Liisa Duncan
Consonant Gradation in Finnish Dialects
1. Introduction
Consonant gradation is a lenition process common to most of the Finnic languages, as well as several other Uralic languages. Whether it is inherited directly from Proto-Uralic or is the result of similar phonological structures and tendencies in the daughter languages is still under debate. In Finnish it is now only partly productive phonologically in that it rarely affects recent loans and neologisms. However, it is still pervasive in the lexicon and is very much a part of the Finnish phonology.
Gradation in Finnish affects geminate and singleton voiceless stops preceding a short vowel in a closed syllable. The geminates shorten (quantitative gradation) and the singletons undergo various lenition processes (qualitative gradation), depending on the environment, the dialect, and a range of sociolinguistic factors. Because quantitative gradation in geminates and qualitative gradation in singletons exhibit many disparate behaviours, including degree of productivity, I argue in this paper that they are now separate phenomena, though diachronically likely a single process. Thus, only qualitative gradation is discussed in any detail herein.
Finnish consonant gradation is a widely discussed phenomenon in the literature. However, rarely does an account attempt to determine which weak grade occurs for the singleton stops or to explain the variation that exists both within and between dialects. Several previous studies which do attempt to account for the weak grades are discussed in sections 3.1 and 4.1. Lainio (1989), as part of a larger study of variation in Finnish, presents the array of possible weak grades for /t/. Cathey (1992), Pöchtrager (2001, 2008), and Bye (1998) all propose various analyses of gradation which attempt to
1 determine phonologically which segment occurs as a given weak grade. Outside of Lainio (1989), all of these accounts deal solely with standard Finnish gradation patterns.
However, as noted above, within the dialects, there is much variation. the goal of this paper is to examine that variation. To examine the nature of qualitative gradation in Finnish dialects, Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas was consulted. This atlas provides detailed information concerning the weak variant selected in a given dialect area for a particular word.
The hypothesis presented in this paper is that the dialects share common underlying representations for the strong and weak grades. The weak grade of /t/ in particular is underspecified, allowing variation in phonetic implementation. Dialect inventories differ slightly, and dialects also differ in how vowels effect the results of lenition, so the actual surface weak grade forms differ. As well, sociolinguistic factors are also relevant though they are outside the scope of this paper. For further discussion, see Lainio (1989).
My goal in this paper is thus to provide an account of singleton gradation that takes into account the kind of variation that exists between dialects. I propose a representational model, arguing that the core of lenition involves a change to a non-nasal sonorant of the same place of articulation as the strong grade.
This paper is structured as follows. Section 2.1 provides a brief discussion of the history of gradation and how the gradation patterns of Finnish, which were once quite regular, degenerated into the variation of present-day Finnish. Standard Finnish, which is heavily prescriptive and historically was subject to many instances of outright manipulation, has very regular gradation patterns. These patterns are discussed in section 2.2.
Though analyses of Finnish gradation normally assume that quantitative and qualitative gradation are unified, section 3.2 presents evidence that they are separate processes synchronically. Only qualitative gradation is treated in depth in herein. Previous accounts of the phenomenon are then discussed in section 4.1.
2
Gradation in dialects varies greatly from those (mostly Western) dialects which are essentially similar to Standard Finnish to those (mostly Eastern) dialects which display completely different patterns where the surface form of the consonant is based on the surrounding vowels. Kettunen’s (1940) extensive dialect atlas, which is discussed in section 4.2, is consulted to determine the dialectal patterns, which are outlined in section 4.2.4. Due to the large number of dialects and the many gradation environments, only bisyllabic nouns with short vowels were studied. Future research could examine other lexical types. This section represents the bulk of the paper and so each dialect type is discussed in some detail.
An analysis of the gradation patterns seen in section 4.2.4 is provided in section 5, beginning with a discussion of lenition. Since qualitative gradation in the dialects relates to many of the Finnish consonants, the view of the consonant inventory and segment features is paramount. The inventory is presented and discussed in section 5.2.
Specifically, the nature of [d], [h], [ʋ], and [j] are discussed in terms of their role in phonological rules and their underlying features. All the above segments are hypothesized to be sonorants and the glide [j] is shown to be coronal rather than dorsal. Section 5.4 provides an account of gradation and evidence for those consonant and vocalic features determined to be present.
Finally, section 6 discusses the implications of the data and analysis presented in this paper for phonological theory.
3 2. Consonant Gradation in Finnish
2.1 History of Gradation in Finnic
2.1.1 Types of Gradation
Originally two types of gradation existed in Proto-Finnic. Radical/Syllabic gradation lenited consonants in the onset of a closed syllable while suffixal/rhythmic gradation lenited consonants after even numbered syllables (Helimski 1996: 170). Only fossilized remnants of suffixal/rhythmic gradation remain in Finnish (partitive case, for example). Thus it is only radical/syllabic gradation which is discussed in this paper.
In radical/syllabic gradation, shown below in (1), /p/ lenites to [v] when the syllable is closed by the genitive marker -n.
1) Radical/Syllabic Gradation in Modern Finnish (Helimski 1996: 170) a. ki.pu / ki.vun ‘pain (nom./gen.1)’
In suffixal/ rhythmic gradation, the initial /t/ of the partitive marker /-ta/ is lost in (2b) when an even number of syllables precede it while it is retained when there are an odd number of syllables preceding (2a, c).
2) Suffixal/Rhythmic Gradation in Modern Finnish (Helimski 1996: 170) a. puu-ta ‘tree (par.)’ b. ka.la-a ‘fish (par.)’ c. oi.ke.a-ta ‘right (par.)’
1 Abbreviations: Nominative - nom., Genitive - gen., Partitive - par., Inessive - iness., Elative - elat., Plural - pl., Singular - sg., Possessive suffix - Px., Third Person - 3p.
4 2.1.2 Gradation Reflexes
Consonant gradation (in various forms) also occurs in most other Balto-Finnic languages (except Veps and Livonian) as well as in Saami and the Samoyedic languages Nganasan and Ket’ Selkup (Hakulinen 1961: 40; Helimski 1996: 167). There is disagreement over whether gradation was a feature of Proto-Uralic or whether it is a more recent, independent development of daughter languages as a result of similar phonological conditions (Hakulinen 1961: 40-45; Helimski 1996; Holman 1975: Nahkola 1995).
Consonant gradation involves allomorphic alternations between ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ grades, depending on the position of the consonant in question. Strong grade occurs in the onset of a closed syllable and weak grade, which involves a lenited consonant, in the onset of a closed syllable.
It is postulated that the strong grade forms have remained largely constant (in Finnish) from Proto-Finnic times while the weak grade forms have changed significantly. Hakulinen (1961: 41), however, suggests that the quantitative gradation may have also originally been qualitative in nature. The original weak grades are reconstructed as shown in (3) and (4). Alternations are shown in brackets.
3) Reconstructed Weak Grades of Geminates (Hakulinen 1961: 41)
2 a. p < *p̌p (*pp ~ *p̌p)
b. t < *ťt (*tt ~ *ťt)
c. k < *ǩk (*kk ~ *ǩk)
2 The breve indicates a shorter or reduced sound.
5 4) Reconstructed Weak Grades of Non-Geminates (Hakulinen 1961: 41-42) a. v < *β (*p ~ *β) b. d < *ð (*t ~ * ð)
c. Ø, j, v < *ɣ (*k ~ *ɣ)
The reconstructed weak grades assume the following (partial) consonant inventory.
5) Reconstructed Partial Consonant Inventory of Proto-Finnic
Labial Coronal Dorsal Plosive p t k Fricative β ð ɣ
This inventory is highly symmetrical in that there is a stop and a fricative at every major place of articulation. However, in terms of feature economy, as described in Clements (2009: 27-32), the inventory fares poorly. The stops are all voiceless whereas the fricative series (outside of [s]; not shown in (5)) are voiced, requiring both the features for [continuant] and [voice]. Not only this, but the voiced fricatives are themselves marked sounds (Clements 2009: 32). Perhaps it is unsurprising then that the qualitative gradation system, which at first glance appears balanced and ideal, deteriorated through the elimination of the voiced fricative series.
The development of the labial and dorsal weak grades seems to have progressed more rapidly and more naturally than the development in the coronals, which has been largely influenced by external factors. Even to this day, [ð] remains a possible weak variant of /t/
(Lainio 1989) while [β] and [ɣ] disappeared from all dialects long ago, for the labial perhaps even as early as dialects of Early Proto-Finnic (Hakulinen 1961: 38, 42). The velar fricative is an inherently unstable segment due to the comparatively poor perceptibility of both the velar place of articulation and the fricative manner (Hayes and Steriade: 2004: 19) and so it is unsurprising that it was ultimately lost. Currently, there is no variation in the weak grade of /p/, a great deal of variation in the weak grade of /t/, and
6 almost complete deletion of the weak grade of /k/ (according to standard accounts). See sections 4.1.1 and 4.2.4 for details.
2.2 Gradation in Standard Finnish
Consonant gradation in Finnish lenites geminate and short stops which are preceded by a sonorant and are in the onset position of a closed syllable with a short vowel. A standard set of data is shown below. Quantitative gradation maintains segmental features, affecting quantity alone.
6) Quantitative Gradation (Karttunen 1970: 71): pp → p sep.pä / se.pän ‘smith (nom./gen.)’ tt → t mat.to / ma.ton ‘rug (nom./gen.)’ kk → k kuk.ka / ku.kan ’flower (nom./gen.)’
Qualitative gradation results in a change in quality.
7) Qualitative Gradation (Karttunen 1970: 71-71):
p → ʋ kyl.py / kyl.vyn ‘bath (nom./gen.)’ t → d ma.to / ma.don ‘worm (nom./gen.)’
k → ʋ pu.ku / pu.vun ‘suit (nom./gen.)’ k → Ø jo.ki / jo.en ‘river (nom./gen.)’
ht → hd3 leh.ti / leh.den ‘leaf, newspaper (nom./gen.)’ (optional) hk → h nah.ka / na.han ‘skin (nom./gen.)’ (optional)
3 The cluster [hp] is non-occurring.
7 mp → mm kam.pa / kam.man ‘comb (nom./gen.)’ nt → nn ran.ta / ran.nan ‘shore (nom./gen.)’ ŋk → ŋŋ ha[ŋ.k]i / ha[ŋ.ŋ]en ‘snow crust (nom./gen.)’
lt → ll il.ta / il.lan ‘evening (nom./gen.)’ rt → rr vir.ta / vir.ran ‘stream (nom./gen.)’ lke → lje sol.ki / sol.jen ‘buckle (nom./gen.)’ rke → rje ar.ki / ar.jen ‘weekday (nom./gen.)’
In the standard cases of qualitative gradation, the lenited variant is a voiced non-nasal segment at the same place of articulation as in the input. Depending on the nature of [d], which is not fully understood (to be discussed in section 5.2.1), the weak grade may be either simply a voiced non-nasal segment if [d] is understood to be a plosive or a voiced non-nasal sonorant if it is understood to be more flap-like. The consonant inventory is reproduced below in table 1.
Table 1: Consonants of Finnish (Suomi, Toivonen, and Ylitalo 2008)
Labial Coronal Dorsal Labial Labio- Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal dental Plosive p t̪ (d) k Nasal m n (ŋ) Trill r Fricative (f) s h Lateral l Approximant ʋ j
For /p/, the only possible target is [ʋ] since it is the only non-nasal sonorant in the inventory. Predictably then there is no reported variation in the weak grade of /p/.
For /t̪/, there are many possibilities ([d, r, l, j]) but the featurally closest segment [d] surfaces in the standard dialect. This segment has been prescriptively injected into the system and its actual usage is governed by many external factors (see sections 4.1.1 and
8 5.2.1 for discussion). There are many coronal sonorant segments and so it is unsurprising that, dialectally, there is much variation, as discussed in detail in sections 4.1.1 and 4.2.4.
With /k/, there is no voiced non-nasal velar segment and so the segment normally deletes unless an adjacent vowel can contribute features which would result in either [j] or [ʋ] surfacing. If the /k/ is surrounded by rounded vowels, as in puku ~ puvun, the [labial] feature spreads to the consonant4. In this case, the only voiced non-nasal labial segment is
[ʋ], resulting in puvun, as shown in 8.
8) Spread of [labial]
[p u k u n] → [p u ʋ u n]
[lab] [lab] [lab] [lab]
With front vowels the facts are more complex and variable and I postpone discussion to section 4.2.4. For now, simply note that it is the absence of a voiced non-nasal counterpart to /k/ that yields the vowel-like properties it often assumes.
Gradation is normally classified as optional after /h/ for both /t/ and /k/ (Karttunen 1970: 71-71). The cluster /hp/ does not occur (Karttunen 1970; Mussleman 1997; Sherer 1994). That gradation may occur after /h/ is unsurprising since /h/ often patterns with the glides
/j, ʋ/ rather than the fricative /s/, as discussed in section 5.2.2.
Stops also gradate following nasals and liquids, as shown above in (7). Following a nasal, the lenited consonants assimilates to the preceding nasal, with which it already shares a
place feature. Following a liquid, the labial /p/ gradates as in other environments to [ʋ]. The coronal assimilates completely resulting in geminate [ll] or [rr]. The dorsal /k/
4 The assumption here is that vowels and consonants share features. For discussion of the features, see section 5.
9 normally deletes. However, if the /k/ is preceded by a liquid and followed by the coronal vowel /e/, as in solki ~ soljen, the [coronal] feature spreads to the consonant.
9) Spread of [coronal] [s o l j e n]
[cor] [cor]
In summary, quantitative gradation shortens geminate stops preceded by a sonorant in the onset position when the syllable is closed. Qualitative gradation lenites single stops in the same environment. Gradation is optional following /h/. When the single stop follows a nasal or a liquid, assimilation may occur. The velar stop /k/ demonstrates special behaviour in that there may also be assimilation from adjacent vowels.
3. Quantitative vs. Qualitative Gradation
In the literature, quantitative and qualitative gradation are normally treated as a unified entity due to the fact that they cause lenition in similar environments and are diachronically two parts of the same phenomenon. However, these facts do not require a unified treatment. In this section Bye’s analysis of Finnish gradation is first discussed then arguments are put forth for the separate treatment of quantitative and qualitative gradation.
3.1 Bye (1998)
Bye (1998) addresses the lack of coherence in most analyses of Finnish consonant gradation. Because consonant gradation involves degemination and a variety of weakening processes including voicing and frication, it is difficult to capture in a single,
10 coherent phonological rule, though it is normally assumed to be a single process5. While degemination involves the deletion of a timing slot, the varied processes that characterize qualitative gradation involve the insertion of phonological material (Bye 1998: 40). Thus, these processes are difficult to subsume under a single rule.
Bye’s analysis rests on the observation that different non-moraic consonants have varying inherent durations which may be phonologically relevant (1998: 41). For example, at any given place of articulation, a geminate is inherently longer than a singleton obstruent, which is in turn longer than a sonorant.
10) Average Duration of Grade Alternating Segments in pa_a (from Lehtonen 1970: 71 as reported in Bye 1998: 41) Geminate Obstruent Stop Sonorant Labial 191 ms 102 ms 57 ms [pp] [p] [v] Alveolar 197 ms 94 ms 51 ms [tt] [t] [d] Velar 205 ms 98 ms 83 ms [kk] [k] [j]
These durational differences are represented by Bye in a manner similar to metrical stress. It then follows that gradation is simply the deletion of a mark, resulting in a durational reduction. In lenition, grade 3 lenites to grade 2 and grade 2 to grade 1, each through the loss of an “x”, or durational reduction.
11) Distinctions in Grade (Bye 1998: 41) x Level 2 x x Level 1 α0 α1 α2 Grade 1 Grade 2 Grade 3
5 Having said this, the degemination side of consonant gradation applies to loan words whereas the qualitative gradation usually does not, implying that there is some disconnect between these rules. See section 3.2 for more details.
11 The segmental durations used by Bye are somewhat problematic in that the obstruent stops and the sonorants are not actually in gradation environments but are being assumed to be the duration of the weak grade segments. Regardless, it seems reasonable to assume that, for instance, geminates are longer than voiceless stops which are, in turn, longer than voiced stops. Thus, while it is not clear whether these durations would hold in a gradation context there is merit in assuming that these durations perhaps represent the inherent lengths of the consonants for the purposes of comparison.
Bye’s analysis though does not address why a particular phoneme is selected as the weak grade. For example, if [j] is considered to be sufficiently shorter than [k] to function as the realization of the loss of a durational mark, why then does it not appear in all contexts? As we will see in section 4.1.1, there is variation in the realization of /t/ and this account does not offer an explanation for this fact. This analysis does not answer the question of which factors are responsible for determining the specific phonetic realization of weak grade, which is the focus of this paper.
3.2 Arguments Against a Unified Treatment
Quantitative and qualitative gradation, though diachronically unified processes and still clearly very similar, may be viewed synchronically as separate phenomena. Qualitative gradation is now less phonologically productive than is quantitative gradation. Recent loans (as well as neologisms) are subject to quantitative gradation (12b) but not qualitative gradation (12a) (Duncan 2008; Hammarberg 1974: 172-174; Holman 1975: 139). Even then, only those stops in morpheme-final syllable position undergo gradation, as shown in (12c) (Hammarberg 1974: 174).
12 12) Gradation in Loan Words (Hammarberg 1974: 172-174) a. No qualitative gradation: mu.ki / mu.kin ‘mug (nom./gen.)’
b. Quantitative gradation: A.me.rik.ka / A.me.ri.kan ‘America (nom./gen.)’
c. Quantitive gradation in final syllable only: at.ten.taat.ti / at.ten.taa.tin ‘assassination attempt (nom./gen.)’
In fact, many loan words which would otherwise have a single stop in a potentially gradating position instead geminate the stop to avoid the conflict and to maintain a greater resemblance to the original loan word (Holman 1975: 145).
13) Assimilation of Loans to Gradation (Holman 1975: 145) a. Swedish tolk > Finnish tulk.ki / tul.kin ‘interpreter (nom./gen.)’
In an experiment reported by Holman (1975: 110), linguistics students at the University of Helsinki were asked to give the plural form of the nonce word lupu in an attempt to determine the synchronic productivity of the qualititative gradation rule. The majority of the responses lacked gradation (21 responses: luput) while only a small number demonstrated gradation (7 responses: luvut). However, as Holman notes, this may have been partly an attempt to differentiate the nonce plural form from luvut, the plural form of luku ‘number’. A more controlled experiment could provide insight into the current level of productivity.
Synchronically there are lexical (14a, b) and morphological (14c, d) exceptions to both quantitative and qualitative gradation even in native vocabulary. In (14a), the geminate [tt] is unexpected preceding a closed syllable. In (14b), the stem-internal [d] remains even when the syllable is open in the genitive singular. In (14c) and (14d), the possessive
13 suffix -mme never conditions gradation though it closes the preceding syllable while the homophonous first person plural suffix does cause gradation.
14) Exceptions to Gradation (Skousen 1975: 56-66) a. Lexical Exceptions to Quantitative Gradation: sit.ten ‘then’ *si.ten ‘then’
b. Lexical Exceptions to Qualitative Gradation: sy.dän ‘heart (nom.sg.)’ sy.dä.men ‘heart (gen.sg.)’ *sy.tä.man ‘heart (gen.sg.)’
c. Morphological Exceptions to Quantitative Gradation: oppi+mme [op.pim.me] ‘our knowledge’ knowledge+1p.Px
but, oppi+mme [o.pim.me] ‘we learn’ learn+1p.pl.
d. Morphological Exceptions to Qualitative Gradation: sota+mme [so.tam.me] ‘our war’ war+1p.Px
but, soti+mme [so.dim.me] ‘we are warring’ be at war+1p.pl.
Qualitative gradation (or lack thereof) has been exploited in Finnish to produce related words with different connotations. For example, the gradated forms sedät ‘uncles
14 (nom.pl.)’ and tädit ‘aunts (nom.pl.)’ are semantically neutral whereas the ungradated forms setät ‘fuddy-duddy (nom.pl.)’ and tätit ‘dowagers (nom.pl.)’ are marked and derogatory (Holman 1975: 138).
Hammarberg (1974: 173) posits that the integration of unassimilated loan words into Finnish has played a significant role in the phonological weakening of gradation. Finnish now has [t]’s which alternate with [d]’s and both [t]’s and [d]’s which are invariant (15). As a result, it may be difficult for the learner to posit a productive rule of gradation.
15) Alternation of t ~ d (Hammarberg 1974: 173) a. hau.ta / hau.dan ‘grave (nom./gen.)’ alternating [t] ~ [d] b. au.to / au.ton ‘car (nom./gen.)’ invariant [t] c. sy.dän / sy.dä.men ‘heart (nom./gen.)’ invariant [d]
Of importance in this discussion is the relative frequency which speakers hear gradated vs. ungradated forms. Future work could examine which forms are most common in speech or writing and how this may affect speakers’ perception of the gradation patterns. As well, it is possible that different morphological forms may evidence different phonological patterning, as has been see for vowel harmony in Hungarian (Kontra and Ringen 1986). However, this possibility is speculative and requires further research.
Regardless, both quantitative and qualitative gradation remain a part of the Finnish phonology for a majority of the lexicon. However, the lesser degree of productivity of quantitative gradation, together with the variability of the qualitative lenited forms as compared with the consistency of the quantitative lenited forms, indicates that quantitative and qualitative gradation are synchronically separate phenomenona. Only qualitative gradation will be discussed for the remainder of this paper.
15 4. Qualitative Gradation
As discussed in section 2.2, qualitative gradation is normally presented in the phonological literature as comprising the alternations shown below in (16).
16) Quantitative Gradation
p → ʋ kyl.py / kyl.vyn ‘bath (nom./gen.)’ t → d ma.to / ma.don ‘worm (nom./gen.)’
k → ʋ pu.ku / pu.vun ‘suit (nom./gen.)’ k → Ø jo.ki / jo.en ‘river (nom./gen.)’
However, this is an idealized characterization of the standard language and does not accurately portray the extensive variability which is found in the dialects and spoken varieties of Finnish.
In this section work by Lainio (1989) and Cathey (1992) on the coronal and dorsal weak grade variability will be discussed. Pöchtrager’s (2001, 2008) account of gradation will also be briefly presented. As well, Kettunen’s dialect atlas, which provides detailed data concerning variants used across Finland, is described in section 4.2.1. Select data from the atlas is analyzed to obtain an idea of the full range of variation which must be explained.
4.1 Previous Accounts
4.1.1 Lainio (1989)
Lainio (1989) presents an in-depth socio-phonetic study of natural speech Finnish spoken by 54 immigrants in Eskilstuna, Sweden. One of the variables Lainio studied was the pronunciation of Standard Finnish [d] in the contexts V_V, VV__V, and h_. Though his
16 study did include some loan words with
Those variants found by Lainio are summarized below in (17). Bracketed variants are those which were used less than 10% of the time and the most common variant is bolded.
17) (d) Variable by Dialect (Lainio 1989: 122-123, 129-130, 139-140, 148-149) South Western Finnish:
6 7 Any Environment (d ), (D ), (ð), (t), ɾ, r, (j), (Ø) 10 informants, 472 tokens
V_V Environment (d), (t), ɾ, r, (Ø) 10 informants, 73 tokens Häme Finnish:
Any Environment d, (ð), (t), ɾ, r, (j), (Ø) 7 informants, 186 tokens
V_V Environment d, (ð), (t), ɾ, r, (Ø) 6 informants, 27 tokens Northern Finnish:
Any Environment d, (D), (ð), (t), (ɾ), (r), (j), Ø, (v), (h) 16 informants, 770 tokens
8 V_V Environment d, (D), (t), ɾ, (r), (j), Ø, v 16 informants, 105 tokens Eastern Finnish:
Any Environment d, (D), (ð), (t), ɾ, (r), (j), Ø, (v), (h) 21 informants, 1023 tokens
V_V Environment d, (D), (ð), t, ɾ, (r), Ø, (v) 21 informants, 166 tokens
6 Lainio’s original transcriptions have been replaced with equivalent IPA symbols using Lainio’s (1989: 114, 121) articulatory descriptions of the sounds. Changes were [δ] → [ð] and [∂] → [ɾ]. 7 The symbol D represents an “intermediate dental/alveolar lax stop, with little or no voicing, but still different from [t], which is a non-asperated voiceless dental stop” (Lainio 1989: 103). 8 For the V_V environment in Northern and Eastern Finnish, there were large differences in the behaviour of younger and older speakers. If either group used a variant 10% or the time or more, then the variant was not bracketed.
17 Table 2: (d) Variable by Speaker (Southwest Finnish) (Lainio 1989: 122) Other Total Speaker d D ð t ɾ r j Ø v h
% % % % % % % % % % % n % Older 12.5 - - - 41.7 41.7 4.2 - - - - 24 100 female 2 Older - - - - 6.2 68.8 25.0 - - - - 16 100 female 3 Older 16.7 6.2 2.1 - 47.9 16.7 8.3 2.1 - - - 48 100 female 4 Older 28.2 1.3 1.3 - 21.8 29.5 11.5 5.1 - - 1.3 78 100 female 5
Lainio’s findings, which reveal extensive inter- and intra-speaker variation, demonstrate that most variants are used across most dialects. The traditional dialectal weak grades of /t/ are shown below in table 3.
Table 3: The Pronunciation of
The variation is partly governed by the phonology and partly by sociological factors. As well, certain words are lexicalized and have invariant pronunciations (Lainio 1989). Phonological effects include the spreading of features from adjacent vowels. Sociological factors such as age, gender, education, and occupation are all relevant factors in variant choice. Various segments, such as [d] and [Ø], have prestige for particular groups, and are more likely to be used by particular speakers. The prestige factors depend partly upon
18 the dialect area from which the speaker originates though it is clear that some variants, such as [l] and [r] (in some areas), are widely stigmatized (Lainio 1989: 128-129).
In this study there is some evidence of [h] appearing as the weak grade of /t/. Lainio (1989: 120) states that [h] does not appear in the V_V environment (which is exclusively at the border of the first and second syllable) and none of [ʋ], [j], [h] appear in the h_ environment in his material though at least nähhä ‘see’ has been reported by others (Kettunen 1940 Map 81; Rapola 1966) in this environment. Examples in the VV_V environment include syyvän ‘(we) eat’, muijen ‘of the others’, saahan ‘(we) get’ (Lainio
1989: 120). The [ʋ] and [j] in the initial two examples are a result of spreading from the vowels. It seems that the [h] is the variant which appears when spreading is not possible. This indicates that [h] is placeless, as discussed in section 5.2.2. In a lexical item such as saahan (saadaan in standard Finnish), deletion of the consonant would result in vowel hiatus, which is disfavoured (see section 4.2.4.1). The hiatus cannot be rectified by the creation of a long vowel, since the initial vowel is already long, or the dipthongization of the vowels. Thus, a consonant must be maintained.
Lainio’s work is significant in that it clearly demonstrates the great inter- and intra- speaker variability of the weak grade of /t/, which is not as clearly visible in Kettunen’s dialect atlas. Segments such as this, with both considerable inter- and intra-speaker variation, may have a great deal of instability (Holmes 1992: 211). In Lainio’s study, within a dialect or even for a single speaker, multiple instantiations of weak /t/ are possible ranging from various obstruents and sonorants through to full deletion. Most possible segments are homorganic with the original coronal /t/, though labial glides and glottal fricatives may also occur.
In the standard account of variation, as discussed in section 2.2, where /p/ → [ʋ], /t/ → [d], and /k/ exhibits variation, the outcome of /k/ seems to be of greatest interest. Indeed, many, including Cathey (1992), focus primarily on the /k/ alternations. However, in the phonological literature another very interesting phenomenon, the variation in the
19 gradation of /t/ as demonstrated by Lainio (1989), is largely ignored. Although most accounts typically treat /t/ as leniting to [d], in fact there is a wide range of possibilities, as Lainio ably demonstrates. These various possibilities require an account.
4.1.2 Cathey (1992)
Cathey (1992) presents an analysis of qualitative gradation in Standard Finnish based on unpublished work by Anne Vainikka. The focus of the analysis is to explain exactly which segment surfaces as the weak grade in a given environment. The gradation rule is presented in (18) and discussed below.
18) Gradation Environment (Cathey 1992: 178) [+son] [ ] [+son] | | C V + C | [ ]
Cathey (1992: 178) assumes that /p, t, k/ are underspecified for both [sonorant] and [continuant]. When one of these segments is preceded by any sonorant and followed by a vowel and a consonant which is part of a different morpheme, the consonant will gradate. In (18) above, the consonant which gradates is shown to have no specification for either sonorancy (above the C) or continuancy (below the C).
Gradation itself involves spreading of the [sonorant] and [continuant] features from the preceding segment. As well, when the /p, t, k/ segment is flanked by segments with positive values for a particular feature, such as [front] or [labial], these features will fill in the relevant feature on /p/, /t/, or /k/. Below, the /k/ becomes [+sonorant, +continuant] due to spreading from /l/. Since both /l/ and /e/ are [+front], /k/ also becomes [+front], resulting in the segment [j].
20 19) Gradation of polkea ‘to tread’ ~ poljen ‘I tread’ (Cathey 1992: 176) Manner features +son [+son] +cont
/p o l k e + n/
Dorsal tier high +high high +front front +front
When the /k/ is surrounded by round vowels, the [+labial] feature spreads in a similar manner resulting in a segment that is [+sonorant, +continuant, +high, +labial], which is
realized as [ʋ]. However, when the flanking segments do not both have positive feature values, as in the environment /aka/, there is no spreading of features, other than [sonorant] and [continuant], and so the segment deletes since there is no possible surface form.
Cathey’s (1992) analysis is significant in that, unlike most other treatments of gradation, it attempts to determine exactly why a particular segment appears in a given environment. However, the treatment only focuses on the dorsal /k/ and it is unclear how he would extend the analysis to /p/ and /t/. These segments, unlike /k/, do not seem to undergo the spreading from positive adjacent segments. For instance, if /t/ were surrounded by round vowels, why then does [+labial] not spread to the consonant as it does with /k/? Instead, it surfaces as a coronal [d] in the standard dialect. Cathey (1992) also does not address the fact that [d] must be considered [sonorant] under this analysis since the crux of the analysis is the spreading of [+sonorant] from the preceding segment.
Finally, it is unclear why /k/ does not surface as [j] when surrounded by front vowels. As shown in (19) above, when /k/ is flanked by /l/ and /e/, both bearing the feature [+front], the /k/ is realized also as [+front] and so surfaces as [+sonorant, +continuant, +high, +front] [j]. If the front vowels are specified for [+front], then it stands that any front
21 vowel should condition [j], which is not the case as demonstrated by reki, reen ‘sleigh nom., gen.’.
Cathey’s (1992) analysis of quantitative gradation is not fully complete but addresses the important, and often ignored, issue of the surfacing consonants. As well, it recognizes that a change in sonorancy is central to quantitative gradation, which should be viewed separately from qualitative gradation.
4.1.3 Pöchtrager (2001, 2008)
Pöchtrager (2001, 2008) analyzes Finnish consonant gradation within the framework of Government Phonology (GP). Though a great deal of his analysis centres on the structural aspects of gradation in terms of proper government, in keeping with the focus of this paper, only the nature of the weak grades of qualitative gradation will be discussed.
Under GP, segments are composed of a small set of elements which may either stand alone or be combined into more complex segments. Under this theory, lenition may be seen as a decrease in complexity (Harris and Lindsey 1995).
Pöchtrager (2001, 2008) posits a gradation rule which simply involves the delinking of the ʔ element, which is a manner element indicating a stop. The consonant inventory of Finnish and the effects of this delinking are shown below in (20) and (21), respectively.
22 20) Consonant Inventory of Finnish (Pöchtrager 2001: 72)
p (ʔ, U) t (ʔ, A) k (ʔ, _) m (L, U) n (L, A) ŋ (L, _) s (H, A) h (H) r (I, A) l (I, U, A)
ʋ (U) j (I)
21) Qualitative Gradation (Pöchtrager 2001: 74, 2008: 369)
a. p ~ v (ʔ, U) ~ (U)
b. t ~ d (ʔ, A) ~ (A)
c. k ~ Ø (ʔ, _) ~ (_)
In (21a), when the ʔ element is delinked through gradation, all that remains is the head U, which is realized as the labial [ʋ]. In (21c), with the ʔ delinked, nothing remains but an empty head, which cannot be realized, and so the segment deletes.
The coronal alternation, shown in (21b), results in the head A. Pöchtrager (2001: 74) explains that, though a voiced stop would normally be an unexpected realization of (A), which does not have the element ʔ normally seen in stops, (A) nonetheless surfaces as
what is actually a tap in Finnish. Thus, the phonetic realization of the Finnish
Pöchtrager’s (2001, 2008) analysis of standard Finnish is very elegant and the representation of lenition overall as the deletion of one or more elements is intuitively satisfying. However, it is unclear how it could be expanded to the various dialects and account for the variation demonstrated by Lainio (1989). The weak grade of /t/ may also
23 be any of [d, ð, ɾ, r, l, ʋ, j, h] (Lainio 1989). The approximants [ʋ, j] as weak variants are likely explained by spreading from an adjacent vowel, which Pöchtrager (2001: 74) discusses.
The fricative [ð] and the liquids [r, l] may be somewhat problematic. Harris and Lindsey (1995: 33) state that the distinction between a strident and non-strident fricative is one of headedness. Thus, (H, A) would be the representation of [s] and (A, H) that of [θ]. Voicing may be represented by the element L in head position. Thus, the voiced fricative [ð] might be represented as (A, H, L) analogous to Pöchtrager’s (2001: 73) representation of non-native Finnish [d] with (A, ʔ, L). The liquids [l] and [r] are represented by Pöchtrager (2001: 72) as (I, U, A) and (I, A) respectively. Assuming these representations for [ð] and [r, l], after gradation delinks the element ʔ, leaving (A), one or more elements would then have to be inserted (as shown in (22) below), thus eliminating the simplicity of lenition as deletion. In the case of [ð], the headedness would also have to be switched to L. Finally, there seems to be no reason why the fricative [s] could not also serve as the weak grade of /t/ under this analysis.
22) Coronal Consonant Gradation in Dialects
t ~ ? (ʔ, A) ~ (A) J (A, H, L) [ð] J (I, U, A) [l] J (I, A) [r] J(H, A) [s] ?
24 4.2 Kettunen’s (1940) Dialect Atlas
4.2.1 Description
The dialect atlas, published in 1940, was compiled by L. Kettunen. From 1926-1929 Kettunen interviewed people in various localities across Finland. Many of interviews were with men and women incarcerated in prisons and the discussions, which centred on their crimes, were recorded and are still available in Finland today (P. Päiviö p.c. 2009). Transcriptions of the interviews are also available in Kettunen (1930).
The total number of participants is somewhat difficult to discern though it is likely over 200. In some transcriptions Kettunen (1930) simply lists the participants in a discussion as being different inhabitants of a given community, for instance eri vanhuksilta Ikaalisten kunnalliskodista ‘from different elders from Ikaalinen’s seniors home’ (Kettunen 1930: 27) or simply eri henkilöltä ‘from different people’ (Kettunen 1930: 29). In most cases though, he lists the speaker’s name and age with the date and place of the interview as in shown in (23).
23) Example of Subject Information Provided (Kettunen 1930: 31) Einokki Nieminen, Janakkalan Vähikkälän kylästä, 82 v. Janakkalan kunnalliskodissa 11.VIII.26. Einokki Niminen, from Janakkala’s Vähikkälä town, 82 years. In Janakkala’s seniors home August 11, 1926.
The ages of the participants range from teenagers to people in their late 80’s. Both men and women are well represented.
The map is divided into 10 dialect areas, each marked with a Roman numeral. These dialect areas are further subdivided using Arabic numerals and letters resulting in 70 areas. The atlas consists of 213 maps, each portraying the distribution of a particular linguistic feature. Maps 37-91 (54 maps) relate to consonant gradation.
25 24) Partial Sample Map from Kettunen (1940)
The information on these maps was compiled in an Excel sheet for analysis. Variants which were similar for the purposes of this paper were combined. For example, the weak variants of /pata + n/ and /sata + n/, pān, sān and poan,̯ soan̯ were both considered to be instances of deletion since the dipthongization is irrelevant to gradation.
For the purposes of this paper, those areas to the east of the 1940 borders of Finland, areas immediately surrounding and below St. Petersburg, and islands in the Gulf of Finland were not included in the data analysis. The islands were excluded from analysis since it was not clear to me which dialect area they were meant to be included in. The Russian areas were excluded because the languages spoken in these areas are not primarily Finnish and there may have been significant influence from Russian and Estonian, as well as other Finnic languages.
4.2.2 Symbols
Symbols in Kettunen’s (1940) atlas are used without explanation. Most are easily understood but [δ] and [ð] are potentially ambiguous. The following are descriptions of similar symbols by other Finnish linguists.
26 25) Phonetic Symbols δ Setälä (1901: 37): stimmhafte dentale spirant Lainio (1989): voiced dental spirant Mustanoja and O’Dell (2007: 61): dental spirant, IPA ð ð Setälä (1901: 38): alveolarer tremulant mit einem schlag, z. b. fi. paðan ‘des topfes’
Mustanoja and O’Dell (2007: 61): voiced tap, IPA ɾ
The following table is reproduced from Setälä’s (1901: 41) article on the transcription of Finno-Ugric languages. Here, δ corresponds with IPA [ð] and ð, grouped with R and r, is some sort of rhotic. Later linguists such as Mustanoja and O’Dell (2007) characterize it as a tap. Thus, I assume Kettunen’s δ to be IPA [ð] and Kettunen’s ð to be IPA [ɾ].
Table 4:
27 In some cases, syllable boundaries are marked with the symbol ֽ, as in teֽot, teֽò(t) as compared to teot,̯ teut.̯ This is due to the fact that different dialects may treat the same vowel sequence as either heterosyllabic or as a diphthong (Eero Kiviniemi p.c. 2009). When there is variation, the symbol ֽ indicates the vowels do not form a diphthong in this case. For the purposes of this paper, both the vowel hiatus and the diphthong were treated as deletions of the intervening consonant and were thus grouped together9.
4.2.3 Data Entry
The map is divided into 70 sections, many of which are not homogeneous in terms of which alternations occur in a given area. For example, part of the section may evidence alternation A whereas another part may evidence alternation B. However, when I inputted the data, both of these alternations were recorded as occurring in the same overall area. This gives the false impression that the alternations co-occur in this area when, in fact, they do not. As well, the entry implies that both alternations are equally common when, in fact, one may actually be quite rare and only occur in a very small section of the area.
A second issue is that some of the alternation markings are somewhat unclear as to their exact borders. As a result, it was sometimes subjective whether or not a particular alternation was included for a given area.
4.2.4 The Data
The precise variants chosen as the weak grade of /t/ have been shown to be heavily influenced by social factors including prestige and social group unity. The weak grade of /t/ has been a linguistic issue for several centuries and so it is not unexpected that social factors such as gender, age, occupation, and education all play a role in the selection of
9 Since vowel sequences and hiatus were found to be somewhat relevant (see section 4.2.4), future work might wish to treat these differently.
28 the weak grade. However, these factors are outside the scope of this paper. For further details on the sociolinguistic status of the various forms of weak /t/, see Lainio (1989) and references therein. This paper will deal solely with a phonological account of the variation in the weak variants observed by Kettunen (1940).
Only two syllable nouns with short vowels are discussed in this paper though there are many additional lexemes in Kettunen’s (1940) atlas which are either verbs or have different preceding environments (long vowels, diphthongs, liquids, nasals, and [h]). In the future, these additional forms could all be examined.
The labial alternation is not discussed in the dialect atlas except insofar as to illustrate potential assimilation of the weak variant /ʋ/ with an adjacent labial vowel. The lack of investigation by Kettunen (1940) suggests that there was no variation in the output of gradation for labials and so, in all cases, it is assumed that the /p/ always gradates to [ʋ].
In the following discussion, dialects were first sorted by their behaviour concerning the /k/ alternations since there was more complete information for these alternations for more dialects. They were then grouped according to their behaviour with regard to the /t/ alternations.
The dialects are presented in tables with other similarly behaving dialects. Shaded dialects are those which behave similarly. There is no implication that those dialects shaded in the same manner actually pattern together with respect to other processes.
The phonological environments are listed in their underlying form at the top of the chart with the gradating consonant flanked by the immediately adjacent vowels. See Appendix 1 for a list of the full forms.
Each table is first presented and is then followed by relevant discussion.
29 4.2.4.1 /t/ Lenites to [coronal] and /k/ Assimilates
The dialects described in this section (tables 5-8) are those which are most similar to the standard Finnish dialect described in section 2.2. In a very few cases the coronal /t/ does not undergo gradation at all (though /k/ invariably gradates). In the other cases, /t/ lenites to a coronal consonant: [d, ð, ɾ, r, l] or, rarely, the glide [j]. The velar /k/ deletes entirely or obtains features from adjacent vowels.
Table 510: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO11 eko aku VIII1b ð, d, d, t - - - - j j v v - - t
For this dialect, shown in Table 1, it seems that the /t/ may or may not gradate. If it does, however, the gradation seems to be similar to that of standard Finnish, described above in section 2.2, though [ð] is also possible in the /ata/ environment.
The velar /k/, however, does not completely delete, as it does in the standard dialect. If there is an adjacent coronal vowel, the /k/ lenites as [j] and if there is an adjacent labial
vowel, the /k/ lenites as [ʋ]. When the /k/ is adjacent to both a coronal and a labial vowel, as in the sequence /oke/, then the [labial] feature (never the [coronal] feature) spreads to the consonant. This is also the case in /äkö/. Though the preceding vowel has a [coronal] feature and the following vowel has both [coronal] and [labial] features, only the [labial] feature is ever spread to the consonant. Spreading can thus be either regressive or progressive but [labial] supersedes [coronal].
It is also possible here that there is only spreading of [labial] and that the palatal [j] is considered to be a dorsal consonant in this dialect, as suggested by Janhunen (2007). In
10 The dash indicates that, for a given dialect, no data was available in the atlas for the lexical item in question. 11 Capital letters represent segments which could be either front or back. For example, AkO represents the VCV sequences in either rako ‘crack’ or näkö ‘sight’.
30 this case, [j] would be the natural lenited form of /k/ and when there is an adjacent round vowel, the [labial] feature could spread to the consonant, resulting in [ʋ]. Without further evidence on the exact phonological patterning of [j] in this particular dialect, it is impossible to distinguish between these two options. However, it seems less likely that this is in fact the correct scenario since this would assume that the weak grade consonant is overridden by a spreading process which would conceal its original place of articulation.
In the following table, /t/ gradates to a non-nasal coronal and /k/ may delete or may become either [j] or [ʋ].
Table 6: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku II9S l l - - - - j j j v Ø Ø, v I2a r r - - - - Ø Ø Ø, j v v v I2b r, d r, d - - - - Ø Ø Ø, j v v v II1b r, ɾ r, ð - - - - Ø Ø, j Ø, j v v v II4 r, d ɾ, d - - - - Ø j j v v v II5-9 l l - - - - Ø, j j j v v v II6b r s - - - - Ø j j v v v II7 r r, s - - - - Ø j j v v v II8a r s, t - - - - Ø j j v v v II2 r r, t - - - - Ø Ø, j Ø, j v v Ø, v II3 l, ɾ l, ɾ, - - - - Ø Ø, j j Ø, v v Ø, v t II5a l, r l, s, - - - - Ø Ø, j j v Ø, v Ø, v t II5b l, r, l, ɾ, - - - - Ø j Ø, j Ø, v v v ð t II6a l, r l - - - - Ø, j j v v Ø, v II8b r l, t - - - - Ø, j Ø, j j Ø, v v v III1 r r - - - - Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v III2 r, ɾ r, ɾ - - - - Ø Ø, j j Ø, v Ø Ø II-III r, ɾ r, ɾ - - - - Ø j Ø v v v IV1a r, ɾ r - - - - Ø j Ø v v Ø
31 In these dialects in table 6, /t/ also may or may not gradate, though gradation is typical. The [s] which may occur in the /ete/ environment is likely a result of analogy to other forms (UR /vete/ undergoes final vowel raising to /veti/ and assibilation to [vesi]). The
12 lenited forms of /t/ are always coronal and a non-nasal sonorant: [d, ð, ɾ, r, l] . In many cases, a given dialect is unvarying in its selection of the particular weak grade of /t/.
With /k/, either the /k/ deletes or there is regressive assimilation of [coronal] from /e/ and [labial] from /u/, /o/, and /ö/. Interestingly though, in the /eke/ environment, there is almost invariably deletion. However, the [coronal] feature seems to have spread from the /e/ in at least /oke/ (in some dialects) so it is unclear why the spreading is rarely occurring in the /eke/ environment. It is possible that there is some lexicalization or some effect of frequency though without further study, these are simply speculations.
Another possibility lies in the resulting vowel sequence after deletion. In /eke/, the vowels would form the long vowel /e:/ (which may undergo diphthongization to yield
[tie̯n]). With both /äke/ and /oke/, the vowels could not form a diphthong and would each constitute their own syllable nucleus. Perhaps, the vowel hiatus is sufficiently disfavoured that the deletion of the consonant, which would be the normal outcome of lenition, is disallowed. Holman (1975: 113) notes that there is avoidance of hiatus in Standard Finnish, as shown below in (26).
26) Word-Internal Hiatus Avoidance in Standard Finnish (Holman 1975: 113) lau.an.tai pronounced [lauwantai] or lauvantai] ‘Saturday’
Across words, hiatus is also avoided through the insertion of a glottal stop before a vowel-initial word as shown below in (27) (Lieko 1992: 63; Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 46-47).
12 See section 5.2.1 for discussion of [d] and [ð] as sonorants.
32 27) External Sandhi Glottal Stop Insertion Maija oli iloinen. ‘Maija was happy.’
[...aʔoliʔi...]
Since the phonetic realization of the weak grade of /t/ is assumed to be merely a surface difference (see section 5.4), these dialects differ primarily in the behaviour of the spreading of [labial] and [coronal] in the weak grade of /k/.
In dialect II9S, spreading of both [labial] and [coronal] is regressive. The [coronal] feature must spread if possible but it seems that [labial] spreading is optional, except in the /AkO/ environment. This dialect is the only one in this table which does not allow deletion in an environment where [coronal] could spread.
The subsequent eight dialects, I2a to II8a, display the opposite situation where the [labial] feature instead of the [coronal] feature must spread. The deletion of the velar weak grade is dependent on dialect and environment in that the first three dialects allow more deletion and there is a hierarchy of environments which allow deletion: eke < äke < oke.
The next grouping of dialects, II2 to III2, allows the optional spread of [labial] and [coronal]. In only one of these dialects may [j] appear in the /eke/ environment. Possibly this may be due to frequency, lexicalization, or the resultant long vowel.
The final two dialects, II-III and IV1a, allow optional spreading of [labial] but [coronal] may only spread from /ä/, never /e/.
In table 7, /t/ gradates to a liquid and /k/ may delete or surface as [j] or [ʋ].
33 Table 7: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku II9a l l - - - - Ø, j Ø, j j, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v II9b l, r Ø, l - - - - Ø, j Ø, j Ø, j, Ø, v Ø, v v v
These dialects, II9a and II9b, exhibit similar gradation to those in table 6. The /t/ gradates to a sonorant [l] or [r]. The /k/ optionally deletes or assimilates features from a neighbouring vowel. In these cases, the spread of [coronal] appears to be only regressive as shown by the lack of spread in /eko/ and its presence in /oke/. However, unlike in the dialects in table 6, the spread of [labial] may occur in either direction, as it is seen in both /eko/ and /oke/. Vowel hiatus does not seem to be an issue in these dialects as evidenced by the possible full deletion of /k/ in all words. Again, when both [coronal] and [labial] are present, as in /äkö/, only [labial] may spread.
The dialects in table 8 below are similar in terms of the behaviour of /k/, which may gradate to [ʋ] in the presence of a labial vowel. Otherwise it may lenite to [j] or delete completely.
Table 8: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku VII2 Ø, j, Ø, j, Ø Ø Ø, j j Ø, j j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v r, ð, r, ð, d d VIII1a d, t t - - - - Ø j v v Ø Ø
Outside of their behaviour with /k/, these two dialects are fairly diverse. In dialect VII2, the /t/ gradates to a coronal in some environments and deletes in others. There is significant variation in the lenited forms of /t/ in the environments /ata/ and /ete/ though this variation is absent in the other four coronal environments. In fact, /ute/ and /atu/ consistently display deletion. Perhaps the lack of deletion is in some way related to the potential resulting long vowel. In this dialect /j/ is a possible weak grade of /t/ since there is no [coronal] feature to spread in either the /ata/ or the /ota/ environments.
34 In dialect VIII1a, however, /t/ may or may not gradate. This is interesting in that /p/ presumably gradates and /k/ clearly does, so it is unclear why the behaviour of /t/ differs. There is only a small amount of data though for this dialect so perhaps additional data would reveal that there is, in fact, more significant gradation.
With respect to the lenition of /k/, these two dialects are very similar. In these dialects,
both [coronal] and [labial] appear to potentially spread from vowels. In dialect VII2 /o/, /ö/, and /u/ may spread [labial] in either direction and /ä/ (and possibly /e/) may spread [coronal]. However, in an environment with both [labial] and [coronal] vowels such as
/oke/, /eko/, or /äkö/, only [labial] may spread. Dialect VIII1a allows more deletion though the spread appears to be largely similar, though it is not clear here that /e/ may spread [coronal].
Though the behaviour of /k/ is similar in these dialects, the behaviour of /t/ is quite disparate. This demonstrates that the behaviour of the two is not inexorably linked.
The table below demonstrates a great deal of deletion of /k/ in the weak grade. As well, unlike in many other dialects, /k/ never surfaces as [j]. The coronal /t/ lenites to either [r],
[ð], or [ɾ].
Table 9: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku II1a r, ð r, ð - - - - Ø Ø Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v III3 r r - - - - Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø v II-I r, ð r, ɾ - - - - Ø Ø Ø Ø, v Ø Ø
In these dialects /t/ lenites to either [r], [ɾ], or [ð]. Spreading from the coronal vowels to the lenited /k/ does not seem to be possible but labial vowels /o/, /ö/, and /u/ may spread
[labial] in either direction for dialect II1a. For the other two dialects, there is only regressive spreading of [labial] in a single environment each. This results in only the /t/
having a clear weak variant as both /p/ and /k/ share [ʋ] as their weak grade in many
35 environments. However, in all these dialects, the spreading of the [labial] feature is optional at best so /k/ seems to be largely marked by deletion.
In the dialects in table 10 below, though both /t/ and /k/ may either delete or lenite to [j],
only /k/ may lenite to [ʋ].
Table 10: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IV2a j j j j j j Ø j j v v v IV2b j Ø j Ø j Ø Ø Ø j v v v
In these dialects, /t/ may only lenite to [j], though deletion is also a possibility in dialect
IV2b. It seems that the [j] is not the result of spreading but is rather the normal coronal lenited form since in the environments /ata/, /atu/, and /ota/ there is no coronal vowel from which the feature could have been acquired.
For these dialects, /k/ does not have a glide in the same place of articulation. Thus, it deletes unless the following vowel spreads its feature. Again, for the vowel /ö/, only [labial] may spread. There is evidence of lexicalization in that in some environments, such as /oke/, the vowel /e/ spreads the feature [coronal] whereas in other, similar environments it may not, as in /eke/. Regressive labial assimilation always occurs when possible.
4.2.4.2 /t/ Lenites to a [coronal] and /k/ Deletes
A different pattern is the lenition of /t/ to a coronal sonorant and the complete deletion of /k/. In such dialects, which are uncommon but existent, there is no feature spreading from adjacent vowels.
36 Table 11: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto VkV I1a r, ð, ɾ ð - - - - Ø I1b r, ɾ r, ɾ - - - - Ø I1c r, ɾ r, ɾ - - - - Ø VII1 Ø, ð Ø Ø, j Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø
In the first three dialects in table 11, /t/ lenites to [r], [ð], or [ɾ]; deletion does not appear to be possible. In the final dialect, /t/ may delete or lenite to either [ð] (in the /ata/ environment) or [j]. It is clear that the [j] is simply the lenited coronal segment and is not the result of spreading since it appears even in an environment without any front vowels (/ota/).
It is possible that the first three dialects are more similar to the final dialect than they appear in the table since the data for the final four /t/ environments is unavailable. However, there is no deletion attested in the available /t/ environments for the first three and deletion seems to be pervasive in dialect VII1.
For all these dialects, /k/ deletes regardless of the environment.
4.2.4.3 /t/ and /k/ Assimilate
In the next dialects, the weak grades of both /t/ and /k/ may be represented by [j] and/or
[ʋ] resulting in mass neutralization.
Table 12: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IX9a Ø Ø v v v Ø, j, Ø Ø, j Ø, j, Ø, v Ø, v Ø v v VI1b Ø, j Ø, j j, v j, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j, v v v v
37 These dialects are similar to II9a and II9b (table 7) in terms of the behaviour of /k/. The /k/ optionally deletes or assimilates features from an adjacent vowel. The [coronal] feature may spread regressively from /e/ (compare the lack of spread in /eko/ and its presence in /oke/). However the [labial] feature may spread in either direction, as shown by the
presence of [ʋ] in both /eko/ and /oke/.
In terms of /t/, both dialects display progressive and regressive assimilation of [labial] though they differ in terms of the relative strength of the [labial] and [coronal]. For
dialect IX9a the glide [j] only appears optionally in a single environment, /eto/. Otherwise there is spread of [labial] or deletion. For dialect VI1b there is greater variation. The labial
glide [ʋ] is a possibility whenever a rounded vowel is adjacent though the coronal glide
[j] and deletion also occur in most environments. For at least dialect VI1b the glide [j] must be the lenited form of /t/ since in the environment /atu/ there is no conditioning front vowel yet the glide appears. When the [labial] feature spreads here, it is masking the weak variant of /t/ and eliminating any trace of the original place of articulation.
In both dialects IX9a and VI1b, there is significant neutralization with the lenited variants of all three stops. In a lenition environment with a labial vowel, all three stop consonants would be possible as the unlenited variant.
The dialects shown below in table 13 also demonstrate a great deal of deletion for the weak grades of both /t/ and /k.
38 Table 13: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku II-IX Ø Ø j v Ø, v Ø Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø Ø v V2S Ø Ø, j j v v v Ø j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v VI2 Ø Ø j v Ø, v Ø, v Ø j j v v v V1 Ø Ø j v j, v v Ø j j v v v VI1a Ø Ø j Ø, j, Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v v IV4S Ø, j Ø j Ø, v j, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v IV3 j Ø j j, v j, v j, v Ø j j v v v VI3 Ø, j Ø j j, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j j v v v IX7b Ø, j Ø j j, v Ø, j Ø, j Ø Ø, j Ø, j v Ø v IX7c Ø Ø j, v v Ø Ø Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø v V3S Ø Ø j, v Ø v Ø Ø j Ø Ø Ø Ø, v IX8a Ø Ø v v Ø, v j, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø v Ø, v X2a Ø Ø v v v Ø, j, Ø Ø Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø v X2b Ø Ø v v v j Ø Ø, j j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v
In these dialects, there is mass neutralization. Both glides are possible as the weak
variants of /t/ or /k/. For all dialects, the weak grade of /k/ may surface as either [j] or [ʋ] depending on the following vowel. Interestingly though, in all cases there is total deletion of the consonant in /eke/. This is contrasted with /oke/ where it is clear that the [coronal] feature has spread from /e/.
These dialects differ in their treatment of assimilation with the weak grade of /t/. The first three dialects, II-IX to VI2, have regressive [labial] assimilation in /atu/ and /eto/ (except in II-IX) and progressive [labial] assimilation in /ota/ but not in /ute/, where the segment surfaces as [j]. It is unclear whether the [j] is the coronal sonorant occurring as a result of gradation or if it is a result of the spreading of [coronal] from /e/. Complete deletion occurs in /ata/, the only environment without either [labial] or [coronal] to spread, which suggests that the [j] may be due to spreading.
In the next two dialects there is again progressive and regressive spreading of [labial] though it is still absent in /ute/. The coronal glide is clearly the lenited variant of /t/ as it occurs in environments where there is no possible source of spreading, such as /atu/ and
39 /ota/. In both environments which would result in a long vowel, there is deletion of the weak grade segment.
The following three dialects, IV4S to VI3, are similar to those described immediately above except there are more cases of [j]. Only in the environment /ete/ is there invariably deletion.
The difference between dialect IX7b and those preceding is that here /o/ does not seem to spread the [labial] feature. It is possible that this dialect is either moving towards having only [j] as the lenited coronal segment or else it may be in the early stages of allowing [round] assimilation.
In the following two dialects, [j] may only occur in the /ute/ environment. The labial glide may occur but most often there is simply deletion. In the final three dialects of table 13, [j] is comparatively quite rare. Except in the /eto/ environment, [labial] spreads when possible.
The dialects in table 14 below are very similar to those in the previous table in terms of the behaviour for the /k/ though they differ in terms of the behaviour for the /t/. A great deal of deletion is tolerated.
Table 14: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku X1a Ø Ø v v v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø X1b Ø Ø v v v Ø, v Ø, j j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø X1c Ø Ø v v v Ø, v Ø j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø X1d Ø Ø v v v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø IX9b Ø Ø v v v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø IX2 Ø Ø v v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v v IX7a Ø Ø v v Ø Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j v v v IX8b Ø Ø v v Ø Ø Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø v Ø IX6b Ø Ø v Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø, j Ø Ø Ø Ø, v IV1b Ø Ø v Ø - Ø Ø j Ø Ø Ø Ø VI4 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø v Ø - Ø, j Ø v v
40 In the dialects in table 14, the coronal /t/ deletes unless there is an adjacent rounded vowel. In these cases, the [labial] feature may spread. With the dorsal /k/, however, there is regressive spread of both [coronal] and [labial] onto the consonant, resulting in [j] or
[ʋ] respectively.
In the single dialect in table 15, there is mass neutralization. With the exception of a single environment, all other weak grades are either deleted or surface as [ʋ].
Table 15: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IX9-10 Ø Ø v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v
In dialect IX9-10, /t/ deletes unless there is an adjacent round V which may optionally spread. The dorsal segment allows the spread of [labial] in the same environments but also the spread of [coronal] in /äke/. In this one environment is the only weak grade segment which is not [ʋ] whether the strong grade is /p/, /t/, or /k/.
In the dialects shown in table 16 both /t/ and /k/ normally delete in the weak grade, though there are vestiges of previous assimilation patterns.
Table 16: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IX5 Ø Ø v Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø, j Ø Ø Ø Ø IX6a Ø Ø v Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø, j Ø Ø Ø Ø
In the dialects IX5 and IX6a, shown in table 16, both /t/ and /k/ typically delete. There are what appear to be remnants of the spread of [coronal] and [labial] from adjacent vowels. For the coronal /t/, only the spread of [labial] from an adjacent /u/ is observed. For the dorsal /k/, only the spread of [coronal] in the environment /äke/ remains. The [coronal] feature does not spread though in the similar environment /äkö/.
41 The dialects in table 17 below only delete or lenite to [ʋ].
Table 17: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IX1 Ø Ø v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v IX3 Ø Ø v Ø Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø, v Ø Ø IX4 Ø Ø v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v IX10 Ø Ø v Ø Ø, v Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø, v Ø, v
The four dialects in table 17 share the characteristic that the place distinction between the strong grade consonants /p, t, k/ is lost in the weak grade in environments with an adjacent round vowel. The only possible lenited consonant is [ʋ], with the [labial] features having been acquired from a vowel in the case of /t/ and /k/. In many cases, the weak grade of the consonant is deleted completely. Interestingly, for dialects IX1 and IX4 the [labial] feature may spread from any adjacent vowel in the coronal environment but only from following round vowels in the velar environment. Thus, the [labial] assimilation rule for the coronal is not actually the same as for the dorsal but they are, rather, two separate rules.
4.2.4.4 /t/ Undergoes Spreading and /k/ Deletes
Table 18: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto VkV III-IX Ø Ø j, v Ø Ø, v Ø Ø
In dialect III-IX /k/ deletes in all environments. The coronal /t/ deletes in the majority of the environments but surfaces as [j] or [ʋ] in /ute/ and as [ʋ] in /ota/. Thus, it appears that the spread of [labial] is only progressive.
42 4.2.4.5 Complete Deletion
There is a single dialect, VIII2, which experiences complete deletion of /t/ and /k/ in the
weak grade. It is assumed that /p/ lenites to [ʋ] in the weak grade though it is possible that it also deleted and simply was not studied by Kettunen (1940).
Table 19: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto VkV VIII2 Ø Ø Ø - - - Ø
4.2.4.6 Summary of Attested Patterns
There are five main patterns in the data, as shown below in table 20. The coronal /t/ may lenite to a coronal non-nasal sonorant while the dorsal /k/ may either undergo spreading from an adjacent vowel or delete. Both /t/ and /k/ may undergo spreading. It is possible that only the weak grade of /t/ will undergo spreading from a flanking vowel and /k/ will simply delete. Finally, both segments may completely delete.
Table 20: Section Pattern Number of Dialects 4.2.4.1 1) /t/ Lenites to [coronal] and /k/ Assimilates 29 4.2.4.2 2) /t/ Lenites to a [coronal] and /k/ Deletes 4 4.2.4.3 3) /t/ and /k/ Assimilate 34 4.2.4.4 4) /t/ Assimilates and /k/ Deletes 1 4.2.4.5 5) Complete Deletion of /t/ and /k/ 1
Not all of these patterns are equally common. The two most common patterns, in terms of the number of dialects said to evidence the pattern, are /t/ leniting to [coronal] and /k/ assimilating, which occurs in 29 dialects, and both /t/ and /k/ assimilating, which occurs in 34 dialects. The other three patterns are comparatively rare being evidenced in only one to four dialects. This suggests that deletion is undesirable and there is a strong
43 requirement to retain the consonant. Regardless, deletion and neutralization are extremely common.
As can be observed in many of the tables in section 4.2.4, certain environments/words are more resistant to deletion than others. For instance, /ute/ is highly resistant to deletion whereas /ata/, /ete/, and /eke/ are all more likely than other environments to allow deletion. It is possible that this is due to the fact that the resultant sequences of these three environments are (underlying) long vowels. As previously discussed, vowel hiatus may be sufficiently disfavoured that deletion does not occur. However, without knowledge of the patterning of other, phonologically similar words, it is also possible that these are simply atypical lexemes.
A commonality between all the dialects is the spreading of a [labial] feature over a [coronal] feature. This is particularly evident in the /äkö/ environment. The vowel /ö/ is characterized by both [coronal] and [labial] yet in no case does it ever spread [coronal]. In most cases when these two features are in the position where either should be able to spread, [labial] will prevail. This suggests that there is a hierarchy which characterizes the relationship between [coronal] and [labial].
The spreading patterns of [labial] and [coronal] are often quite different in the coronal and dorsal environments indicating that the spreading rules are separate for the coronal /t/ and the dorsal /k/. For example, in the dialects shown in table 21, [labial] spreads only regressively in the dorsal environment as demonstrated by the absence of the labial glide
[ʋ] in /oke/. The feature [coronal] also spreads only regressively to the lenited dorsal consonant. However, for the lenited coronal /t/, the patterns are quite different. The [labial] feature here spreads in either direction, as evidenced by /ute/ and /atu/ which both have [ʋ]. Whether the [coronal] feature spreads at all in the coronal /t/ environment or is the weak grade of /t/ is not clear. If there is spreading of [coronal] in the /t/ environment, then it must be progressive since it is only evidenced in /eto/.
44 Table 21: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku IX8a Ø Ø v v Ø, v j, v Ø Ø, j Ø, j Ø v Ø, v X2a Ø Ø v v v Ø, j, Ø Ø Ø, j Ø, v Ø, v Ø v X2b Ø Ø v v v j Ø Ø, j j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v
Not all types of assimilation are equally common in the 70 dialects discussed herein. The following table presents the types of assimilation that were evidenced in various environments. The first column indicates the strong grade of the consonant in question. Thus, /t/ represents all /VtV/ environments. The second column indicates the vowel place feature which may potentially spread, either [coronal] or [labial]. The five subsequent columns indicate the direction of spread evidenced by a vowel feature in a given environment. For example, the feature [coronal] may spread only regressively in a /VkV/ environment in a particular dialect while there may be both progressive and regressive assimilation of [coronal] in the same /VkV/ environment for a different dialect. In some cases it was impossible to determine conclusively which direction spreading occurred or, in some situations, whether spreading was occurring at all. For example, if the only /VtV/ environment in which a [j] appeared was /ute/, it is impossible to determine if the [j] was the normal weak grade of /t/ or if it arose through spreading from the following coronal vowel /e/. Also, if the only instances of [j] in the /VkV/ environment occurred in /eke/ and /äke/ environments, then it is impossible to determine conclusively the direction of spread.
Table 22: Strong Vowel Direction of Spread Total Grade Feature Progressive Regressive Both Undetermined None /t/ [coronal] 0 0 0 11 59 70 [labial] 6 3 26 0 35 70 /k/ [coronal] 0 46 0 10 14 70 [labial] 0 51 9 0 10 70 Total 6 100 35 21 118
45 As is clear from table 22, the most frequent situation is a complete lack of assimilation which occurs in 118/280 cases (42%). When spreading does occur, regressive assimilation from the vowel is most common which occurs in 100/280 cases (36%). Progressive assimilation is almost non-existent in these environments (6/280 cases) in contrast with the progressive spreading that occurs as part of vowel harmony. Spreading in both directions is most common for the [labial] feature in the /VtV/ environment.
A lack of spreading is most common in the coronal /VtV/ environment (59/70 for the [coronal] feature and 35/70 for the [labial] feature) while the dorsal /VkV/ environment is characterized by spreading in most cases (46/70 for the [coronal] feature and 60/70 for the [labial] feature).
Though [labial] invariably spreads over [coronal] in an /äkö/ environment, suggesting a hierarchy of place, [labial] assimilation itself is actually not much more common than [coronal] assimilation.
The following table correlates the behaviour of the vowel feature [labial] in the /VkV/ and the /VtV/ environments. Clearly the direction of spread or even whether [labial] spreads is not identical in both environments. In fact, the two most common situations are where [labial] spread regressively in the /VkV/ environment but spreads in either direction in the /VtV/ environments (22/70 cases) and where [labial] spreads regressively in the /VkV/ environment but does not spread at all in the /VtV/ environment (23/70).
46 Table 23: /VkV/ environment with [labial] spread Prog.13 Reg. Both Undet. None Total /VtV/ Prog. 0 3 0 0 3 6 environment with Reg. 0 3 0 0 0 3 [labial] spread Both 0 22 3 0 1 26 Undet. 0 0 0 0 0 0 None 0 23 6 0 6 35 Total 0 51 9 0 10
These charts indicate that the spreading of the vowel features is generally independent in the /VtV/ and /VkV/ environments. In fact, even in the same environment, the [labial] and [coronal] vowel features do not necessarily behave alike.
4.2.4.7 Unattested Behaviour
In some cases, the spreading patterns of a given dialect would allow either [labial] or [coronal] to spread to the lenited consonant. In these cases, the result may either be an alternation between the labial glide [ʋ] and the coronal glide [j] (as shown in table 7, partially reproduced below as table 24) or else only the labial glide is possible (as shown in table 8, partially reproduced as table 25). There are no cases where the coronal glide only will appear in such circumstances.
In table 24 below, [labial] spreads in either direction and [coronal] spreads regressively.
In the environment /oke/, either may spread resulting in either [ʋ] or [j].
13 Abbreviations: Progressive - Prog., Regressive - Reg., Undetermined - Undet.
47 Table 24: Dialect eke äke oke AkO eko aku II9a Ø, j Ø, j j, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v II9b Ø, j Ø, j Ø, j, Ø, v Ø, v v v
In table 25 below, [labial] again spreads in either direction. It is unclear whether [coronal] spreads regressively or progressively since both environements which evidence the coronal glide have coronal vowels flanking the lenited segment. However, that the coronal glide does not occur in either /oke/ or /eko/ demonstrates that the [labial] feature is allowed to spread instead of the [coronal] feature. However, the reverse is never true; dialects which spread [coronal] over [labial] seem to be nonexistent.
Table 25: Dialect eke äke oke AkO eko aku VII2 Ø, j j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v
VIII1a Ø j v v Ø Ø
There also do not seem to be dialects which allow the spreading of [coronal] but not
[labial] though the opposite situation is fairly common. In some cases, as in dialects V1
and VI1a (see table 13), the [labial] feature will even spread over a coronal weak grade segment [j], thus obscuring the original place of articulation.
Again, these behaviours suggest a hierarchy of place features such that [labial] is stronger than [coronal].
5. Accounting for the Variation
As qualitative gradation in Finnish is a type of lenition, in this section I first introduce lenition in section 5.1 as a prelude to a formal account of the Finnish gradation, presented in section 5.4.
48
The weak grades of qualitative gradation are partially dependent upon the available consonants in the dialect and so these are discussed prior to the analysis. The consonant inventory of standard Finnish is presented in section 5.2 and the relevant consonants [d] and [ð], [h], [ʋ], and [j] are discussed in some detail therein. This account of qualitative gradation relies on the vowels having certain features and so these are established in section 5.3.
5.1 Lenition
Lenition is a cover term for at least two types of processes, a reduction in duration and a simplification of stricture (Lavoie 2001). Thus, lenition may refer to any of (at least) degemination, voicing, debuccalization, spirantization, approximantization, and deletion (Kirchner 2004: 313). Lenition, as a historical process, can be seen to progress from degemination to deletion, the maximum extent of lenition. Typically a lenition process will undergo a number of stages diachronically though this can also be apparent in the synchronic grammar, as in Florentine Italian (Kirchner 2004). These varied processes are often difficult to group in terms of a single consistent rule as they may involve several different phonological phenomena including degemination, which is often characterized as deletion or delinking, and assimilatory processes, which are often characterized as spreading14. Thus, lenition itself simply refers to some type of weakening or reduction of effort.
There have been many approaches to defining a typical lenition trajectory. Such trajectories attempt to describe the normal (often diachronic) path a consonant undergoes as it lenites. The assumption is that a particular consonant has an inherent degree of
14 See section 3.1 for Bye’s (1998) effort to unify both quantitative gradation (degemination) and qualitative gradation (voicing, approximantization, deletion).
49 strength in relation to other segments15. Hock’s (1986: 83) trajectory is shown below in (28). The implication in this trajectory is that certain processes must precede others. In this hierarchy, as in most, the strongest segments are geminate stops. These geminates may weaken in a number of different directions, as represented by the arrows. In all cases they must first degeminate and then various other lenition processes may occur including
voicing (t → d), debuccalization (t → ʔ), and spirantization (d → ð). These lenited
segments may then weaken further for example through approximantization (ð, r, l → j). The outcome of lenition in Hock’s (1986) hierarchy is deletion.
28) Hock’s Weakening Hierarchy (1986: 83)
Hock’s (1986) weakening hierarchy is a more specific example of the general lenition tendencies. These lenition tendencies may also be generalized as increases in opening and sonorization, as depicted by Lass (1984), shown below in (29). Strength scales are often the mirror image of sonority hierarchies with lower sonority segments such as obstruents being considered stronger and higher sonority segments such as liquids and glides being considered weaker.
15 There are also other types of strength relevant for theories of lenition (such as positional strength) but these remain for future work and are not discussed herein.
50 29) Lass (1984: 178)
Again the arrows indicate the direction of weakening. Weakening incorporates two distinct dimensions in this diagram, sonorization, which is interpreted as voicing, and opening of the vocal tract, which results in the lessening of stricture from a complete stop to a fricative then to an approximant and finally to full deletion. These paths capture consonant gradation in Finnish, though the geminates are absent.
It is clear that the data presented in section 4.2.4 from Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas follow the trajectories as set out by Lass (1984) and, particularly, by Hock (1986). Hock’s initial stage of lenition is degemination, which, in the form of quantitative gradation, is still a productive synchronic process in Finnish. After degemination, lenition can proceed in a number of ways, as it does in the many Finnish dialects. Some dialects evidence voicing to [d]; others lenite to [ð]. Still other dialects express the weak grade as a liquid or a glide. As in Hock’s hierarchy, the stop never weakens into a nasal segment. Hock (1986) posits that this is due to the fact that the nasal feature of the nasal stops takes precedence over the sonorant feature, excluding them from participation in the lenition process. The ultimate outcome of lenition is complete deletion of the segment, which is also evidenced in the Finnish dialects, as seen in table 1916.
16 The role of the context in consonant gradation is worthy of attention. Most lenition occurs in intervocalic position. Kirchner (2004: 315) posits that the greater effort of the articulators required for the movement from open vowel to stop closure back to vowel is the driving force behind lenition. Finnish does undergo this type of lenition in the form of the intervocalic voicing discussed in section 5.2.1. However, the lenition environment of Finnish gradation is somewhat different in that it requires reference to the following coda. For qualitative gradation it seems that the addition of segmental material at the end of the syllable requires
51
Table 26 below presents some common lenition processes and provides Finnish examples typifying each process. As well, some of the dialects which evidence these patterns are listed. It is clear that Finnish dialects employ a number of means of lenition in gradation.
Table 26: Lenition in Finnish Lenition Type Degemination Voicing Spirantization Approximantiz Deletion ation Examples tt → t t → d t → ð t → ɾ, r, l, j t → Ø
Dialect All Standard, II1a, II-I, VII1 I1a, III3, IV4S IX8a, II-IX,
Attested In VIII1b, I2b VIII2
5.2 Consonant Inventory of Finnish
As discussed in section 2.1.2, the consonant inventory of Finnish previously contained the voiced fricative series [β, ð, ɣ] which were consistent in place with the voiceless plosive series [p, t, k] and provided natural and symmetrical weak grades. As these segments were lost, the weak grades were replaced with alternate segments. The particular weak grade selected for /t/ is heavily dependent upon the coronal consonant(s) available. Thus, it is necessary to examine in depth the consonant inventory of Finnish, shown in table 27.
a reduction in effort at the beginning of the syllable. As the driving motivation for gradation is not the central focus of this paper, it is left for further study.
52 Table 27: Consonants of Standard Finnish (Suomi, Toivonen, and Ylitalo 2008)17
Labial Coronal Dorsal Labial Labio- Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal dental Plosive p t̪ (d) k Nasal m n (ŋ) Trill r Fricative (f) s h Lateral l Approximant ʋ j
The status of several phonemes including [d], [h], [ʋ], and [j] remains disputed. Since these phonemes are relevant to gradation, they are discussed in some detail below.
5.2.1 [d] and [ð]
Phonetically, the [d] in Finnish is not simply the voiced equivalent of [t̪] but is rather “half-way between a plosive and a flap-like resonant” (Suomi, Toivonen, and Ylitalo 2008: 33). The alveolar stops also differ in place and duration; [d] is a voiced apical alveolar plosive whereas [t̪] is a voiceless laminal dentialveolar semi-plosive (Suomi,
Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 33). In terms of duration, [t̪] is approximately twice as long as [d], which is typical of voiceless/voiced pairs (Kirchner 1998; Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 33). Holman (1975: 114) characterizes [t] as a voiceless fortis stop and [d] as a voiced lenis stop. Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo (2008: 34) report that speakers with [d] in their inventory are not necessarily able to distinguish between [p] and [b] or [k] and [g] in foreign languages, as might be expected if voicing were the only distinguishing characteristic between [t̪] and [d] in Finnish.
17 The most marginal consonants, /b, g, ʃ/ are not shown in the chart as they may not even be used in all speaking situations by those speakers who do have these sounds (Suomi, Toivonen, and Ylitalo 2008: 25).
53 The voiceless plosives /p, t, k/ may be articulated with either partial or full voicing in fast speech (Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 27). These, as well as the other voiceless consonants /s, h/, may be voiced in an intervocalic environment (Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 27-28). However, in these circumstances no place distinction between [t] and its phonologically voiced allophone [d] is reported.
The pronunciation of the weak variant of /t/ has long been influenced by the orthography. In old written Finnish, the weak grade of /t/ was written either as
The distinction between representing [d] as either a tap or a stop is relevant because if [d] is considered a tap, it alleviates the asymmetry of the inventory presented in table 1 with its single voiced stop and also simplifies and unifies the rules of consonant gradation in that a tap, like the liquids and glides but unlike the stops, is a sonorant18.
18 The asymmetry of the Finnish system is an issue in that it runs counter to the claim that voiced stops are subject to the implicational generalization that g < d < b (Hayes and Steriade 2004). Thus, the presence of the phoneme /d/ implies that the inventory also should contain the phoneme /b/, which is not the case in Finnish.
However, a constraint is not normally seen as absolute but rather as potentially violable due to the need to satisfy higher ranked constraints. That a majority of languages satisfy the constraint indicates that the markedness relationships it encodes holds are valid cross-linguistically though they may not hold for every language individually. As well, Hayes and Steriade (2004: 13) suggest that for those languages which do allow [d] but not [b], the [d] may actually be a flap. Because they hold the generalization represented by the constraint in X to be a substantiation of differences in phonetic difficulty, and [b] may in fact be more effortful than the flap-like [d], the asymmetry is justified.
54 However, as Brown (2006) notes, Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins 2004) posits that external factors (as well as others) can also be responsible for shaping inventory structure in ways that do not necessarily correspond to natural, expected progression. As discussed above, [d] was introduced into Finnish in a formal, prescriptive manner and so it is somewhat expected that it is outside of the natural inventory structure since it was, in essence, manufactured. Lainio (1989: 104) does not list it as being a traditional weak grade variant for any dialect and its place in any other position in a word is the result of unassimilated borrowings. The other voiced stops [b] and [g] have also entered the language in borrowings so, in this sense, even if [d] is considered to be a stop, it is not the only voiced stop in the system.
In determining whether [d] is a stop or a tap, some formal definition is required as to what exactly is the difference between these two manners. Typically the difference is described as one of duration (Ladefoged 1993: 168). However, Connell (1995), using data from an electropalatography study, determined that it is not duration but rather the degree of contact which distinguish stops and taps and decreased duration is only one method of reducing contact.
Even if the sound is considered to be phonetically a stop, there is evidence that some voiced obstruents (both stops and fricatives) may function as sonorants in various languages e.g. Swampy Cree, Kikuyu, and Spanish (Avery 1996; Black 1991: 185; Ladefoged 1982: 162; Rice 1993; Starks and Ballard 2005). In North Saami, a related
Uralic language, the voiced dental spirant [ð] is grouped with [ʋ] and [j] as voiced spirants/semi-vowels in Aikio’s (2008: 4) discussion of the consonants of the language.
The classification of an obstruent as a sonorant is normally made on the basis of the segment patterning with the sonorants for at least the phonology. In Finnish, there appear to be no rules which group the segment [d] with either the obstruents or the sonorants. In fact, the only rule that [d] relates to seems to be gradation. In gradation, [d] patterns with the other weak grades, all of which (with the exception of [ð]) are conventionally defined
55 as sonorants ([ɾ, r, l, j, ʋ]), which indicates that it is also likely a sonorant, at least from a phonological perspective. Therefore, though the phonetic realization of [d] as either a stop or a tap is worthwhile as a topic for further study, it should not be considered the sole criteria for phonological classification. For the purposes of this paper, both [d] and [ð] are considered to be sonorants as a result of their patterning with other weak grade sonorant segments.
5.2.2 [h]
The status of [h] is relevant to a study of qualitative gradation in Finnish for two reasons. First, gradation is optional for stops occurring after [h]. This is not the case for stops following /s/, the only other Finnish fricative, where gradation is impossible. Thus [h] may pattern either with obstuents, which forbid the gradation of a following stop, or with the sonorants, which allow such gradation. Whether /h/ is an obstruent or a sonorant is therefore relevant.
The second rationale for examining [h] is that the labial and coronal stops may alternate with glides at the same place of articulation in weak position but the dorsal /k/ does not. If [h] is assumed to be a dorsal glide in Finnish, as is assumed by Janhunen (2007: 204), then its absence as a weak grade variant of /k/ must be explained.
The status of /h/ is not uncontroversial. It has several allophones ranging from palatal to glottal, as shown below in (30).
30) Allophones of /h/ (Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 28) /h/ → [ç] / between a high front vowel and a consonant → [x] / between a back vowel and a consonant
→ [ɦ] / V__V → [h] / elsewhere
56 Hakulinen et al (2004: 38-40) treat /h/ as a laryngeal or glottal fricative while Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo (2008: 28) treat /h/ as having a dual nature, either “a glottal continuant or an oral fricative, depending on the allophone”. Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo (2008: 23-24) do not view glottals as obstuents but rather as a class separate from either obstruents or resonants. Janhunen (2007: 204), however, characterizes /h/ as a velar glide on the basis of its behaviour in consonant gradation. In most standard accounts of gradation, lenition of the /k/ in /hk/ clusters is reported to be optional whereas in /sk/ clusters, as in other obstruent clusters, it is never possible (Karttunen 1970: 72). Consonants which are subject to gradation must be preceded by a sonorant (or [h]). As, Janhunen suggests, this lack of behavioural unity suggests that /h/ and /s/ may not form a natural class.
However, the gradation behaviour with [hk] and [ht] is not as clear as this implies. In fact, gradation does not seem to be optional in all such environments and, in fact, is likely lexically determined. Karttunen (1970: 72) distinguishes between /ht/ clusters as having obligatory gradation while /hk/ clusters have optional gradation.
To determine the behaviour of [h] preceding [k] or [t] in a prescriptive setting, the electronic version of the Kielitoimiston sanakirja (The New Dictionary of Modern Finnish 2004) was queried for all non-compound headwords with either [hkV] or [htV] word-finally. The nouns and adjectives, which inflect identically, were examined in their nominative and genitive singular forms, as provided by the dictionary. In the genitive, the suffix /-n/ is affixed, closing the final syllable. Though some of these words are dialectal, archaic, or loans, they are relevant in that they demonstrate the prescriptive treatment of the words.
The vast majority (41/45) of the hkV# nouns and adjectives were not listed in the Kielitoimiston sanakirja (The New Dictionary of Modern Finnish 2004) as having optional gradation but were only listed with their ungradated forms. Only four words (and related compounds), nahka ‘skin’, tuhka ‘ash’, uhka ‘threat’, and vihko ‘notebook’, were listed with both possibilities. Conversely, of the 57 htV# nouns and adjectives listed, all
57 were shown to require gradation. There were no non-gradated forms and no variation was noted. Clearly [h] was treated distinctly in the two environments, as a non-sonorant with [k] and as a sonorant with [t]. For details, see Appendix 2. The clusters [hk] and [ht], however, behave identically with respect to dialectal epenthesis (Harrikari 2000: 54).
Since this data is from a written prescriptive language source, it has only limited value. Lainio’s (1989) sociolinguistic study included the gradation of /t/ following /h/ in spoken material. His results indicate that the vast majority of instances of /ht/ were gradated. In fact, all speakers allowed gradation in this environment and some even required it. However, Lainio (1989) did not study the gradation of /k/ and so it is unknown how speakers would have treated /hk/ clusters. Future study could examine this aspect of gradation in speech.
Surface [h] may arise from either an underlying /h/ or from an underlying /k/, as in the cluster /kt/. In (31) below alternations between /k/ and /h/ are shown.
31) Example of [k] ~ [h] /ykte/ /ykte+n/ one one+genitive e J i / _ # i Ø t J s / _ i s Ø k J h / _ t Ø h gradation Ø d [yksi] [yhden] ‘one (nom.sg.)’ ‘one (gen.sg.)
Thus, the /h/ in the cluster [ht] and the cluster [hk] are underlyingly different. The former cluster is underlyingly /kt/ whereas the latter cluster is underlyingly /hk/19. Since consonant gradation treats all obstruents alike, the incongruent behaviour of these clusters with regard to gradation is unexpected. However, if the derived [h] is actually a glide and the underlying [h] is a fricative, the seemingly conflicting behaviour of [h] would be
19 I am not yet certain whether all instances of [ht] are derived from /kt/ or whether there are also some [ht] clusters which are underlyingly /ht/. Further research on the matter is needed though the behavioural unity of the [ht] clusters suggests they are identical at all levels.
58 explained. Consonant gradation itself provides some evidence that derived [h] may be a sonorant. As discussed in section 4.1.1, Lainio (1989: 120) states that [h] may appear as the weak grade of /t/ in the VV_V environment. Since the weak grades are assumed to be sonorants, this derived [h] is also a sonorant. Clearly more research is needed to determine if there is a phonological or phonetic distinction between underlying and derived [h].
There is some phonotactic evidence that /h/ may be a glide. All consonants except /ʋ, j, h/ may occur as geminates20. However, in terms of other phonotactic patterning such as possible consonant clusters, /h/ appears to pattern neither fully with /s/ nor with the glides, as shown below in table 28. This table is based on the work of Harrikari (2000), Karttunen (1970), Musselman (1997), and Sherer (1994). In table 22 a 9 indicates that at least half of the above mentioned researchers agreed that the cluster was indeed possible.
Table 28: Possible Consonant Clusters C2 p t k s m n ŋ l r ʋ j h
p 9 9 9 9
9 9 9 9 9 9 t k 9 9 9 9 s 9 9 9 9 9 C1 m 9 9 n 9 9 9 9 ŋ 9 9 l 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 r 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 ʋ j h 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9
Like /s/, /h/ is possible as the initial consonant in many clusters whereas the glides /ʋ, j/ may never appear in this position. In terms of consonants which may appear with initial
20 Dialectal gemination may result in the gemination of any segment in certain dialects (Harrikari 2000: 121).
59 /s/ and /h/ though, there /h/ has more combinatory options in that it may appear with nasals and all liquids and glides while /s/ may not. However, in some of these clusters, [h] is not underlying. For example, some instances of [hn] and [ht] are underlyingly /kn/ and /kt/ (Karttunen 1970: 95). When in the second position of a cluster, /h/ is more restricted than either /s/ or the glides.
In the Ostrobothnian dialects of Finnish, many consonant clusters undergo epenthesis following a stressed syllable. In the following cluster chart, shaded clusters are split by an epenthetic vowel, which is normally a copy of the preceding vowel. The behaviour of the clusters /rp/ and /rk/ is disputed (Harrikari 2000, Suomi 2000).
Table 29: Epenthesis of Consonant Clusters (Harrikari 2000) C2 p t k s m n ŋ l r ʋ j h
p 9 9 9 9
9 9 9 9 9 9 t k 9 9 9 9 s 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 C1 m 9 9 n 9 9 9 9 ŋ 9 9 l 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 r ? 9 ? 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 ʋ j h 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9
Epenthesis occurs in non-homorganic clusters in which the first segment is voiced or in clusters of /h/ followed by a voiced consonant (Harrikari 2000: 10). This, however, assumes that /j/ is not coronal. Regardless, in dialectal epenthesis, /h/ patterns more closely with the glides. When /ʋ/, /j/, or /h/ are the second member of a cluster and are preceded by a sonorant, epenthesis occurs whereas clusters with /s/ never undergo epenthesis.
60 In an external sandhi nasal assimilation rule, /h/ patterns with /s/, not the glides /ʋ, j/.
Word-final /n/ will completely assimilate to a following [ʋ, j, l, r, m] but will delete before [h, s]. Before the stops, /n/ will assimilate in place (Suomi, Toivanen, and Ylitalo 2008: 43).
Perhaps the factor which most complicates the situation is [h]’s absence as the output of gradation. In some dialects (see section 4.2.4), glides are the typical outcome of gradation but [h] is conspicuously absent. If it was, in fact, a velar glide as Janhunen (2007) suggests, then it might be expected that it should be the natural lenited outcome for /k/. In fact, Lainio (1989: 104) reports that [h] is a possible weak variant of /t/ in older traditional and modern Northern and Eastern dialects. However, in Kettunen’s dialect atlas only for a single lexical item, /teke-/ ‘to do (stem)’ (Map 39), is [h] ever listed as a possible result of gradation and even then it is comparatively uncommon. A possibility for the absence of [h] as the weak dorsal segment is the difference in voicing. [h], unlike every other possible weak variant, is voiceless. It may be the lack of voicing which restricts it from this function, in spite of its place in the phonology. Another possibility is that it is, as Lainio (1989) suggests, a possible variant but is, for some reason, less common or less prestigious than others and so is accidentally absent from the atlas.
Finally, it is also possible that /h/ is placeless rather than being a dorsal glide, which is a common treatment of laryngeal consonants. The allophones of /h/, shown in (30), demonstrate that /h/ shifts when beside either a front or back vowel. Adjacent to a front vowel, which contain the feature [coronal], /h/ becomes the palatal fricative [ç]. Adjacent to a back vowel, /h/ becomes the velar fricative [x]. If /h/ is considered to be glottal, rather than a velar glide, this may partially explain its absence as a weak grade since the weak grades must maintain the place of the original segment.
In light of the phonological patterning discussed above, throughout this paper [h] is assumed to have some sort of a dual nature. Its exact features and characteristics are left for future work.
61 5.2.3 /ʋ/
The labial /ʋ/ is often transcribed as a fricative [v]. However, it clearly patterns in Finnish with the glide /j/ and so it better treated as a labial glide. Phonotactically, /ʋ/ and /j/ behave identically in that they (with /h/) are the only segments which cannot occur as geminates phonemically. As well, as is clear in the cluster chart shown in table 22 above,
/ʋ/ and /j/ are pattern similarly with regard to possible clusters while the fricative /s/ allows a much wider range of combinations.
In phonological rules, /ʋ/ also patterns with /j/ and not /s/. In the external sandhi nasal assimilation rule discussed above in section 5.2.2, /ʋ/ is shown to group with sonorants rather than fricatives. Thus, for the purposes of this paper, /ʋ/ is assumed to be a labial glide.
5.2.4 /j/
The place of articulation of /j/ is relevant to qualitative gradation in that, under the analysis of the phenomenon presented in this paper, the weak grade of the stop is assumed to be a non-nasal sonorant at the same place of articulation (see section 5.4). Thus, it is relevant whether /j/ is considered to be coronal, in which case it would be expected to pattern as the weak grade of /t/, or dorsal, in which case it would pattern as the weak grade of /k/.
In the consonant inventory shown in table 1 above, /j/ is listed as being a coronal segment as opposed to a dorsal segment. The status of /j/ varies cross-linguistically and is based on its behaviour in the phonology (Ladefoged 1993: 7). In Finnish, /j/ consistently patterns with coronal consonants and vowels.
62 In Anttila’s (1997; 2002: 8-9) comprehensive study of vowel mutation and deletion in Finnish, the behaviour of three syllable stems is partially governed by the consonant preceding the stem-final /a/. When the consonant is labial, mutation is more likely, when it is coronal or there is a hiatus, there is variation, and when it is dorsal, deletion is more likely (Anttila 2002: 8-9). Here, /j/ patterns with the coronals /t, d, s, n, r, l/ rather than with the dorsals /k, g/.
In Finnish, the vowel [i] regularly alternates with [j] by means of the rule of gliding, as shown in (31) and (32).
32) Gliding (Karttunen 1970: 35) /i/ → [j] / V __ V
33) Example of Plural [i] ~ [j] /sana+i+ta/ /suma+i+ta/ word+plural+partitive jam+plural+partitive t deletion Ø Ø low vowel deletion n/a Ø low vowel mutation o n/a gliding j n/a [sanoja] [sumia] ‘word (par.pl.)’ ‘(traffic) jam (par.pl.)’
The vowel /i/ is uncontroversially a coronal segment. For part of the phonology of Finnish, though, it must remain unmarked for [coronal]. In D’Arcy’s (2004) analysis of Finnish vowel harmony, /i/, as a transparent neutral vowel, must be unmarked for [coronal], the active harmonic feature. However, at a later point in the phonology /i/ must be specified for [coronal]. For example, [ç], the palatal allophone of /h/, is conditioned by a high front vowel. Therefore, at this point, /i/, like /y/, must have [coronal] to spread. As well, in some eastern dialects, consonants palatalize before [i], which must thus have a [coronal] feature (Campbell 1998: 39).
63 34) Palatalization in Eastern Dialects (Campbell 1998: 39) a. susi > susji (susj) ‘wolf’ b. tuli > tulji (tulj) ‘fire’
The evidence presented above indicates that /j/ should be treated as a coronal segment in Finnish.
5.3 Vowel Features
The account of gradation presented in section 5.4 assumes certain features on both the consonants and vowels with consonants and vowels sharing features along the lines proposed by Clements (1991) and Clements and Hume (1995). The consonant features
have already been discussed for the individual segments [d], [h], [ʋ], and [j]. The vowel features which must be present are those which spread to either the weak grade of /t/ or /k/, [labial] and/or [coronal], depending on the dialect. These features are shown to spread from (at most) /e/ and /ä/ for [coronal] and /u/ and /o/ for [labial]. However, though [labial] is present on both /u/ and /o/ throughout the phonology as is [coronal] for /ä/, it has been argued that [coronal] must be absent from /e/ when vowel harmony occurs (e.g. D’Arcy 2004). However, the vowel /e/ is often active in gradation spreading the feature [coronal]. Thus the spreading that occurs with gradation must take place after harmony, once the vowels are fully specified. This, as well as the optionality of the spreading, is consistent with characteristics of post-lexical phonology.
5.4 An Account of Qualitative Gradation
The following autosegmental account of gradation below is limited to the data discussed above in section 4.2.4 from Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas.
64 5.4.1 Sonorant Features
Under the account presented herein, assimilation is analyzed as the spreading of a feature. The relevant feature geometry is shown below in (34) and for several Finnish consonants specifically in (35).
35) Segment Structure Root
Laryngeal Place SV21
[voice] [coronal] [labial] [dorsal] [lateral] [nasal]
These are minimal with only place specified for stops, while sonorancy, with the feature
SV (Avery 1996; Frigeni 2009; Rice 1993), is specified for the sonorants. For /d, ɾ, ð, r, l/ only the shared core features are shown.
36) Segment Structure for Finnish Consonants /p/ /t/ /k/ Root Root Root | | | Place Place Place | | | [labial] [coronal] [dorsal]
/d, ɾ, ð, r, l/ /ʋ/ /j/ Root Root Root
Place SV Place SV Place SV | | | [coronal] [labial] [coronal]
The feature SV, Spontaneous or Sonorant Voice, is also assumed (Avery 1996; Frigeni 2009; Rice 1993). This feature represents the type of spontaneous voicing characteristic of sonorants whereas the discretionary voicing found in obstruents is marked with the [voice] feature under Laryngeal. The SV node itself is in response to the observation that
21 SV = [sonorant voice], see Avery (1996), Frigeni (2009), and Rice (1993).
65 some obstruents may pattern phonologically as sonorants (e.g. Rice 1993; Starks and Ballard 2005).
Those obstruents which pattern only as obstruents have a laryngeal node but no SV node. However, those which pattern (for at least part of the phonology) as sonorants have an SV node underlyingly and acquire a laryngeal node late in the phonology which allows for the dual patterning often seen with these segments. ‘True’ sonorants will have only an SV node and the laryngeal node will be absent.
To recap what we have seen in Finnish, the most conservative dialects simply lenite to a sonorant at the same place of articulation. The labial /p/ has no variation since there is only a single sonorant at the labial place, [ʋ]. That the labial stop always lenites to the labial approximant is clear evidence that sonorant must be inserted as part of qualitative gradation.
22 For the coronal /t/, there are several available sonorants: [d, ð, ɾ, r, l, j] . The determination of precisely which sonorant will be selected is based on sociolinguistic factors. What is relevant for the purposes of this paper is that they all share the features sonorant and coronal. In those dialects in which lenition is more advanced, the coronal stop deletes unless features spread from adjacent vowels. There is a great deal of stability in many dialects as to the weak grade in spite of the many options seen cross-dialectally. This stability is a result of the constraints of the consonant inventory of a given dialect as well as the sociolinguistic factors involved in the selection of the weak segment. Basically, Finnish allows for any coronal segment as the realization of the gradated /t/ so long as it is not a nasal.
The velar /k/ has no sonorant at the same place of articulation. Thus, if it fails to receive place features from an adjacent segment, it deletes.
22 However, [d], [ð], and/or [ɾ] may be absent from the consonant inventory of a given dialect and so may not be available.
66
Finnish qualitative gradation can be best seen as a mandatory sonorization process, typical of lenition, as discussed in section 5.1. The voiceless stops are lenited to sonorants at the same place of articulation. If there is no available sonorant at the place in question, as for velars in all dialects, then the segment undergoes deletion, unless it assimilates to the place of a flanking segment.
Phonologically the segments share the same underlying representation in all dialects and undergo the identical gradation rule; only the phonetic realization varies. This allows for the intra-speaker variation recorded by Lainio (1989).
The gradation rule may be formulated as the addition of an SV node. Since voicing is not underlyingly contrastive for obstruents in Finnish, there is no conflict with the Laryngeal [voice] feature. Since the Place node remains unaffected, it stands that the weak grade segment should maintain the same place of articulation as the original segment. Again, dialectal and sociolinguistic factors determine the exact phonetic representation of the segment. The only stipulation is that the sonorant must not be nasal, which is non- occurring in the weak grade in these environments.
The following presents the lenition of the labial /p/. Since the only sonorant labial is [ʋ], there is no variation in the surface.
37) Labial Qualitative Gradation
/p/ J [ʋ]
Root J Root
Place Place SV
[labial] [labial]
67 In the case of the coronals, it is the potential for variation which is crucial and must be accounted for. All the possible weak segments, [d, ð, ɾ, r, l], have been determined to be sonorants. Thus, all would have a representation with an SV node, as shown below in (37).
38) Coronal Qualitative Gradation
/t/ J [d], [ð], [ɾ], [r], [l]
Root J Root
Place Place SV
[coronal] [coronal]
The selection of a surface coronal form is partly dependant on the inventory in that not all dialects have certain coronal sonorants, such as [d] or [ð]. These segments only occur as the weak grade of /t/ so if the dialect in question does not use them in this context, they do not have them in their inventory at all. Outside of this, there are also sociolinguistic factors which affect the surface form such as the stigmatization of [r] or the prestige of [d]. The choice of segment is thus related to sociolinguistic choices and the precise phonetic implementation of the coronal segment with the SV node. This is an advantage of this type of analysis in that it allows for the variation seen in the dialects to be subsumed under a single rule.
When either there is no available sonorant at the same place of articulation, as with the velar (38a), or the segment does not sonorize but instead lenites further, the segment initially is an unspecified sonorant (38b) due to the addition of the SV node by gradation. Since there is no possible realization of this segment in the language (the [dorsal] feature is incompatible with the SV node except in nasals), the place feature then delinks.
68 39) Dorsal Qualitative Gradation a. /k/ b. ?
Root J Root
Place Place SV
[dorsal] [dorsal]
Later in the phonology, when all vowels are specified for place, spreading to the lenited segment from an adjacent vowel may occur in some dialects though others may instead simply delete the segment. Because the place node is empty, such feature filling is expected.
The spreading takes different forms in various dialects, as discussed above in section
4.2.4. However, a basic example of regressive spreading as evidenced by dialect II9S in table 6 (reproduced below as table 30) is shown below. In (39), assimilation from a subsequent labial vowel is shown and in (40), from a subsequent coronal vowel.
Table 30: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke ako eko aku II9S l l - - - - j j j v Ø Ø, v
69 40) /aku/ J [aʋu] /k/ J [ʋ] / __ u
Consonant Gradation Regressive Assimilation
/k/ ? [ʋ] [u] Root J Root Root Root
Place Place SV Place SV Place
[dorsal] [dorsal] [labial]
41) /oke/ J [oje] /k/ J [j] / __ e
Consonant Gradation Regressive Assimilation /k/ ? [j] [e] Root J Root Root Root
Place Place SV Place SV Place
[dorsal] [dorsal] [coronal]
As shown above, when gradation (the addition of an SV node) results in a non-occurring segment, as for the dorsal, spreading may occur from an adjacent vowel. Dialects which do not allow spreading would delete the consonant as there is no possible phonetic realization.
In dialects which allow spreading for the lenited coronal /t/, the mechanism is identical.
In environments where either [labial] or [coronal] could spread, as shown for dialect VII2 below in table 31, [labial] spreading normally supercedes [coronal] spreading, resulting
70 in [ʋ]. In this dialect though [coronal] does spread in the /eke/ and /äke/ environments, in the /oke/, /äkö/, and /eko/ environments only [labial] spreads.
Table 31: Dialect ata ete ute atu ota eto eke äke oke AkO eko aku VII2 Ø, j, Ø, j, Ø Ø Ø, j j Ø, j j Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v Ø, v r, ð, r, ð, d d
42) /äkö/ J [äʋö] /k/ J [ʋ] / __ ö
Consonant Gradation Regressive [labial] Assimilation
/k/ ? [ʋ] [ö] Root J Root Root Root
Place Place SV Place SV Place
[dorsal] [dorsal] [labial] [coronal]
6. Implications
Analyses of Finnish consonant gradation tend to treat quantitative and qualitative gradation as two halves of the same phenomenon. Diachronically this is accurate and, in fact, qualitative gradation may have even developed from a quantitative pattern (Hakulinen 1961: 41-42). However, synchronically, the two are different in terms of, at least, productivity and so should be treated separately. If they were identical representationally, the regularity seen with quantitative gradation should also be apparent with qualitative gradation. This, however, is not the case as was discussed in section 3.2. Quantitative gradation is productive and without variance even for loan words whereas qualitative gradation displays significant variation and is inactive in loans. The historical
71 development of qualitative gradation has lead to many cases of opacity and neutralization ultimately resulting in a lessening of productivity for these types of gradation. While recognizing the shared origins of quantitative and qualitative gradation, the current phonology indicates that these processes are no longer one but are instead distinct processes.
The surface forms for the weak grades of /t/ and /k/ are highly variable. As aptly demonstrated by Lainio (1989), a given speaker may utilize a number of different weak grades. This variation, seen with both coronals and dorsals, indicates the need for a particular type of theory which allows for variation. Most accounts of gradation do not acknowledge the variation at all but instead refer only to the standard patterns. The analysis presented herein allows the qualitative gradation rule to remain constant while the rules for phonetic implementation may vary across dialects. In all dialects the rule itself is simply the addition of an SV node and the actualization of this representation is controlled by both sociolinguistic and phonological factors.
That all the surface forms are characterized as sonorants is somewhat controversial. The coronals [d] and [ð] are conventionally defined as obstruents. However, research on other languages has demonstrated that these may, in some languages (including related North Saami), pattern as sonorants (Aikio 2008; Avery 1996; Black 1991: 185; Ladefoged 1982: 162; Rice 1993; Starks and Ballard 2005). In these cases, Rice (1993) posits that they, like traditional sonorants, have an SV (Spontaneous or Sonorant Voice) node, allowing them to group with the sonorants. This theory assumes that it is the phonological patterning rather than solely the phonetic representation which determines the classification of a given segment.
The data from the dialects also suggest that there is a hierarchy for place features. The place feature [labial] is stronger than [coronal] in that, when either of the two features may surface according to the phonological rules, [labial] is normally selected. That there is such a strength hierarchy is not novel and has been previously posited to account for place assimilation asymmetries (Jun 2008).
72
Finally, the data from Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas indicates that the resultant vowel sequence is a main determinant in whether or not deletion of the weak grade may occur. There seems to be a strong constraint against vowel hiatus. Thus, when the deletion of a consonant results in an underlying long vowel, it is more acceptable than when the deletion results in a vowel hiatus. Holman (1975) suggests that there is actually a short epenthetic glide which occurs separating two adjacent heterosyllabic vowels. Future phonetic work could address this issue.
7. Conclusions
Though Finnish consonant gradation has garnered much attention in the literature, few analyses either attempt to determine which weak grade occurs for the singleton stops or account for the variation within and across dialects. The analysis presented in this paper attempts to accomplish both of these using data from Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas.
The analysis herein has proposed that the dialects share common representations and a common gradation rule which involves the addition of a non-nasal SV node. This results in the weak grade being any non-nasal sonorant at the same place of articulation. The weak grade of /t/ in particular is underspecified, allowing variation in phonetic implementation based on differing consonant inventories. Dialects also differ in the spread of features from adjacent vowels, accounting for the varying surface forms.
This analysis accounts for the actual surface forms of qualitative gradation in Finnish dialects, which are normally disregarded. As well, it presents a unified analysis which allows all dialectal patterns of gradation to be subsumed under a single rule. The differences in the dialects are the result of varying consonant inventories, differing vowel feature spreading rules, and sociolinguistic factors. The asymmetry in the consonant inventory with regard to [d] and [ð] is also alleviated with the assumption that these segments are phonologically sonorants.
73
Future work on the nature of gradation would include extending the analysis to other forms in the dialect atlas. A closer examination of the phonological rules of Finnish, especially of the dialects, should be undertaken with the goal of determining which features are necessary at various stages in the phonology. The function of Finnish gradation and its environment is also a potential focus for future study. Finnish is rife with lenition and gemination rules but it is not yet clear how these inter-interact. This paper is only a first step in understanding gradation patterns in Finnish.
74 8. Appendices
8.1 Appendix 1: Gradated VCV Words from Kettunen’s (1940) Dialect Atlas
The following table lists those words from Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas which were examined in this paper. All are bisyllabic nouns with short vowels surrounding the consonant in question, which is always either /t/ or /k/.
The first column lists the map number in the atlas as well as the word stem before gradation. The second column presents the underlying forms of the stems and suffixes and the third column, the meanings in English. The underlying forms were determined on the basis of Finnish phonological processes as discussed in Karttunen (1970), Lieko (1992), and Suomi, Toivonen, and Ylitalo (2008). The final column lists the variants found by Kettunen (1940) and the symbols used to represent them for the purposes of this paper.
Map UR Meaning SR23
65
pata: /pata/ + /n/ ‘pot (gen. sg.)’ ع = pān, sān
sata: /sata/ + /n/ ‘hundred (gen. sg.)’ ز = poan,̯ soan̯
j = (pajan), sajan
l = palan
r = paran, paràn
δ = paδan, paδàn
ð = paðan, paðàn
d = padan, padàn
t = patan
23 Transcriptions are as in Kettunen (1940).
75 66 vesi: /vete/ + /n/ ‘water (gen. sg.)’ ع = vēn
ز = vein̯
س = vien̯
j = vejen, vejèn
l = velen
r = veren, verèn
δ = veδèn
ð = veðen, veðèn
s = vesen
d = veden, vedèn
t = veten
69 susi: /sute/ + /t/ ‘wolf (nom. pl.)’ Ø = suˌèt, suˌet
j = sujet
v = suvet
70 latu: /latu/ + /n/ ‘ski track (gen. sg.)’ ع = lao̯n, kao̯n, lān, kān, lau̯n, kau̯n katu: /katu/ + /n/ ‘street (gen. sg.)’ ز = laˌun, kaˌun, kaˌùn
j = lajun, kajun
v = lavun, kavun
71 sota: /sota/ + /n/ ‘war (gen. sg.)’ ع = soan,̯ suan̯
ز = soˌan, soˌàn
j = sojan
v = sovan
76 72 veto: /veto/ + /n/ ‘a pull (gen. sg.)’ ع = veo̯n, peo̯n, veu̯n, peu̯n peto: /peto/ + /n/ ‘predator (gen. sg.) ز = vio̯n
/peto/ + /t/ ‘predator (nom. pl.) س = veˌon, peˌot, veˌòn, peˌòt
j = vejon, pejot
(v) = vē(v)on
v¹ = vevon, pevot
v² = vievon̯
38 reki: /reke/ + /ssA24/ ‘sled (iness. sg.)’ ع = rēs(sä), rēsä
ز = reissä̯
س = reis(sä)̯
j = rejessä
40 mäki: /mäke/ + /n/ ‘hill (gen. sg.)’ ع = mǟn
ز = mäin,̯ mäen̯
س = mäˌen, mäˌèn
Ø/j = meäjen,̯ miäjen,̯ meä̯ń, miä̯ń,
j¹ = mǟjen
j² = mäjen
41 joki: /joke/ +/n/ ‘river (gen. sg.)’ ع = jōn, jōń, nōsta, nōśta noki: /noke/ + /stA/ ‘soot (elat. sg.)’ ز = join,̯ joen,̯ noista,̯ noesta̯
س = joˌen, (joˌèn), noˌest(a)
Ø/j² = juo̯jen, juo̯ń, nuo̯jest(a), nuo̯śt(a)
24 Capital letters represent vowels which alternate as a result of vowel harmony.
77 Ø/j = jōˌen (jōjen), nōˌest
j = jojen (jojèn), nojest(a)
v = joven, (jovèn), novest(a)
45 rako: /rako/ + /t/ ‘crack (nom. pl.)’ ع = rāt, nǟst näkö: /näkö/ + /stA/ ‘sight (elat. sg.)’ ز = rao̯t, rau̯t, näö̯stä, näü̯stä
س = roat,̯ ruat,̯ neäst,̯ niäst̯
Ø4 = raˌot, raˌò(t), näˌöst(ä), näˌö`st(ä)
(v) = rā(v)ot, nǟvöst(ä)
v = ravot, ravò(t), nävöst(ä), nävö`st(ä)
46 teko: /teko/ + /t/ ‘deed (nom. pl.)’ ع = teo̯t, teu̯t
ز = teˌot, teˌò(t)
(v)¹= tē(v)ot
(v)² = tie(v)ot̯
v = tevot, tevò(t)
47 maku: /maku/ + /stA/ ‘taste (elat. sg.)’ ع = mao̯st(a), māst(a), mau̯st(a)
ز = maˌùst(a), maˌust(a)
v = mavust(a)
78 8.2 Appendix 2: hkV and htV Words from Kielitoimiston sanakirja (2004)
The following two tables list all nouns and adjectives listed in the Kielitoimiston sanakirja (2004) with either [hka] or [hta] word finally. The first column lists the nominative singular form of the word, which is expected to always have the strong form of the stop as the final syllable is invariably open. The second column lists the genitive singular form(s), as listed in the dictionary. Finally, the English translation of the word is listed in the last column.
The genitive singular suffix /-n/ closes the preceding syllable so it is possible for the syllable-initial stop to gradate. However, because /h/ has variable behaviour with regards to whether or not gradation may follow it, this gradation does not always occur. Those words which are listed as having a gradated genitive variant are bolded.
8.2.1 hkV Words
hka# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning haahka haahkan ‘an eider (type of duck)’ hohka hohkan ‘a glow’ karahka karahkan ‘lopped branch (of a tree)’ leuhka leuhkan ‘boastful’ nahka nahkan, nahan ‘skin’ pahka pahkan ‘a wart’ pihka pihkan ‘resin’ puuhka puuhkan ‘a muff’ rahka rahkan ‘curd’ reuhka reuhkan ‘a fur hat’ revohka revohkan ‘a fuss’ ruuhka ruuhkan ‘a traffic jam’ tauhka tauhkan ‘junk’ tuhka tuhan, tuhkan ‘ash’ uhka uhkan, uhan ‘a threat’ vehka vehkan ‘a calla’ viuhka viuhkan ‘a fan’
79 hko# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning keuhko keuhkon ‘a lung’ kiihko kiihkon ‘a frenzy’ lahko lahkon ‘a sect’ lohko lohkon ‘a section’ makeahko makeahkon ‘sweetish’ pehko pehkon ‘a mat’ tahko tahkon ‘a grind stone’ vauhko vauhkon ‘wild’ viehko viehkon ‘graceful’ vihko vihon, vihkon ‘a notebook’ viuhko viuhkon ‘cyme (a type of flower cluster)’
hku# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning hehku hehkun ‘a glow’ pehku pehkun ‘litter, bedding straw’ suihku suihkun ‘a shower’ tihku tihkun ‘drizzle’ uhku uhkun ‘slush’
hkä# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning leyhkä leyhkän ‘breath of air, light breeze’ löyhkä löyhkän ‘a stench’ mähkä mähkän ‘spike moss’ tähkä tähkän ‘an ear of grain’ töhkä töhkän ‘crud’
hkö# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning pöhkö pöhkön ‘a fool’ sähkö sähkön ‘electricity’
80 hky# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning kyyhky kyyhkyn ‘a dove’ myhky myhkyn ‘a knob, lump’ nyyhky nyyhkyn ‘a candy-ass’ ähky ähkyn ‘a bloat’
hki# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning LYHKI LYHKIn = lyhytkirurgia ‘short surgery’
8.2.2 htV Words
hta# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning ehta ehdan ‘pure’ huhta huhdan ‘cleared woodland’ juhta juhdan ‘a beast of burden’ kohta kohdan ‘a place’ luhta luhdan ‘a swamp’ pihta pihdan ‘a fir’ suhta suhdan ‘limit, proportion’ vihta vihdan ‘a birch whisk’
hto# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning ehto ehdon ‘a condition’ hehto hehdon = hehtolitra ‘hectolitre’ hiihto hiihdon ‘skiing’ hohto hohdon ‘shining’ johto johdon ‘management’ kehto kehdon ‘a cradle’ lehto lehdon ‘a grove’ paahto paahdon ‘a roast, roasting’ rohto rohdon ‘a potion, medicine’ tahto tahdon ‘will, volition’
81 tuhto tuhdon ‘a thwart’ vaahto vaahdon ‘foam’ vaihto vaihdon ‘an exchange’
htu# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning kohtu kohdun ‘a womb’ lohtu lohdun ‘comfort’ rahtu rahdun ‘a smidgen’ soihtu soihdun ‘a torch’
htä# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning nöyhtä nöyhdän ‘fluff’
htö# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning lähtö lähdön ‘departure’ töyhtö töyhdön ‘a plume’
hty# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning lyhty lyhdyn ‘a lantern’
hti# Words
Nominative Sg. Genitive Sg. Meaning Ahti Ahdin proper name, god of water and fishing ahti ahdin ‘(church) action’ arkkitehti arkkitehdin ‘an architect’ haahti haahden ‘a boat, ship’ jahti jahdin ‘a hunt’ jahti jahdin ‘a yacht’ kihti kihdin ‘gout’ kolehti kolehdin ‘an offering’ kontrahti kontrahdin ‘a contract’
82 konvehti konvehdin ‘a type of candy’ lahti lahden ‘a bay’ lahti lahdin ‘a culling’ lehti lehden ‘a leaf, newspaper’ luhti luhdin ‘a loft’ mahti mahdin ‘might’ nihti nihdin ‘a soldier’ puhti puhdin ‘energy’ rahti rahdin ‘cargo’ rehti rehdin ‘honest’ ryhti ryhdin ‘a carriage’ sahti sahdin ‘juniper beer’ sihti sihdin ‘a strainer’ tahti tahdin ‘a rhythm’ tuhti tuhdin ‘vigorous’ tähti tähden ‘a star’ vahti vahdin ‘a guard’ vauhti vauhdin ‘speed, velocity’ vyyhti vyyhden, vyyhdin ‘skein’
83 9. References
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