Some Reflections on Vowel Harmony. Working Papers on Conditions
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Consonant Gradation in Estonian and Sámi: Two-Level Solution TROND TROSTERUD and HELI UIBO
14 Consonant Gradation in Estonian and Sámi: Two-Level Solution TROND TROSTERUD AND HELI UIBO 14.1 Introduction Koskenniemi’s two-level morphology was the first practical general model in the history of computational linguistics for the analysis of morphologi- cally complex languages. In this article we will reconsider one of the key innovations in Koskenniemi (1983), namely the treatment of consonant gra- dation in finite state transducers. We will look not at Finnish, but at two lan- guages with a more extensive consonant gradation system, namely Estonian and Sámi. The goal of the paper is to demonstrate two different ways of mod- eling consonant gradation in a finite state morphological system - lexical and morphophonological. We will also compare the resulting systems by their computational complexity and human-readability. Consonant gradation is rare among the languages of the world, but stem al- ternation in itself is not, and the treatment of consonant gradation can readily be transferred to other stem alternation phenomena. Koskenniemi’s original idea was to see stem alternation as an agglutinative phenomenon. Consider the example (14.1), showing a two-level representation of stem alternation. ehT e$:ehe (14.1) Here the $ sign is a quasi-suffix, introduced to trigger consonant grada- tion in the stem. Two-level rules decide the correspondence of T to surface phonemes t or 0 (empty symbol), based on the context, specifically, according to the presence or absence of the symbol $ in the right context. Another type of rules for handling stem alternations that can be compiled Inquiries into Words, Constraints and Contexts. -
Consonant Gradation in Finnish Dialects
Consonant Gradation in Finnish Dialects Consonant gradation is a lenition process common to most of the Finnic languages. In Finnish it is now only partly productive phonologically in that it rarely affects recent loans and neologisms. However, it is still pervasive in the lexicon and is very much a part of Finnish phonology. Gradation in Finnish affects geminate and singleton voiceless stops preceding a short vowel in a closed syllable. The geminates shorten (quantitative gradation) and the singletons undergo various lenition processes (qualitative gradation), depending on the environment, the dialect, and a range of sociolinguistic factors (see 1). However, within the Finnish dialects, there is much variation within qualitative gradation, especially for the coronal (see 2). The goal of this paper is to provide an account of qualitative gradation that takes into consideration the kind of variation that exists between dialects as shown in Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas. There are five main patterns in the data, as shown in table 1. In all cases /p/ lenites to [ʋ]. The /t/ may lenite, take on place features from an adjacent vowel, or delete while /k/ may either assimilate to place features of an adjacent vowel or delete. That deletion is disfavoured for either segment suggests that there is a strong requirement to retain the consonant. Finally, the lenition of /t/ simply needs to result in a non-nasal coronal if there is not assimilation to a vowel. In this paper I provide an account of the conditions for assimilation to vowels. Assimilation is most likely to occur when the sequence of vowels that would result from deletion would create hiatus. -
University of Victoria
WPLC Vo1.1 No.1 (1981), 1-17 1 An Assimilation Process in A1tamurano and Other Apu1ian Dialects: an Argument for Lahio-ve1ars. Terry B. Cox University of VictorIa 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND PLAN In a cursory examination of data gathered during a recent field trip to the central and southern regions of Apulia in southeast Italy, I was struck by a seeming complementarity of contexts for 1 two superficially distinct phono10Bica1 processes: a ue diphthong ~ reduces to e after certain consonants; an insertion of u takes place after certain other consonants. On closer scrutiny, it was ascertained that the complementarity of contexts for the processes in the dialects taken as a whole was more illusory than real: some dialects had ue reduction and a restricted type of u insertion; ~ others had ue reduction and no u insertion; still others had spo ~ radic instances of u insertion and no ue reduction. In A1tamurano, ~ however, the contexts for the two processes were fully complementary. In this paper I shall attempt to demonstrate that these two processes can best be understood when seen as two parts of a single diachronic process of consonant labialization, subject to a single surface phonetic condition that permitted u insertion after certain consonants and not only blocked it after certain other consonants, but also eliminated the glide of ue after these same consonants. " I shall also show that A1tamurano alone holds the key to this solution as it is the only dialect where both processes reached 1 For expositional purposes I use ue as a general transcription for a diphthong which in some dialects~is realised phonetically as [WE] and in others has the allophones [we] and [we], as seen below. -
Turkish Vowel Harmony: Underspecification, Iteration, Multiple Rules
Turkish vowel harmony: Underspecification, iteration, multiple rules LING 451/551 Spring 2011 Prof. Hargus Data • Turkish data on handout. [a] represents a low back unrounded vowel (more standardly [ɑ]). Morphological analysis and morpheme alternants • Words in Turkish – root alone – root followed by one or two suffixes • Suffixes – plural suffix, -[ler] ~ -[lar] – genitive suffix, -[in] ~ -[un] ~ -[ün] ~ -[ɨn] • Order of morphemes – root - plural - genitive Possible vowel features i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - low - - - - - + - - back - + + - - + + - front + - - + + - - + round - - + + - - + + Distinctive features of vowels i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - back - + + - - + + - round - - + + - - + + ([front] could be used instead of [back].) Values of [low] are redundant: V -high [+low] +back -round Otherwise: V [-low] Distribution of suffix alternants • Plural suffix – -[ler] / front vowels C(C) ___ – -[lar] / back vowels C(C) ___ • Genitive suffix – -[in] / front non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ün] / front round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ɨn] / back non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[un] / back round vowels C(C) ___ Subscript and superscript convention • C1 = one or more consonants: C, CC, CCC, etc. • C0 = zero or more consonants: 0, C, CC, CCC, etc. • C1 = at most one consonant: 0, C 2 • C1 = minimum one, maximum 2 C: C(C) Analysis of alternating morphemes • Symmetrical distribution of suffix alternants • No non-alternating suffixes No single suffix alternant can be elevated to UR URs • UR = what all suffixes have in common • genitive: -/ V n/ [+high] (values of [back] and [round] will be added to match preceding vowel) an underspecified vowel, or ―archiphoneme‖ (Odden p. 239) Backness Harmony • Both high and non-high suffixes assimilate in backness to a preceding vowel • Backness Harmony: V --> [+ back] / V C0 ____ [+back] V --> [-back] / V C0 ____ [-back] (―collapsed‖) V --> [ back] / V C0 ____ [ back] (This is essentially the same as Hayes‘ [featurei].. -
Phonemic Vs. Derived Glides
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: http://www.researchgate.net/publication/240419751 Phonemic vs. derived glides ARTICLE in LINGUA · DECEMBER 2008 Impact Factor: 0.71 · DOI: 10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.003 CITATIONS READS 14 32 1 AUTHOR: Susannah V Levi New York University 24 PUBLICATIONS 172 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: Susannah V Levi Retrieved on: 09 October 2015 Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Lingua 118 (2008) 1956–1978 www.elsevier.com/locate/lingua Phonemic vs. derived glides Susannah V. Levi * Department of Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology, New York University, 665 Broadway, 9th Floor, New York, NY 10003, United States Received 2 February 2007; received in revised form 30 June 2007; accepted 2 October 2007 Available online 27 September 2008 Abstract Previous accounts of glides have argued that all glides are derived from vowels. In this paper, we examine data from Karuk, Sundanese, and Pulaar which reveal the existence of two types of phonologically distinct glides both cross-linguistically and within a single language. ‘‘Phonemic’’ glides are distinct from underlying vowels and pattern with other sonorant consonants, while ‘‘derived’’ glides are non-syllabic, positional variants of underlying vowels and exhibit vowel-like behavior. It is argued that the phonological difference between these two types of glides lies in their different underlying featural representations. Derived glides are positional variants of vowels and therefore featurally identical. In contrast, phonemic glides are featurally distinct from underlying vowels and therefore pattern differently. Though a phono- logical distinction between these two types of glides is evident in these three languages, a reliable phonetic distinction does not appear to exist. -
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony Adam C. Baker University of Chicago [email protected] July 27, 2009 Abstract The present study examines two methods for learning and modeling vowel harmony from text corpora. The first uses Expectation Maximization with Hidden Markov Mod- els to find the most probable HMM for a training corpus. The second uses pointwise Mutual Information between distant vowels in a Boltzmann distribution, along with the Minimal Description Length principle to find and model vowel harmony. Both methods correctly detect vowel harmony in Finnish and Turkish, and correctly recognize that English and Italian have no vowel harmony. HMMs easily model the transparent neu- tral vowels in Finnish vowel harmony, but have difficulty modeling secondary rounding harmony in Turkish. The Boltzmann model correctly captures secondary roundness harmony and the opacity of low vowels in roundness harmony in Turkish, but has more trouble capturing the transparency of neutral vowels in Finnish. 1 Introduction: Vowel Harmony and Unsupervised Learning The problem of child language acquisition has been a driving concern of modern theoret- ical linguistics since at least the 1950s. But traditional linguistic research has focused on constructing models like the Optimality Theory model of phonology (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). Learning models for those theories like the OT learning theory in Riggle (2004) are 1 sought later to explain how a child could learn a grammar. A lot of recent research in computational linguistics has turned this trend around. Break- throughs in artificial intelligence and speech processing in the '80s has lead many phonologists starting from models with well-known learning algorithms and using those models to extract phonological analyses from naturally occurring speech (for an overview and implications, see Seidenberg, 1997). -
Morphological Sources of Phonological Length
Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha B.A. (Brown University) 1993 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 2004 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Sharon Inkelas (chair) Professor Larry Hyman Professor Keith Johnson Professor Johanna Nichols Spring 2008 Abstract Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Sharon Inkelas, Chair This study presents and defends Resizing Theory, whose claim is that the overall size of a morpheme can serve as a basic unit of analysis for phonological alternations. Morphemes can increase their size by any number of strategies -- epenthesizing new segments, for example, or devoicing an existing segment (and thereby increasing its phonetic duration) -- but it is the fact of an increase, and not the particular strategy used to implement it, which is linguistically significant. Resizing Theory has some overlap with theories of fortition and lenition, but differs in that it uses the independently- verifiable parameter of size in place of an ad-hoc concept of “strength” and thereby encompasses a much greater range of phonological alternations. The theory makes three major predictions, each of which is supported with cross-linguistic evidence. First, seemingly disparate phonological alternations can achieve identical morphological effects, but only if they trigger the same direction of change in a morpheme’s size. Second, morpheme interactions can take complete control over phonological outputs, determining surface outputs when traditional features and segments fail to do so. -
Jurij Kusmenko Humboldt-Universität Zu Berlin 1
SCANDINAVIAN UMLAUT, SÁMI METAPHONY AND SWEDISH- NORWEGIAN LEVELLING (JAMNING): A WANDERING SCANDINAVIAN-SÁMI FEATURE Jurij Kusmenko Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 1. Introduction The Scandinavian tradition distinguishes two kinds of distant regressive vowel assimilation. The earlier of the two, dating back to Common Nordic, and corresponding to similar changes in the West Germanic languages, is called umlaut. The second one is found only in the north-eastern Swedish and eastern Norwegian dialects and dates from the sixteenth century. It is commonly referred to, in Swedish, as tilljämning, Bokmål tiljevning, Nynorsk jamning, “levelling”. Finno-Ugric languages usually have vowel harmony, yet the Sámi languages have instead a rule which corresponds to the Germanic umlaut and Swedish-Norwegian levelling. The traditional term for this phenome- non is metaphony. The similarities between Scandinavian umlaut and Sámi metaphony (Hesselman 1945, 7; Korhonen 1967, 21), as well as those between Sámi metaphony and Swedish-Norwegian levelling (Bergsland 1992, 8-9), have been noted earlier. However, these have been regarded as no more than typological parallels. Kylstra, who does not mention the Swedish-Norwegian levelling, considers two possible explanations for the similarity between Sámi metaphony and Germanic umlaut. He wavers between a parallel develop- ment and the influence of an unidentified substrate (Kylstra 1983, 161- 171), admitting, however, that the assumption of the latter is too hypotheti- cal and “nicht wissenschaftlich” (ibid., 161). Yet Kylstra does not mention a third possibility, arguably the most obvious one: Sámi-Scandinavian language contact. But in order to specify the kind and direction of the po- tential borrowing, we have to take into consideration a number of criteria, apart from geographical neighbourhood, namely: 1. -
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims: perceive phonetic irregularities between spelling and pronunciation; be able to account for major vowels and consonants changes that occurred in Old English Points for Discussion: Introduction 4. Consonants Changes in Old English 1. Spelling Irregularities 4.1. Voicing of fricatives in 2. The Phonetic Alphabet intervocal position 3. Vowel changes in Old 4.2. Palatalization of the English Sounds (cÂ, sc, cӡ) 3.1. Breaking (Fracture) 4.3. Assimilation before t 3.2. Palatal Mutation (i- 4.4. Loss of consonants in umlaut) certain positions 3.3. Diphthongization after 4.5. Metathesis of r Palatal Consonants 4.6. West Germanic 3.4. Back, or Velar Mutation gemination of consonants 3.5. Mutation before h. Conclusion 3.6. Contraction Key Terms to Know monophthongs Back/Velar Mutation diphthongs Mutation before h Assimilation Contraction Breaking (fracture) Voicing of Fricatives Palatalization Palatalization of j Palatal mutation (i- Assimilation before t umlaut) Gemination of Diphthongization Consonants Recommended Literature Obligatory David Crystal. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language.– Cambridge, 1994.— PP. 16-19 Elly van Gelderen.A History of the English Language.- Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, 2006. -PP. 13-23 Valery V. Mykhailenko. Paradigmatics in the evolution of English. - Chernivtsi, - 1999. PP. 22-25; 30-35 T.A. Rastorguyeva. A History of English. - Moscow, 1983. - PP. 71- 92 L.Verba. History of the English language. - Vinnitsa, 2004. - PP. 30- 38 Additional: Аракин В. Д. История английского языка. - М., 1985. - C. 31-45 Introduction “The English have no respect for their language, and will not teach their children to speak it. -
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English Meizi Piao (Seoul National University) Meizi Piao. 2012. An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English. SNU Working Papers in English Linguistics and Language X, XX-XX Lass (1994) calls the period from Proto-Germanic to historical Old English ‘The Age of Harmony’. Among the harmony processes in this period, i-umlaut has been considered as ‘one of the most far-reaching and important sound changes’ (Hogg 1992, Lass 1994) or as ‘one of the least controversial sound changes’ (Colman 2005). This paper tries to analyze i-umlaut in Old English within the framework of the Autosegmental theory and the Optimality theory, and explain how suffix i or j in the unstressed syllable cause the stem vowels in the stressed syllable to be fronted or raised. (Seoul National University) Keywords: I-umlaut, Old English, Autosegmental theory, vowel harmony Optimality theory 1. Introduction Old English is an early form of the English language that was spoken and written by the Anglo-Saxons and their descendants in the area now known as England between at least the mid-5th century to the mid-12th century. It is a West Germanic language closely related to Old Frisian. During the period of Old English, one of the most important phonological processes is umlaut, which especially affects vowels, and become the reason for the superficially irregular and unrelated Modern English phenomenon. I-Umlaut is the conditioned sound change that the vowel either moves directly forward in the mouth [u>y, o>e, A>&] or forward and up [A>&>e]. -
From Dilation to Coarticulation: Is There Vowel Harmony in French? Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula De Mareüil
From dilation to coarticulation: is there vowel harmony in French? Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula de Mareüil To cite this version: Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula de Mareüil. From dilation to coarticulation: is there vowel harmony in French?. Studies in the linguistic sciences, Urbana, Ill. : Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois, 2003, 32 (2), pp.1-21. hal-00308395 HAL Id: hal-00308395 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00308395 Submitted on 30 Jul 2008 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences Volume 32, Number 2 (Spring 2002) FROM DILATION TO COARTICULATION: IS THERE VOWEL HARMONY IN FRENCH ? Zsuzsanna Fagyal*, Noël Nguyen#, and Philippe Boula de Mareüil± *University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign # Laboratoire Parole et Langage, CNRS & Université de Provence, Aix-en- Provence, France ± LIMSI, CNRS, Orsay [email protected] This paper presents the preliminary results of an acoustic study, and a review of previous work on vowel harmony in French. It shows that harmony, initially regarded as regular sound change, is considered an optional constraint on the distribution of mid vowels. Acoustic evidence of anticipatory assimilation of pretonic mid vowels to tonic high and low vowels is shown in three speakers' readings of disyllabic words in two dialects. -
Palatalization and Umlaut in Korean
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 4 Issue 3 Article 6 1997 Palatalization and Umlaut in Korean Soonhyun Hong Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Hong, Soonhyun (1997) "Palatalization and Umlaut in Korean," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 4 : Iss. 3 , Article 6. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol4/iss3/6 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol4/iss3/6 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palatalization and Umlaut in Korean This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol4/iss3/6 Palatalization and Umlaut in Korean Soonhyun Hong It has been reported in the literature on Korean phonology (Ahn 1986, Iverson 1993 and Iverson & Wheeler 1988) that coronal consonants (/s/, /n/ and /l/) excluding /t/ and palatal /c/, undergo (allophonic) secondary palatalization before a high front vocoid. On the other hand, it has also been reported that /t/ undergoes (phonemic) primary palatalization to [c] at a suffixal or clitic boundary without undergoing secondary palatalization. It was observed by Ahn, Iverson and others that /t/ before tautomorphemic /i/ undergoes neither primary nor secondary palatalization. Contrary to this observation, Kiparsky 1993 reports for Korean that underlying /c/ and /t/ undergo secondary palatalization and the /c/ which is derived from /t/ at a suffixal and clitic boundary also undergoes secondary palatalization. Based on this newer observation, we provide analyses of primary and secondary palatalization in Native Korean in the framework of OT.