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Remarks on the Nature of Complete Consonantal Assimilations 215 Remarks on the Nature of Complete Consonantal Assimilations James W. Hutcheson Ohio State University 0. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to clarify the nature of complete consonantal assimilations. By complete consonantal assimilations I mean those processes which convert a sequence C1C2 to C2C2 (complete regressive assimilation), CiCi (complete progressive assimilation), or C3C3 (complete coalescence). Correspondences which illustrate such assimilations are cited from both historical change and synchronic derivations, the latter including casual speech sandhi, derivational and inflectional processes. The nature of the data makes it necessary to distinguish care- fully between correspondences of either historical or synchronic derivations which arise from a single process of complete assimilation and those which arise in some other fashion. Of the latter, two different situations obtain. Either the complete assimilations arise fortuitously as a subset of some larger, single feature, assimilatory process, e.g. a voicing assimilation rule; or they are the result of a number of processes whose cumulative effect is a complete assimilation. Such processes may be all assimilatory in nature or they may include assimilatory and non-assimilatory processes. 1. Fortuitous complete assimilations: English casual speech sandhil In two notes C.-J. Bailey (1969, 1970) has offered evidence that consonant clusters of alveolars followed by nonalveolars appear to be marked sequences and for this reason are unstable, showing a tendency to become unmarked. Such marked clusters can be eliminated in a variety of ways. Bailey cites unmarking by metathesis in the case of ancient Greek and by assimilation in contemporary English. It is the latter case that is of interest here, because the assimi- lations which do occur--and, perhaps more important, those which do not--offer important insights into the nature of complete consonantal assimilations. Bailey (1970) cites the occurrence of the following assimila- tions in rapid casual speech: righp poor, goob-bye, leab balloon, righk corner, bag guess for right poor, good-bye, lead balloon, right corner, and bad guess respectively.' However, such forms as keet track (for keep track) and bat track (for back track) do not occur. These forms are sufficient for Bailey to make his point about the marked nature of the alveolar plus nonalveolar sequence. More information of theoretical interest and importance can be obtained from this tendency toward assimilation in rapid speech. Note that forms cited by Bailey involve clusters in which the two segments share all features except the position of articulation feature alveolar. Thus t+p, d+b, t+k, and d+E assimilate completely to pp, bb, kk, and EL respectively. If, however, clusters of alveolars plus 216 nonalveolars which are not identical in all other respects are considered, no such complete assimilation occurs. Thus, right bill, bad police, right goal, and bad kid, become righp bill, bab_police, righk goal and big kid preserving the difference in voicing. These facts have been noted by Gimson (1960, 1970). Both Bailey and Gimson point out that the alveolar sibilant s will assimilate to a following palatal, e.g. horse shoe and is sure become Chorffuw] and EI3for]; however, s does not assimilate to a following labial or velar. Note that any change in the position of the sibilants would require changing more than just the position of articulation; the distinctive sibilance could not be maintained. The assimilation of alveolar n to the position of a following nonalveolar is an instance of a much more pervasive tendency of a nasal to assimilate to the position of a following segment. More- over, of all nasals, the alveolar nasal n is the most unstable with respect to position, a fact which seems to support Bailey's claim about markedness. The alveolar lateral 1 does not assimilate at all in casual speech. This is not surprising in view of the examples cited above. The assimilatory process under discussion is one which affects the feature makeup of a segment only minimally. In order for a lateral 1 to change position (other than the light-dark alternation), it must undergo a change not only in position, but in manner features as well. These observations about one kind of putative complete assimilation are offered as supporting evidence for a more general principle which claims that complete assimilations normally occur only when the segments involved are already very similar (indeed the casual speech assimilation I have been discussing is really a total assimilation of position affecting alveolar segments and is an example of a complete assimilation in the more general sense only fortuitously in the small set of instances where the segments involved are already nearly identical). 1.1. Fortuitous complete assimilations: Yakut plural inflection In Yakut, a Turkic language of Siberia, nouns form plurals by a process of suffixation (Krueger 1963:74-5). The plural suffix is mlAr (where A represents a vowel subject to regular harmonic alternations which are of no significance to the point in question). The initial segment of this plural ending remains 1 only when suffixed to a stem ending in a vowel, a diphthong, or 1 itself. When suffixed to other stems, the 1 of the plural regularly assimilates in the following way: 217 a. 1 4 t C where C is a voiceless obstruent; there are no stem-final voiced obstruents at 'horse' attar 'horses' balik 'fish' baliktar 'fishes' iuox 'what thing' tuoxtar 'what things' iskaap 'cabinet' iskaaptar 'cabinets' muos 'horn' muostas 'horns' b. 1 4 d/C where C is r or y ubay 'elder ubaydar 'elder brothers' brother' atiir 'stallion' atiirdar 'stallions' c. 1-' n/C where C is a nasal suoryan 'blanket' suoryannar 'blankets' xatio 'birch', xationar 'birches' olom 'ford' olomnor 'fords' Notice that the 1 assimilates with respect to a single feature in each case. In no instance is the alveolar point of articulation lost. As was the case in the English examples the only complete assimilations are in those cases where the neighboring segment was already minimally different. Elsewhere the assimilation is partial. 2. Combinatory processes: Finnish gradation A well-known aspect of Finnish phonology is the alternation of weak and strong stems known as Fradation, which affects syllable- initial stops in closed syllables. Of particular interest are cases where gradation involves a complete assimilation of stops with preceding nasals or liquids; assimilation is complete only when certain phono- logical conditions are met (see Harms 1964, Karttunen 1970). Finnish has underlying consonant clusters of the following kind: ER, nt, nk, rt, rk, lt, lk. One regular (and obligatory) process in the language is the assimilation of n to the position of a following velar, giving a derived cluster Dh. When the clusters meet the conditions for gradation (e.g. in nouns in the genitive singular) the following assimilations result: mp mm nt 4 nn Ok 4. 00 (spelled pE). lt 4. 11 rt rr But: lp 4 lv lk 4 1 rp rv rk 4 r 218 The assimilations involving nasals are complete in all features. Note that all examples of clusters with nasals involve a nasal and a homorganic stop, a fact assured by the operation of the nasal assimilation rule. When the cluster involves a liquid (r or 1) plus a stop, only the homorganic clusters assimilate. Such assimilations provide additional support for the claim that complete assimilations arise when the segments involved are minimally different. In the case of the nasal cluster nk the segments become increasingly more alike through the combination of two individual assimilation rules. 2.1. Combinatory processes: Greek sonorant clusters Some combinatory processes which result in the complete assimilation of two consonants involve more than just a succession of single feature assimilation rules, as is shown by developments in ancient Greek. The Indo-European clusters *VRs and *110 become VR in most Greek dialects; however, the development of these clusters in Lesbian and Thessalian is to VRR. Kiparsky (1967) has offered an explanation of these developments which, he claims, shows that they are a subset of a larger unitary process involving resonant and glide clusters. Although I do not agree fully with his analysis, the part of that analysis which is of present interest seems well motivated. By simply observing the historical correspondences it would seem that, in the case of Lesbian and Thessalian, there are two kinds of assimilation at work, a progressive assimilation of *VRs to VRR and a regressive assimilation of *VsR to V. Kiparsky has shown, however, the a rule changing s to h is needed anyway, and so the clusters which assimilate are VRh and VhR. There is, more- over, other evidence which leads Kiparsky to posit a rule of meta- thesis which converts a cluster ya to laa. Ultimately then the clusters which undergo differential treatment in the dialects have been reduced to one cluster VhR. Notice that such a solution makes reasonable a development of Cal from an original *VRs cluster, a virtue which no solution not involving metathesis shares. To the rules which Kiparsky has adduced I would add a rule voicing h in the environment V R. Thus the change involving the two Greek dialect groups involves the following rules: a. s becomes h in a sonorant environment b. h metathesis c. h voicing d. D assimilation to a preceding vowel - regressive assimilation of h to a following resonant. This combination of processes resulting in the ultimate complete assimilation of the Indo-European clusters *VRs and *VsR to VRR in 219 Lesbian and Thessalian illustrate very well the second type of combinatory assimilation. The fascinating question of why the dialect split developed, i.e. why one dialect group shows assimilation of to a resonant and the others show assimilation to a preceding vowel, is of course not answered by this analysis.
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