foreign slaves into Egyptian society — a quick domestication of what was foreign — was desirable. Judging from a text of the royal barber Sibastet, who lived during the time of Thutmose III, this process of acculturation could be significantly helped along by intermarriage with Egyptian citizens. Sibastet writes: “The … slave belonging to me …. I obtained him because of my strength-of-arm while I was following the ruler…. I have given him my niece, Nebetta, to wife …. She has shared with [my] wife and (my) sister likewise. [He] goes forth and he is not in need …. If he assigns services to my sister, he shall not be interfered with by anybody forever” (Bakir 1952, p. 83). Evidence for intermarriages between foreign men resident in Egypt and typically Egyptian women are not difficult to discover in the textual, archaeological, or artistic record from the First Intermediate Period onward. Further, as the betrothal of Sibastet’s niece to his foreign slave demonstrates, such mixed marriages occurred even at the highest levels of Egyptian society. Such unions were no doubt more common in situations in which a slave had been awarded to an individual and had then been to some degree incorporated into the family. In such instances, the male or female slave was typically freed and their children were accepted as free-born Egyptians. Even on large estates, however, it is perhaps likely that foreign male slaves would form unions with the daughters of field hands and other low-wage or subsistence laborers. It is perhaps to be wondered if such an intermarriage and acculturation of a prisoner of war is not in fact precisely what is being witnessed in the tomb of Menna, which dates to the time of Thutmose III’s grandson (fig. 15.7). In this tomb we find a blond man and his, to all appearances, Egyptian wife greeting a group of surveyors with presents. The scene of gift-giving by a tenant to a surveying party is not uncommon in Egyp- tian tombs, and the gifts may well have been an attempt by the tenant to butter up the officials who would soon reckon his taxes. In this agricultural scene, two other of our figures appear. One is the boy mentioned previously, and the second is a man in the lower register who offers Menna beverages, perhaps as a further goodwill gesture. Here, then, it is tempting to find a family of foreigners in the process of acculturation into Egyptian society. Bearing this possibility in mind, it should be noted that the hair of the tenant appears to have grown in significantly, while the heads of the other of our figures in the tomb are still covered with blond stubble. Given that the unusual hairstyle of these figures is their principal identifying marker, it follows that when this population acculturated and wore their hair as much like Egyptians as was possible, they become far more difficult to detect. Certain individuals in the tombs of Hepu and Nakht — officials who, like Menna, lived in the reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III — I have tentatively identified as candidates for acculturated members of the same population (Davies 1917, pl. 26; Davies 1963, pl. 8). This is due to the fact that their shaggy, often cowlicked hair resembles a grown-out version of the hair of the figures in question and that the types of labor they perform (vineyard work, poultry processing, and chariot-making) are the same as the duties that had been assigned to our prisoners of war just a generation or two previously. Just what the original hairstyle meant, however, is an important question. One possibility is that it was a special haircut, used by Egyptians to render slaves easily recognizable at a glance, such as was occasionally used in Mesopotamia, for instance. One of Hammurabi’s laws states that “If a barber shaves off the slave- hairlock of a slave not belonging to him without the consent of the slave’s owner, they shall cut off that barber’s hand” (M. T. Roth 1995, p. 124). The shaving or partial shaving of the head of a slave is yet another common feature in many slave-owning societies as it serves to aid in divesting the slave of his former identity as well as in readily identifying him in case of flight (Patterson 1982, p. 60). While the partially shaved hair of our figures might well be interpreted as a slave haircut, the limited span of time during which evidence of this hairstyle is observable, the absence of this hairstyle among some individuals we know to have been foreign slaves, together with the total lack of references to slave hairstyles in the numerous New Kingdom texts that deal with Egyptian slaves, renders it unlikely that the hairstyle of the figures in question was a marker of their unfree status. 376 Ellen Morris

The Population in Question Likely Constituted a Class of Warriors Who Had Fought for the Kingdom of Mitanni The other cross-cultural context in which the hair of men is typically altered is the military. Uniform haircuts subvert individual identity to a new corporate identity, and they also render soldiers (like slaves) immediately recognizable should they opt to desert. To my mind a more persuasive suggestion, then, is that the hairstyle of our figures was that worn by the soldiers of a particular foreign group that the Thutmosid kings had vanquished in battle. Certainly, we know that partial head-shaving was practiced by Hittite warriors, as can be seen in representations of participants in the Battle of Kadesh at Abydos, Luxor, Karnak, and the Ramesseum (fig. 15.17). While this head-shaving is indeed intriguing, in all cases the Hittite warriors wear their hair much longer than the figures in question do, and none sport beards. The timing is also all wrong, considering that armed encounters with the Hittites did not occur during the reigns of the Thutmosid kings. That the figures in question are not Hittites, however, might best be argued by the presence of a typical Hittite leader in a long line of other bound foreigners at the base of one of Ramesses II’s colossal statues at Abu Simbel, as this Hittite appears in the same lineup as a representation of a person who looks very much like our figures had when they first arrived in Egypt (fig. 15.18).3 Unfortunately, there are no labels on this relief to identify the figure. Likewise, to my knowledge, no labeled parallels exist. In his article devoted to this particular line of captives, Flinders Petrie (1917, p. 61) puts forth a tentative suggestion that the man is a Shasu bedouin. Petrie’s identification is not particularly convincing, however, as William Ward (1972, p. 60) noted in his study of the Shasu that members of this population “have only a single identifying feature, the head cloth, and even this does not always apply.” Indeed, identifying unlabeled ethnic groups represented in Egyptian art is no easy task — period. As Norman de Garis Davies (1934, p. 191) put it, the Egyptian artist “could not distinguish between Syrians of the mountain and of the plain .... Everything northern was Syrian to him.”

Figure 15.17. Hittite warriors with partially shaved heads (after Wreszinski 1914–36, vol. 2, pl. 23)

3 The beard of the figure was restored by Petrie based on a sketch made by W. Golenischeff before a crack in the wall ob- scured it (Petrie 1917, p. 61). Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 377

Adding to this inherent difficulty in identifying types of foreigners in Egyptian art is the fact that Thutmose III and Ramesses II were Egypt’s two most energetic warrior kings, engaging in numerous battles with foes who had amassed allied armies from all over Western Asia. Thutmose III brags, for example, that the taking of Megiddo was the taking of a thousand towns (Redford 2003, p. 31). While this is surely hyperbole, the topographic lists enumer- ate 350 polities that participated in the battle (Aha- roni 1967, p. 143). Likewise, at Ramesses II’s Battle of Kadesh, sixteen powerful rulers — each with their own subject territories — supplied warriors to the king of the Hittites. This army, Ramesses states, “were like the locust by reason of their multitude; He (i.e., the king of Hatti) left no silver in his land, Figure 15.18. Line of foreigners at the base of Ramesses II’s he stripped it of all its possessions and gave them to colossal statues at Abu Simbel (after Petrie 1917, p. 61) all the foreign countries in order to bring them with him to fight” (Gardiner 1975, p. 8). Among the sixteen polities enlisted by the Hittite king in his battle against Ramesses II at Kadesh, however, was Naharin — or what was left of the Mitanni kingdom (Gardiner 1975, pp. 8, 29). This is of paramount importance for the issue of timing given that throughout the early and mid-Eighteenth Dynasty, Mitanni had dominated the entirety of northern Syria and constituted Egypt’s most dangerous — and therefore most illustrious — opponent. Hurrian soldiers who fought for Mitanni were captured by the warriors of both Thutmose I and Thutmose III, as evidenced by personal narratives, and they were encountered by Thutmose III in his first, eighth, tenth, and seventeenth campaigns (Redford 2003, pp. 14, 74, 83–84, 95). Thutmose III was particularly proud of his eighth campaign, in which he met Mitanni forces on their own territory east of the Euphrates. The Euphrates River represented the farthest distance from Egypt that any pharaoh had ever penetrated northward, and to celebrate his achievement, Thutmose III erected a stela beside that of his grandfather, Thutmose I (ibid., p. 74). In this eighth campaign alone Thutmose III claimed to have taken over 719 Mitanni prisoners of war (Redford 2003, p. 74). At least three of these men were captured by Amenemhab, whose tomb scenes include six of the figures in question. Amenemhab states, “when His Majesty arrived in Naharin I brought the three men as captures therefrom, that I might set them before His Majesty as prisoners-of-war” (ibid., p. 167). Thutmose III’s victory against Naharin is also celebrated in the inscriptions of Menkheperresonb. This noble, who like Amenemhab integrated the figures in question among his tomb laborers, praises his sovereign, stating, “You have laid waste the lands of Mitanni; you have razed their towns, and their chiefs have taken to the caves” (after Davies and Davies 1933, p. 5). If the figures appear in Egyptian art very soon after Thutmose I’s initial encounter with Mitanni and reach a point of saturation during the reign of Thutmose III, who made his name fighting this enemy su- perpower, the timing for the gradual disappearance of these figures also meshes with the political situation vis-à-vis Mitanni. In the succeeding reign of Amenhotep II, after a series of aggressive campaigns to the north, this king records that the ruler of Naharin sent an embassy to him in order “to plead for peace from his Majesty” (Cumming 1982, p. 32). While such statements should not always be taken seriously in Egyptian royal inscriptions, it is certainly the case that following this statement Amenhotep II seems to have retired from the battlefield, and it would not be until the end of the Amarna period that Egyptian pharaohs would again send major campaign armies northward. Further, even when full-scale campaigns resumed under Tutankhamun, Mitanni did not again appear as an active foe of Egypt until the reign of Ramesses II, when “Maryan-warriors of Nahrin the wretched” number among the captives taken at the Battle of Kadesh (Gar- diner 1975, p. 44). The timing of Egypt’s feuds with Mitanni, therefore, correlates well with the sudden and brief entrances of our foreigners into Egyptian art. Moreover, the fact that the rare and often quite variable 378 Ellen Morris

appearance of labeled Mitanni leaders do not show persons closely resembling our figures should not be taken as damning, for a difference in the appearance between a leader and his warriors is found also in the case of the Hittites (compare fig. 15.17 with fig. 15.18, for example). This point may also be illustrated with reference to an embassy of Mitanni nobles depicted in the tomb of the veteran and standard-bearer Nebamun (fig. 15.19). Although Nebamun decorated his tomb in the reign of Thutmose IV, he boasts that he had once accompanied his sovereign from Naharin to Karoy (Davies 1923, p. 26, pl. 28), a feat that could only have been accomplished in the reign of Thutmose III. In his tomb, Neba- mun depicts the arrival of a foreign embassy to the king bearing horses, fabulous bowls of golden objects, and other items (including quivers). The scene is labeled as if spoken by Nebamun to the king: “For your , you good god, the spoil [of the countries?] chastised and the sons of the chiefs of Nahary (sic)” (after ibid., p. 33). Significantly, many of these Mitanni envoys exhibited blond clubbed hair, pointy beards, and even strange cowlicks or tufts at the front of their hair. The men who offer their horses and gifts stand immediately behind a shackled mass of prisoners of war, who are themselves linked by ropes ultimately grasped by the oversized standard-bearer, Nebamun. Consid- ering what we know of international politics in the reign of Thutmose IV and also the Egyptian proclivity to represent balanced diplomatic encounters as imbalanced extractions, it is likely that the scene represents a high-level embassy from the court of Mitanni, perhaps bringing with it an installment of a dowry for the Mitanni princess destined to become Thutmose IV’s bride (Bryan 1991, pp. 118–19). This delivery would in its turn be reciprocated by the Egyptians with payments of bride-price before the Mitanni princess would make the long journey toward her new home. As for the prisoners of war, a strong parallel in Amarna Letter 17 makes it quite likely that these men were sent to Egypt by the Mitanni king as his Egyptian ally’s cut of the booty obtained in a recent battle (Moran 1992, p. 42, lines 36–38). More interesting yet is a figure in the register below who bows low to the ground immediately behind another mass of prisoners and shares the pe- culiar half-shaved hairstyle and pointy beard of the population we have been tracing. This individual is obviously part of the embassy but was neither an offering bearer nor the most illustrious member of the group. This honor would have gone to the larger- scale figure in the bottom register. The groveling stance of the former individual, however, should not be mistaken for an indication of his humble status. “Kissing the earth” was one of an elaborate series of deliberately humbling prostrations that made up a greeting ritual that foreign ambassadors and elite Egyptian officials alike performed when ushered into the king’s presence (Morris 2006). Thus, the fact that the figure had been afforded the opportunity to prostrate himself and was commemorated doing so is, in fact, an ironic attestation of his considerable dignity and importance. By the time that Ramesses II decorated Abu Sim- bel, Mitanni was no longer a mighty force to be reckoned with. Assyria and the Hittites had partitioned the kingdom and left it effectively powerless. If our suggestion as to the ethnic identity of this figure is correct, his inclusion among far more formidable Figure 15.19. Embassy from Mitanni depicted in the tomb of foes on the walls of the temple may simply have Nebamun (after Davies 1923, pl. 28) been in the interest of bulking up Ramesses’ line of Mitanni Enslaved: Prisoners of War, Pride, and Productivity in a New Imperial Regime 379 subdued foreigners. In the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, however, Mitanni prisoners of war would have been portrayed by Egyptian nobles on their tomb walls with far more pride of place. At that time, Mitanni warriors were the most exotic and the most prestigious foe in the entire ancient Near East. Their physical presence in Egypt, performing the most menial of tasks for their new Egyptian overlords, without a doubt spoke volumes as to Egypt’s recently acquired preeminence on the international scene. 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