CITY, VOL. 10, NO. 2, JULY 2006 Neo-liberal reform and urban space The cartoneros of , 2001–20051

Themis Chronopoulos

Taylor and Francis Ltd

In , cartoneros are poor people who collect and sell paper products and other recyclables in order to survive. The appearance of cartoneros in high profile urban public spaces in search of recyclables has been one of the most visible and lasting effects of the 2001–2002 economic crisis of Argentina. This essay examines the origins of cartoneros in Buenos Aires and Gran Buenos Aires, their relationship with the state, and the formaliza- tion of their gathering activities by the authorities and the recycling industry.

ach morning an extraordinary known as cartoneros because they collect amount of activity occurs in a villa primarily paper products from trash bags Emiseria 2 located right next to the and garbage containers placed on the street railroad tracks of Línea San Martín, on the by middle and upper class residents (or boundary of and La their workers). However, they also seek Paternal3 in western Buenos Aires (Figures materials that are less abundant, including 1 and 2). The residents of this community glass, metal, cardboard, tins, plastic and spend most of the morning hours separat- wood (Anguita, 2003).4 ing recyclable materials that they have Figure 12 WorkAnotherThe by view cartoneros of the samein the community, villapresence miseria June alongside 2005. LíneaPhotograph: San Martín, Themis June Chronopoulos. 2005.of Photograph: Themiscartoneros Chronopoulos. is one of the gathered the evening before. They package most visible and lasting effects of the 2001– them as neatly as possible so that they can 2002 economic crisis of Argentina. Although sell them. In Argentina, these people are people have collected and sold recyclables in

Figure 1 Work by cartoneros in the villa miseria alongside Línea San Martín, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

ISSN 1360-4813 print/ISSN 1470-3629 online/06/020167-16 © 2006 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/13604810600736651 168 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Figure 2 Another view of the same community, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Buenos Aires and Gran Buenos Aires for pay 3.50 pesos per kilogramme for alumin- many years, in 2001–2002 their population ium and 8.50 pesos per kilogramme for exploded, their gathering activities became copper. The average cartonero earns about more regular, and their penetration into 350–600 pesos each month, just enough for middle and upper class neighbourhoods their family to survive. It is estimated that became more complete (Figures 3–6).5 The more than 100,000 people in Buenos Aires main reason for this change was the inability and Gran Buenos Aires depend on the gath- of a sizable portion of the population to find ering of recyclables to support their families6 other sources of income. Almost equally (Reynals, 2002, p. 3). important was the devaluation of the peso in Figurefamous 6345footballCartoneraPalermo,CartoneroCartonerasThe player) an in inaffluentis Recoleta, Barriofrom. neighbourhoodVilla Norte, Juneanexistence affluentFiorito 2005.an affluent is neighbourhoodPhotograph: ain neighbourhood Buenos neighbourhood Aires,Themis of northernlocatedJune Chronopoulos.in 2005.northern in Buenos the Photograph: southernBuenos Aires, of Aires,zoneJune Themis 2005.of June Gran Chronopoulos. cartonerosPhotograph:2005. Buenos When Aires. Themisasked Photograph where Chronopoulos. they: Themis were from, Chronopoulos. these women in proudly announced Buenos from Villa Fiorito, where Diego MaradonaAires (Argentina’s most 2002, which made imported paper and plastic depends on a complex arrangement of social products too expensive; at that point, Argen- relations that has come about after decades of tine corporations found it cheaper to economic decline and neo-liberal policies. It produce many of those products domesti- depends on the following elements: a formal cally and to increase recycling, making the labour market unable to absorb a substantial gathering of recyclables much more profit- number of people who have no choice but to able (Schamber, 2004). For example, a recy- join the informal ecoomy; a sizable middle cling vendor in Barrio San Alberto, a low- and upper class with a great capacity for income neighbourhood located about 20 consumption that does not consider the sale kilometres west from the city border, pays of recyclables worthwhile; a population that cartoneros prices ranging from 7 centavos per tolerates, at least to some degree, the prolifer- kilogramme for newsprint and other low- ation of people recovering recyclables; a quality paper to 40 centavos per kilogramme municipal government that is willing to for high-quality white office paper. They also accommodate cartoneros; and entities that CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 169

Figure 3 Palermo, an affluent neighbourhood in Buenos Aires, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 4 Cartonero in Recoleta, an affluent neighbourhood of northern Buenos Aires, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. 170 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Figure 5 Cartoneras in Barrio Norte, an affluent neighbourhood in northern Buenos Aires, June 2005. When asked where they were from, these women proudly announced from Villa Fiorito, where Diego Maradona (Argentina’s most famous football player) is from. Villa Fiorito is a neighbourhood located in the southern zone of Gran Buenos Aires. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 6 Cartonera in Recoleta, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 171 buy recyclables from cartoneros and sell them this law did not, however, prevent informal to large corporations, which turn them into recycling from becoming a major issue in the raw materials and sell them to factories at mayoral election of 2003. Candidates from the home and abroad. right rejected the recognition of cartoneros The residents of entire communities in outright and advocated their removal from the Gran Buenos Aires are either unemployed or streets. Although none of these candidates underemployed, and recovering recyclables prevailed in that election, this debate signalled from the trash is one of their main sources of the precarious situation in which cartoneros income. In Barrio San Alberto, the most could eventually find themselves. thriving business seems to be the place where cartoneros go to sell what they have gathered. In September 2004, that business looked The origins of cartoneros much more modest than it did 10 months later (Figures 7–9). In fact, business is so The residents of the villa miseria alongside good that a competing recyclable buyer has Línea San Martín are primarily people who opened a few blocks away (Figure 10). were displaced from the formal economy due Figure 89107 TheRecyclingCompeting sameinside recycling businessof recycling the recycling inbusiness Barriooutletproliferation business ainSan few San Alberto, blocks Albertoin San awayLa Alberto, a Matanza,few from months June the located larger2005. later, inPhotograph:recyclingJune the 2005.west business zone Walls, Themis of ainGran gate,Chronopoulos. San Buenos Alberto,and of the Aires, beginnings June September2005.thousands of Photograph: a roof 2004. are Cartoneros visib Themisle. Photograph: C hronopoulos.bring their Themis recyclables Chronopoulos. to this of place and sellcartoneros them. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. to neo-liberal reforms in the 1990s. In the early in the streets of middle and upper class neigh- 1990s, most of the residents of the villa miseria bourhoods of the Federal Capital has spear- had lived in neighbourhoods across Gran headed debates over the use and definition of Buenos Aires. Many held regular jobs in public public space. Until 2003, their gathering activ- companies, such as the railroad, the water ity had been illegal.7 That year, a new law company or the telephone company. Others recognized informal recycling. The passage of had held jobs in construction, small manufac-

Figure 7 Recycling business in Barrio San Alberto, La Matanza, located in the west zone of Gran Buenos Aires, September 2004. Cartoneros bring their recyclables to this place and sell them. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. 172 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Figure 8 The same recycling business in San Alberto a few months later, June 2005. Walls, a gate, and the beginnings of a roof are visible. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 9 The inside of the recycling business in San Alberto, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 173

Figure 10 Competing recycling outlet a few blocks away from the larger recycling business in San Alberto, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. turing outlets and factories. However, the began to roam the streets seeking valuables in presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–1999) the trash (Opinión, 2002a). Even though the marked a complete neo-liberal transforma- majority of former public sector employees tion, including the rapid and almost complete did not become cartoneros, their loss of privatization of state companies, unrestricted income, and the economic reverberations felt financial opening to international markets, and by their families and their communities, pegging of the Argentine peso with the US caused many to resort to recycling. dollar on a 1-to-1 basis. These reforms resulted The opening of Argentina’s market in unemployment or irregular employment, attracted investment from foreign corpora- lower wages, capital outflow and, by 2001, tions and loans from international financial complete economic collapse. organizations, but also made capital The sale of state companies generated outflows from the country easy. In 1995, approximately $28 billion in government reve- international investment in Argentina nues, but resulted in massive layoffs of public declined and official unemployment reached employees, many of whom never secured 18 per cent.8 The newly unemployed joined another salaried position. By the mid 1990s, former public employees in search of regular privatization was almost complete and the employment with decent wages. Although now unemployed public workers were partic- younger people with a formal education ularly hard hit (Chronicle of Latin American were often able to obtain new salaried posi- Economic Affairs, 1994; Auyero, 2004). It is tions, many of the laid-off workers in their not a coincidence that observers identify 1994 forties and fifties never did (Grimson and as the first year that large numbers of people Kesller, 2005, p. 105). 174 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Despite a general economic improvement lines and were adjoining non-residential between 1996 and 1998, the structural prob- spaces such as warehouses, old factories and lems that parity between the peso and the US cemeteries. In the 2000–2002 period there dollar had created persisted. Convertibility were a few attempts to establish actual villa made the Argentine peso one of the strongest miserias. Most of these settlements did not and most inflexible currencies in the world. It survive.9 However, the villa miseria destroyed Argentine industry, since it made described above did survive. imports from most parts of the world much The location of the villa miseria alongside cheaper than domestically manufactured Ex Línea San Martín is very strategic. It is goods. Many of the people who rejoined the very close to the La Paternal and Villa Del labour market found only highly irregular Parque stations, where cartoneros can board employment in the service sector that paid trains to the commercial and upper class much less than their previous jobs. In mid districts of Buenos Aires to gather recycla- 1998, Argentina descended into a severe bles. As the economy improved after 2003, recession that lasted until 2003. Foreign some of the residents of the villa miseria investment decreased. Capital outflows, were also able to get part-time jobs, mostly sometimes by corporations that had previ- odd jobs and domestic ones, in nearby neigh- ously embraced Argentina’s neo-liberal bourhoods, something that would not have reforms, increased. In 2001, the Argentine been possible in many parts of Gran Buenos economy collapsed (Henry, 2003, pp. 250– Aires. Most of them continued to be carton- 253). By then, all of the people who were to eros in the evenings, since the jobs that they eventually live in the villa miseria next to were able to obtain were not regular and paid Línea San Martín had lost their jobs. Even very little. There are also small- and medium- domestic jobs such as gardening or house- scale businesses close to the villa miseria that keeping had disappeared. Many no longer purchase paper and other materials from had the funds to hire workers. cartoneros, repackage them, load them onto In 2001, neighbourhoods in western trucks, and transport them to large recycling Buenos Aires such as Villa Del Parque, La companies (Figure 11). Paternal, Chacarita, , Caballito Figure 11 ThisA truck fully loaded with papervilla outside a recycling businessmiseria in La Paternal, June 2005. Photograph: is Themis alsoChronopoulos. strategically sepa- and experienced a large rated from residential areas. The railroad influx of people from Gran Buenos Aires. tracks divide the area and prevent streets These areas are well connected to Gran from going through. Only the overpass of Buenos Aires through four metropolitan Av. San Martín allows through traffic across train lines—Ex Línea Urquiza, Ex Línea San the tracks. The villa miseria is located Martín, Ex Línea Mitre and Ex Línea directly under the overpass. Across the rail- Sarmiento. At first, the low-income people road lines, there is a campus occupied by the who collected recyclables in these areas were Faculty of Agriculture and Veterinary not homeless, though they appeared as such Science of the University of Buenos Aires to local residents. In fact, many still had and other institutions. On the other side of homes in Gran Buenos Aires. Over time, the villa miseria are warehouses and sparsely however, it became too expensive to occupied factories, which provide a barrier commute back and forth to their own neigh- from the rest of the neighbourhood. bourhoods (Opinión, 2000; Piotto, 2004). The villa miseria under Av. San Martín More permanent settlements of cartoneros came into existence as a result of the neo- did not take root easily. Some of the liberal reforms of the 1990s. However, it also displaced decided to occupy open spaces in represents a moment in the 2001–2002 period low-profile areas, building homes from mate- when displaced people from Gran Buenos rials that they found in the streets. These Aires improvised in their work patterns, use spaces were usually located next to railroad of public space and place of residence in CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 175

Figure 11 A truck fully loaded with paper outside a recycling business in La Paternal, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. order to survive the crisis. At that time, many boundary represent a warning of what could people in middle and working class neigh- happen if cartoneros and other poor people bourhoods in the city centre feared that from Gran Buenos Aires no longer had easy cartoneros from Gran Buenos Aires would access to the city. also develop villa miserias in the city. Although a few were established, those fears of a massive move of impoverished people The gradual legalization of cartoneros from the metropolitan area to the city did not materialize. The majority of cartoneros traffic.FigureIn Photograph:161712131415 CartonerosBagsA householdcartonero ofthe Themis clothing in inin LaSan LaSanChronopoulos. material Paternal, Boca,Alberto, Telmo,Alberto Federal collected JuneJune uses1990s, 2005. 2005.Capital,the from material LargeManyThis theMay cartonero streets pushcartscartoneroscollected 2005. of Photograph: the prefers likein in garmentthe Granthese garmenta shopping Buenoshave Themis district,people districtbecome Aires cartChronopoulos. June ratherto theuse 2005.make mosta thanhorse Photograph:dolls popular a orlarger like a mule modethese. pushcart, Themis that ofJune drawscarrying Chronopoulos. because2005. retrievinga cart. recyclablesPhotograph: it providesPhotograph: in Themishim Buenos Themis with Chronopoulos. Airema Chximums.ronopoulos. Photograph: flexibility Themis in small Chronopoulos. streetsrecyclables with narrow sidewalks and lots of foot and vehicular remained in Gran Buenos Aires and from the garbage received only scant atten- commuted into the city. Thus, a kind of tion in the mass media. Whenever they were informal compromise emerged during this mentioned they were not portrayed as period, under which cartoneros and others victims of neo-liberal reforms, but as part of were allowed to enter the city and use its an illegal gathering network that created public space without significant restrictions. garbage dumps near residential areas, threat- The metropolitan train companies even ening health in the city and the metropolitan provided cars that were emptied of seats in area. While media coverage of these ‘illegal each train so that cartoneros could enter with trash networks’ increased after 1995, they did their pushcarts. They also provisioned special not elicit public outcry or governmental ‘white trains’ without seats to transport only action. cartoneros. However, villa miserias like the In 1995, private corporations in charge of one on the La Paternal/Villa del Parque collecting trash in Buenos Aires collected 176 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Figure 12 Bags of clothing material collected from the streets of the garment district, June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 13 A household in San Alberto uses the material collected in the garment district to make dolls like these. June 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 177

Figure 14 A cartonero in , Federal Capital, May 2005. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 15 A cartonero in San Telmo, June 2005. This cartonero prefers a shopping cart rather than a larger pushcart, because it provides him with maximum flexibility in small streets with narrow sidewalks and lots of foot and vehicular traffic. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. 178 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

Figure 16 Cartoneros in San Alberto, June 2005. Many cartoneros in Gran Buenos Aires use a horse or a mule that draws a cart. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos.

Figure 17 Cartoneros in La Paternal, June 2005. Large pushcarts like these have become the most popular mode of carrying recyclables in Buenos Aires. Photograph: Themis Chronopoulos. CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 179

1,514,220 tons and made about 74,200,000 copter. Ibarra also fled city hall, hiding in an pesos, an amount that was equal to US dollars ambulance. However, he was gradually able because of the peso’s parity with the dollar. to rehabilitate his image and remain in According to estimates, the illegal market power. His administration was cautious in its under which cartoneros operated gathered approach toward cartoneros, in part due to between 10 and 15 per cent of the city’s total the impossibility of prohibiting the move- trash in 1995, earning an estimated 7,420,000 ment of tens of thousands of people in public to 11,130,000 pesos (Di Lázzaro, 1996). By spaces during the economic crisis. For a 1996, this illegal network of trash collecting period of time, the official line of the city had created eight sizable and unofficial government was that any effort to fight garbage dumps in Buenos Aires and Gran cartoneros would result in an urban battle. Buenos Aires. These unofficial dumps did Even if the authorities could eliminate scav- endanger the health of people living near them, enging, about 200,000 people would suffer though government officials did not act, prob- and officials feared that many of them would ably because they were not in high-profile turn to more serious crimes (Lladós, 2002). neighbourhoods. Furthermore, during this Also, many residents of Buenos Aires viewed period cartoneros were not yet very visible in cartoneros with empathy and blamed the public spaces (García Terán, 1996). central government’s mishandling of the The low profile that cartoneros kept economy for their existence. throughout the 1990s came to an end with In August 2002, on the occasion of the the economic crisis of 2001–2002, when the second anniversary of the Ibarra Administra- streets of Buenos Aires were suddenly tion, the newspaper La Nación published an flooded with scavengers searching the trash editorial entitled ‘The City, Without for valuables. The numbers of cartoneros Control’. The editorial lamented the break- were so high that it became impossible for down of authority and regulation in almost their activity to proceed in any clandestine all aspects of life in Buenos Aires, but manner. Buenos Aires residents and the mass focused on the ‘invasion of public space’ by media could no longer ignore the situation. travelling salespeople and cartoneros. It After 2001 the city government maintained claimed that the ‘tolerance and inaction’ of a high degree of acceptance toward carton- the city government had aggravated the eros, perhaps because the majority of Buenos problem of the cartoneros, the main source of Aires residents seemed to tolerate cartoneros anxiety for people in many neighbourhoods and their activities in the light of the of the city (Editorial, 2002). This editorial economic crisis. Aníbal Ibarra, then head of appeared when numerous mass-media outlets the city government, was a member of and several politicians had begun to call for a Frepaso, a party that was formed in the 1990s regulation of cartoneros. by progressive members of the Peronist By 2002, many middle class people who Party who denounced the right-wing policies lived in Villa del Parque watched the prolif- and corruption of the Menem government. eration of large numbers of cartoneros in In 2000 Ibarra, a centre-left candidate, hand- their neighbourhood with amazement and ily defeated Domingo Cavallo, Menem’s fear. As cartoneros stayed in the streets of the former minister of the economy and the area during some nights and even attempted architect of convertibility and privatization. to construct more villa miserias, discussions Ibarra enjoyed the support of Fernando de la began to revolve around the possible decline Rúa, who had been elected president of of Villa del Parque and neighbourhoods Argentina in the previous year.10 In 2001, around it. Many middle class people began to during massive demonstrations against his feel unsafe, because so many poor people handling of the economy, de la Rúa resigned frequented their neighbourhood, and and fled the presidential building in a heli- contemplated relocation. However, given the 180 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2 economic circumstances during this period Néstor Kirchner who had just been elected of crisis, a large exodus from Villa del Parque president of Argentina a few months before, was impossible. Some families who could and enjoyed very high public approval. Macri afford to relocate did so, moving to neigh- prevailed in the first round, receiving 37 per bourhoods such as Recolleta, Barrio Norte cent of the vote compared to Ibarra’s 33.4 per or Palermo. These neighbourhoods also had cent (Granovsky, 2003a). However, in the cartoneros, but because they were considered second round Ibarra obtained 53.5 per cent of much more affluent than Villa del Parque, the vote and was re-elected mayor of Buenos they enjoyed more government attention. An Aires (Granovsky, 2003b). exaggerated sense of danger persisted in Villa The government of the City of Buenos del Parque and other middle and working Aires has tackled many difficult issues class neighbourhoods. The residents of these regarding garbage collection and cartoneros neighbourhoods located further from the since the 2001 period. By 2002, the legislature city centre felt more vulnerable because they of the city had already passed a law that had to travel long distances to work, usually formalized the work done by cartoneros. It in public transportation. Returning home abolished the ordinance placed on the books after sundown became a matter of consider- by the military government in 1977 when it able concern. privatized garbage collection that prohibited The proliferation of cartoneros in the scavenging. The law also called for the volun- streets of Buenos Aires became a major tary registration of cartoneros. Those who campaign issue in the 2003 mayoral election. registered received work clothes, gloves and Ibarra faced serious challenges from the right, vaccines for themselves and their families, especially from , a multi- and training so that they could protect their millionaire and owner of , the health when they picked up recyclables (Ley nation’s most popular soccer team. In his Nº 992 y Decreto, 2003). In 2004, the city campaign that started in 2002, Macri government reformed the system of garbage argued that cartoneros have a “criminal atti- collection that dated back to the late 1970s. tude” and that they “steal from the trash” Private corporations were no longer to be (Macri, 2002). He promised that, if elected, he paid by the ton of waste collected. Instead, would enforce the law, removing cartoneros companies were to be paid by how clean the from the streets and imprisoning them for areas that they served were. This innovation tampering with garbage (Macri, 2002). Macri eliminated the problem of broken trash bags was well versed on the subject of trash collec- that cartoneros left behind (Gobierno de la tion. His family ran the corporation Grupo Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 2005). Macri, which owned Manliba, a company that Although governmental actions have collected the trash from about 12,300 blocks protected cartoneros from state repression or 54.4 per cent of the city (Di Lázzaro, 1996). thus far, it is always possible that a more Since the city paid trash collection companies repressive leadership could take city hall. by the ton, cartoneros interfered with profits Since 2003, Macri has emerged as the most by removing recyclables and by making important leader of the right in the city. The collection more difficult because of opened fact that he received 37 per cent of the votes trash bags. Ibarra countered Macri’s in the first round of the 2003 election shows campaign claims, saying that the existence of that a significant number of people in Buenos itinerant gatherers was not a police question Aires support his views. Cartoneros may but a social problem. He promised to deal have become part of daily life on the streets with cartoneros in a humane way and to of Buenos Aires, but their permanence is reform garbage collecting in the city. In the questionable, despite the fact that plentiful mayoral election of 2003, Ibarra was the bene- employment opportunities are unlikely to ficiary of enthusiastic support from Peronist return in the near future. CHRONOPOULOS: NEO-LIBERAL REFORM AND URBAN SPACE 181

Conclusion Buenos Aires in 2002, 2004 and 2005. It is part of an ethnographic and archival project that seeks Since 2001–2002, cartoneros have overcome to understand how ordinary people who live in world cities are affected by global economic and many serious problems. The city government cultural processes. The study includes New York has not only legalized their work, but also City, Detroit, Chicago, Los Angeles, Mexico City, recognized them as important entities in São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Johannesburg and sanitation. Unlike other major cities in Latin Kingston. It started in 1997, in an effort to create America, such as Caracas, Mexico City and visual images for urban history courses and to comprehensively research selected New York City Santiago de Chile, that have recently neighbourhoods. 11 2 attempted to impose Giuliani-like methods 2 This is the name used in Argentina for shanty in public spaces, the government of Buenos towns, literally ‘neighbourhood of misery’. 3 Aires has avoided any confrontations with 3 These neighbourhoods are very diverse in terms of cartoneros who would be considered to be class and income, but generally, Villa del Parque is thought of as middle class and La Paternal is one of the greatest menaces under such a thought of as lower middle class and working class. policing style. Testimonials by cartoneros The meaning of middle class is also very also reveal a decrease of problems that have complicated in Buenos Aires and in Argentina, not appeared in public debate. In earlier days, given the economic decline of the last 30 years and various perceptions. some of them were being harassed regularly 4 4 Another less frequently used name is botelleros. by the police. Given their legalization and 5 In this paper Buenos Aires or Federal Capital refers also their ability to organize, cartoneros no to the central city of Buenos Aires, which excludes longer experience as many police problems. the larger metropolitan area. Gran Buenos Aires When the crisis was still in the making, refers to the areas that surround the Federal Capital. cartoneros also experienced fierce competi- Despite its diversity, the majority of the population of Gran Buenos Aires is considered working class or tion from building attendants who kept the poor. On the other hand, the majority of the most valuable recyclables such as beer bottles population of the Federal Capital is considered to and white paper for themselves. That form of be middle class. This may not be accurate, given that competition is no longer witnessed by most there are sizable areas in which both poor and cartoneros. Finally, many cartoneros have working class populations reside, and given that the economic crisis has impoverished many people. been able to receive better prices from recy- Despite some suburbanization of the upper class to cling companies. They have done so through gated communities in Gran Buenos Aires, most the organization of cooperatives, but also remain in the Federal Capital. 6 because of competition among recycling 6 Statistics about cartoneros depend on estimates. companies. No one really knows how many people do this type of work in Buenos Aires and Gran Buenos Aires. 7 Private entities, particularly Grupo Macri (the Acknowledgments family corporation owned by 2003 mayoral candidate Mauricio Macri), had benefited from the system of garbage collection created by the military Special thanks go to Noemí Nicastro government in 1977, when it privatized the system Oliveira, Carlos Ruiz, Magali Camblong, and made garbage scavenging illegal. Florencia Siri, Judith Conde, Eleonora Amis- 8 This Argentine recession was to a great extent ano, Alexis Stern, Eduardo Mendieta, Ned caused by the negative reverberations of a Mexican economic crisis that year. Landsman, Susan Grumet and the Sisters 9 9 For example, a second villa miseria along the Oblatas del Santísimo Redentor, San Albero, railroad of Ex Línea San Martín developed right Isidro Casanova, for their valuable assistance. next to the Chacarita cemetery and dissolved in 2003 after its occupants were relocated (Novillo, 2003). Notes 10 Fernando de la Rúa had been a successful mayor of Buenos Aires before he became president. He 1 Much of this article is based on ethnographic belonged to the Radical Civil Union party but, like research that took place in Buenos Aires and Gran Ibarra, he ran for the office of the president in an 182 CITY VOL. 10, NO. 2

alliance that included Frepaso. Ironically, after Granovsky, M. (2003b) ‘A Ibarra y Kirchner el invierno 2001, de la Rúa named Cavallo as his economy se les terminó una semana antes’, Página 12, 15 minister in a last-ditch attempt to avoid economic September, p. 12. collapse. This, of course, failed. Grimson, A. and Kessler, G. (2005) On Argentina and 11 The governments of these cities have hired former the Southern Cone: Neo-liberalism and National New York City mayor Rudolf Giuliani or law Imaginations. London: Routledge. enforcement personalities from his administrations Henry, J. (2003) The Blood Bankers: Tales from the to advise them on the design and implimentation of Global Underground Economy. New York: Four public space regulation. Walls Eight Windows. Ley Nˆ 992 y Decreto (2003) ‘Recuperadores Urbanos’, Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 29 January. References Lladós, J.I. (2002) ‘Cartoneros, el tema del año’, La Nación 3 December. Macri, M. (2002) ‘El negocio de la basura’, La Nación Anguita, E. (2003) Cartoneros: Recuperadores de 7 September. desechos y causas perdidas. Buenos Aires: Grupo Novillo, P. (2003) ‘Los vecinos podrán decidir qué hacer Editorial Norma. en un predio recuperado’, Clarín 10 June. Auyero, J. (2004) ‘What are they shouting about? The Opinión (2000) ‘Ayudas efectivas para los sin techo’, means and meanings of popular protest in Clarín 29 November. contemporary Argentina’, in F. Fiorucci and M. Opinión (2002a) ‘Del trabajo informal al Klein (eds) The Argentine Crisis in the End of the microemprendimiento’, Clarín 3 May. Millennium: Causes, Consequences, and Opinión (2002b) ‘Regulación del trabajo de los Explanations, pp. 127–149. Amsterdam: Aksant. cartoneros’, Clarín 13 December. Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs (1994) Piotto, A. (2004) ‘¿Se imagina cómo es eso de tener que ‘Argentina: sweeping privatization program nears vivir en la calle?’, Clarín 9 May. completion’, 27 October. Reynals, C. (2002) ‘De cartoneros a recuperadores Di Lázzaro, A. (1996) ‘Crecen los basureros clandestinos urbanos’, in Respuestas de la Sociedad Civil a la y amenazan la salud de los porteños’, La Nación Emergencia Social: Brasil y Argentina Comparten 15 September. Experiencias, conference, São Paulo. Editorial (2002) ‘La ciudad, sin control’, La Nación Schamber, P. (2004) ‘Apuntes sobre el circuito informal 7 August. del reciclaje en el conurbano bonaerense’, in La García Terán, M. (1996) ‘Crecen los basureros Recolección Informal de Residuos: hacia un Trabajo clandestinos y amenazan la salud de los porteños’ Sustentable, conference, San Carlos de Bariloche, La Nación 15 September. Argentina. Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (2005) ‘Noticia: Desde el 20 de febrero. Nuevo servicio de recolección de residuos en la Ciudad’, 21 Themis Chronopoulos is an Assistant Professor February. of History at Stony Brook University, New Granovsky, M. (2003a) ‘Primera vuelta sin una diferencia que le quite emoción a la segunda’, York, USA. E-mail: Themis.Chronopou- Página 12, 25 August, p. 12. [email protected]