Metathesis: Formal and Functional Considerations Elizabeth Hume Ohio State University
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Intonation in Hong Kong English and Guangzhou Cantonese-Accented English: a Phonetic Comparison
ISSN 1798-4769 Journal of Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 11, No. 5, pp. 724-738, September 2020 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1105.07 Intonation in Hong Kong English and Guangzhou Cantonese-accented English: A Phonetic Comparison Yunyun Ran School of Foreign Languages, Shanghai University of Engineering Science, 333 Long Teng Road, Shanghai 201620, China Jeroen van de Weijer School of Foreign Languages, Shenzhen University, 3688 Nan Hai Avenue, Shenzhen 518060, China Marjoleine Sloos Fryske Akademy (KNAW), Doelestrjitte 8, 8911 DX Leeuwarden, The Netherlands Abstract—Hong Kong English is to a certain extent a standardized English variety spoken in a bilingual (English-Cantonese) context. In this article we compare this (native) variety with English as a foreign language spoken by other Cantonese speakers, viz. learners of English in Guangzhou (mainland China). We examine whether the notion of standardization is relevant for intonation in this case and thus whether Hong Kong English is different from Cantonese English in a wider perspective, or whether it is justified to treat Hong Kong English and Cantonese English as the same variety (as far as intonation is concerned). We present a comparison between intonational contours of different sentence types in the two varieties, and show that they are very similar. This shows that, in this respect, a learned foreign-language variety can resemble a native variety to a great extent. Index Terms—Hong Kong English, Cantonese-accented English, intonation I. INTRODUCTION Cantonese English may either refer to Hong Kong English (HKE), or to a broader variety of English spoken in the Cantonese-speaking area, including Guangzhou (Wong et al. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
Turkish Vowel Harmony: Underspecification, Iteration, Multiple Rules
Turkish vowel harmony: Underspecification, iteration, multiple rules LING 451/551 Spring 2011 Prof. Hargus Data • Turkish data on handout. [a] represents a low back unrounded vowel (more standardly [ɑ]). Morphological analysis and morpheme alternants • Words in Turkish – root alone – root followed by one or two suffixes • Suffixes – plural suffix, -[ler] ~ -[lar] – genitive suffix, -[in] ~ -[un] ~ -[ün] ~ -[ɨn] • Order of morphemes – root - plural - genitive Possible vowel features i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - low - - - - - + - - back - + + - - + + - front + - - + + - - + round - - + + - - + + Distinctive features of vowels i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - back - + + - - + + - round - - + + - - + + ([front] could be used instead of [back].) Values of [low] are redundant: V -high [+low] +back -round Otherwise: V [-low] Distribution of suffix alternants • Plural suffix – -[ler] / front vowels C(C) ___ – -[lar] / back vowels C(C) ___ • Genitive suffix – -[in] / front non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ün] / front round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ɨn] / back non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[un] / back round vowels C(C) ___ Subscript and superscript convention • C1 = one or more consonants: C, CC, CCC, etc. • C0 = zero or more consonants: 0, C, CC, CCC, etc. • C1 = at most one consonant: 0, C 2 • C1 = minimum one, maximum 2 C: C(C) Analysis of alternating morphemes • Symmetrical distribution of suffix alternants • No non-alternating suffixes No single suffix alternant can be elevated to UR URs • UR = what all suffixes have in common • genitive: -/ V n/ [+high] (values of [back] and [round] will be added to match preceding vowel) an underspecified vowel, or ―archiphoneme‖ (Odden p. 239) Backness Harmony • Both high and non-high suffixes assimilate in backness to a preceding vowel • Backness Harmony: V --> [+ back] / V C0 ____ [+back] V --> [-back] / V C0 ____ [-back] (―collapsed‖) V --> [ back] / V C0 ____ [ back] (This is essentially the same as Hayes‘ [featurei].. -
A Comparative Analysis of Consonants in Chinese and Arabic Phonetics
Journal of Literature and Art Studies, November 2019, Vol. 9, No. 11, 1188-1193 doi: 10.17265/2159-5836/2019.11.010 D DAVID PUBLISHING A Comparative Analysis of Consonants in Chinese and Arabic Phonetics FAYROUZ ABDELSAMIE ELSAYED MOHAMED School of International Chinese Studies (SICS) of East China Normal University (ECNU), Shanghai , China Arabic and Chinese are one of the most difficult languages to learn in the world. The mark of Arabic is Pinyin characters plus pinyin symbols. On the other hand, the mark of Chinese is ideographic square shaped characters; each pronunciation of a Chinese character is generally a syllable. There are great differences between Arabic and Chinese consonants, so this paper mainly discusses the similarities and differences between the two languages and their respective characteristics through the comparative analysis of Chinese and Arabic consonants. Keywords: Chinese, Arabic, pronunciation, consonant, comparison A Comparative Analysis of Chinese and Arabic Consonants In order to make a comparative analysis of Chinese and Arabic consonants, first of all, we need to have a quite comprehensive and clear understanding of the features of each consonant pronunciation of the two languages. All consonant phonemes in Chinese and Arabic are included in Table 2 below. The Chinese phonetic symbol is Pinyin, which uses the International Latin alphabets. It has both consonant and vowel letters, while Arabic is phonetic alphabets transcription and the phonetic symbol of consonants is Arabic letters itself. Chinese language has 22 consonant phonemes; among them [ŋ] can only be used as a tail vowel, [n] can be used as both initial and final, and the rest can only be used as initials. -
Phonemic Vs. Derived Glides
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: http://www.researchgate.net/publication/240419751 Phonemic vs. derived glides ARTICLE in LINGUA · DECEMBER 2008 Impact Factor: 0.71 · DOI: 10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.003 CITATIONS READS 14 32 1 AUTHOR: Susannah V Levi New York University 24 PUBLICATIONS 172 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: Susannah V Levi Retrieved on: 09 October 2015 Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Lingua 118 (2008) 1956–1978 www.elsevier.com/locate/lingua Phonemic vs. derived glides Susannah V. Levi * Department of Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology, New York University, 665 Broadway, 9th Floor, New York, NY 10003, United States Received 2 February 2007; received in revised form 30 June 2007; accepted 2 October 2007 Available online 27 September 2008 Abstract Previous accounts of glides have argued that all glides are derived from vowels. In this paper, we examine data from Karuk, Sundanese, and Pulaar which reveal the existence of two types of phonologically distinct glides both cross-linguistically and within a single language. ‘‘Phonemic’’ glides are distinct from underlying vowels and pattern with other sonorant consonants, while ‘‘derived’’ glides are non-syllabic, positional variants of underlying vowels and exhibit vowel-like behavior. It is argued that the phonological difference between these two types of glides lies in their different underlying featural representations. Derived glides are positional variants of vowels and therefore featurally identical. In contrast, phonemic glides are featurally distinct from underlying vowels and therefore pattern differently. Though a phono- logical distinction between these two types of glides is evident in these three languages, a reliable phonetic distinction does not appear to exist. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk
Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau University of California, Berkeley [email protected] [email protected] Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) 2018 Salt Lake City, UT, USA January 6, 2018 Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References Acknowledgements Many thanks to the following: • Karuk master speakers Sonny Davis and the late Lucille Albers, Charlie Thom, and especially Vina Smith; • research collaborators LuLu Alexander, Tamara Alexander, Crystal Richardson, and Florrine Super (in Yreka) and Erik H. Maier, Line Mikkelsen, and Clare Sandy (at Berkeley); and • Susan Lin and the audience at UC Berkeley’s Phonetics and Phonology Forum for insightful comments and suggestions. Data in this talk is drawn from Ararahi’urípih, a Karuk dictionary and text corpus (http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~karuk). Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Metathesis Results Karuk Conclusions References Overview • Karuk V1CV2 sequences show much coarticulation of V1 into V2 w j j /uCi/ ! [uC i], /iCa/ ! [iC a], /iCu/ ! [iC u] (all high V1) • We argue that this coarticulation is a source of CV metathesis along lines that are phonologized in other languages. • Goals • To figure out the environments in which this process occurs • -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony Adam C. Baker University of Chicago [email protected] July 27, 2009 Abstract The present study examines two methods for learning and modeling vowel harmony from text corpora. The first uses Expectation Maximization with Hidden Markov Mod- els to find the most probable HMM for a training corpus. The second uses pointwise Mutual Information between distant vowels in a Boltzmann distribution, along with the Minimal Description Length principle to find and model vowel harmony. Both methods correctly detect vowel harmony in Finnish and Turkish, and correctly recognize that English and Italian have no vowel harmony. HMMs easily model the transparent neu- tral vowels in Finnish vowel harmony, but have difficulty modeling secondary rounding harmony in Turkish. The Boltzmann model correctly captures secondary roundness harmony and the opacity of low vowels in roundness harmony in Turkish, but has more trouble capturing the transparency of neutral vowels in Finnish. 1 Introduction: Vowel Harmony and Unsupervised Learning The problem of child language acquisition has been a driving concern of modern theoret- ical linguistics since at least the 1950s. But traditional linguistic research has focused on constructing models like the Optimality Theory model of phonology (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). Learning models for those theories like the OT learning theory in Riggle (2004) are 1 sought later to explain how a child could learn a grammar. A lot of recent research in computational linguistics has turned this trend around. Break- throughs in artificial intelligence and speech processing in the '80s has lead many phonologists starting from models with well-known learning algorithms and using those models to extract phonological analyses from naturally occurring speech (for an overview and implications, see Seidenberg, 1997). -
Stem Consonant Cooccurrence Restrictions in Ngbaka
Stem Consonant Cooccurrence Restrictions in Ngbaka Jeroen van de Weijer 1. Introduction Ngbaka is one of the languages spoken in the Central African Republic.1 It is part of the Adamawa Ubanguian branch of the Niger-Congo language family. The root cooccurrence restrictions in this language have attracted considerable attention since they were first reported by Thomas (1963) (see Wescott 1965; Chomsky and Halle 1968: 387; Clements 1982; Itô 1984; Churma 1984; Herbert 1986: 113-16; Mester 1986: 32-45; Sagey 1986: 260-66; Mester 1988; Lombardi 1990: 376 (fn. 2), among others). In Ngbaka there are vowel cooccurrence restrictions (not discussed here) and restrictions on the occurrence of consonants with the same point of articulation. The latter are stated below (from Wescott 1965, who summarises Thomas 1963: 63ff.): (1) (...) if a disyllabic word contains a voiceless consonant, it does not also contain the voiced counterpart of that consonant (that is, /p/ excludes /b/, /s/ excludes /z/, etc.). Similarly, if a disyllabic word contains a voiced obstruent, it does not also contain the prenasalized counterpart of that obstruent (that is, /b/ excludes /mb/, /z/ excludes /nz/, etc.); if such a word contains a prenasalized obstruent, it does not also contain the corresponding nasal (that is, /mb/ excludes /m/, /nz/ excludes /n/, etc.). (Wescott 1965: 346) The consonant inventory of Ngbaka is given below (see Thomas 1963: 55): Thanks to Colin Ewen, Harry van der Hulst, Grazyna Rowicka and an anonymous reviewer for useful discussion. All errors are my own. Linguistics in the Netherlands 1994, 259–266. DOI 10.1075/avt.11.25wei ISSN 0929–7332 / E-ISSN 1569–9919 © Algemene Vereniging voor Taalwetenschap 260 JEROEN VAN DE WEIJER (2) vcl obs p f t s k kp vcd obs b v d z g gb glottalised 'b prenasal mb nd nz ng ngb nasal m n p glide j w liquid 1 glottal stop ? glottal fricative h Ngbaka has seven oral and three nasal vowels (/ieeaoouâê ô/) and three tones (high, low, and mid - the latter of which is not marked in this paper). -
Morphophonology of Magahi
International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) ISSN: 2319-7064 SJIF (2019): 7.583 Morphophonology of Magahi Saloni Priya Jawaharlal Nehru University, SLL & CS, New Delhi, India Salonipriya17[at]gmail.com Abstract: Every languages has different types of word formation processes and each and every segment of morphology has a sound. The following paper is concerned with the sound changes or phonemic changes that occur during the word formation process in Magahi. Magahi is an Indo- Aryan Language spoken in eastern parts of Bihar and also in some parts of Jharkhand and West Bengal. The term Morphophonology refers to the interaction of word formation with the sound systems of a language. The paper finds out the phonetic rules interacting with the morphology of lexicons of Magahi. The observations shows that he most frequent morphophonological process are Sandhi, assimilation, Metathesis and Epenthesis. Whereas, the process of Dissimilation, Lenition and Fortition are very Uncommon in nature. Keywords: Morphology, Phonology, Sound Changes, Word formation process, Magahi, Words, Vowels, Consonants 1. Introduction 3.1 The Sources of Magahi Glossary Morphophonology refers to the interaction between Magahi has three kind of vocabulary sources; morphological and phonological or its phonetic processes. i) In the first category, it has those lexemes which has The aim of this paper is to give a detailed account on the been processed or influenced by Sanskrit, Prakrit, sound changes that take place in morphemes, when they Apbhransh, ect. Like, combine to form new words in the language. धमम> ध륍म> धरम, स셍म> सꥍ셍> सााँ셍 ii) In the second category, it has those words which are 2. -
Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: the Case of Classical Arabic
http://elr.sciedupress.com English Linguistics Research Vol. 9, No. 3; 2020 Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: The Case of Classical Arabic Zainab Sa’aida Correspondence: Zainab Sa’aida, Department of English, Tafila Technical University, Tafila 66110, Jordan. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6645-6957, E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 16, 2020 Accepted: Sep. 15, 2020 Online Published: Sep. 21, 2020 doi:10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic. I hypothesise that coronal nasal behaves differently in different assimilatory situations in classical Arabic. Data of the study were collected from the Holy Quran. It was referred to Quran.com for the pronunciations and translations of the data. Data of the study were analysed from the perspective of Mohanan’s dominance in assimilation model. Findings of the study have revealed that coronal nasal shows different assimilatory behaviours when it occurs in different syllable positions. Coronal nasal onset seems to fail to assimilate a whole or a portion of the matrix of a preceding obstruent or sonorant coda within a phonological word. However, coronal nasal in the coda position shows different phonological behaviours. Keywords: assimilation, dominance, coronal nasal, onset, coda, classical Arabic 1. Introduction An assimilatory situation in natural languages has two elements in which one element dominates the other. Nasal place assimilation occurs when a nasal phoneme takes on place features of an adjacent consonant. This study aims at investigating place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic (CA, henceforth).