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A MDEE Is “A Process That Takes Place Only When Its Conditions Are Crucially Met by Virtue of Material from Two Different Morphemes” [Mccarthy 2003] 2

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A MDEE Is “A Process That Takes Place Only When Its Conditions Are Crucially Met by Virtue of Material from Two Different Morphemes” [Mccarthy 2003] 2 CLS 47 Sharon Inkelas Where did the Derived Environment Condition Go? 1. The Morphologically Derived Environment Condition (1) A MDEE is “a process that takes place only when its conditions are crucially met by virtue of material from two different morphemes” [McCarthy 2003] 2. Canonical examples Canonical MDEE: stem-final consonant undergoes alternation triggered by following suffix-initial vowel; comparable CV sequence within the base does not undergo the alternation (2) Finnish Assibilation: ti → si (e.g. Keyser & Kiparsky 1983; Kiparsky 1993). a. /halut-i/ → halusi ‘want-3P.SG.PRET’ /halut-a/ → haluta ‘want-INF’ b. /æiti/ → æiti ‘mother’ (*æisi) c. /tilat-i/ → tilasi ‘order-3P.SG.PRET’ (*silasi) /tilat-a/ → tilata ‘order-INF’ (*silata) (3) Polish Palatalization: k, x, g → č, š, ž before i, e (Lubowicz 2002). a. ‘to step’ kro[k]-i-ć → kro[č]ɨć ‘to frighten’ stra[x]-i-ć → stra[š]ɨć ‘to weigh’ va[g]-i-ć → va[ž]ɨć b. ‘kefir’ [k]ef’ir *[č]ef’ir ‘jelly’ [k’]iśel *[č’]iśel ‘agent’ a[g]ent *a[ž]ent c. ‘chemist-DIM’ [x]em’i[k]-ek → [x]emi’[č]ek *[š]emi’[č]ek (4) Korean Palatalization: t, tʰ → c, cʰ before i, y (T. Cho 1998, Y. Cho 2009) a. mat-i → maci ‘eldest-NML = eldest son’ putʰ-i → pucʰi ‘adhere-CAUS = to affix’ kyətʰ-i → kyəcʰi ‘side-NOM = side’ patʰ-ita → pacʰita ‘field-COP = to be the field’ b. mati ‘joint’ titi-ta ‘to tread’ nɨtʰi-namu ‘zelkova tree’ (5) Turkish Velar Deletion (Lewis 1967, Zimmer & Abbott 1978, Sezer 1981) a. bebek ‘baby’ bebe-e ‘baby-DAT’ inek ‘cow’ ine-i ‘cow-ACC’ katalog ‘catalog’ katalo.u ‘catalog-3sg.poss’ matematik ‘mathematics’ matemati.in ‘mathematics-GEN’ b. avukat ‘lawyer’ hareket ‘motion’ sigorta ‘insurance’ c. sokak ‘street’ soka.a ‘street-DAT’ dakik ‘precise’ daki.i ‘precise-ACC’ ʧøkek ‘low spot, hollow’ ʧøke.in ‘low spot, hollow-GEN’ There are other types of MDEE’s but these are the canonical ones that every theory aspires to capture. 1 CLS 47 Sharon Inkelas 3. The basic intuition An early generalization that has resisted direct theoretical modeling for over 40 years: (6) The Alternation Condition: Obligatory neutralization rules cannot apply to all occurrences of a morpheme (Kiparsky 1973) The problem with this insight is that if all the learner knew was this → halut-a halus-i the learner would be compelled to produce silas-i. AC cannot protect tilat-a the ti of tilat once there is another environment in which the morpheme can occur. (7) The Revised Alternation Condition: Obligatory neutralization rules apply only in derived environments (Kiparsky 1982b:148, 152) (8) Questions addressed here: Is the RAC true? As an implicational generalization Can the RAC be modeled within Yes, with new notion of ‘confidence strength Optimality Theory? scales’ Why is the RAC true (to the extent that Because of the way speakers learn it is true) 4. Proposal: Confidence-based strength scales Basic intuition behind MDEEs: segments occurring in variable contexts have a higher propensity to alternate than segments occurring in invariant contexts Proposal: capture this intuition directly by specifying degrees of confidence in the representations of individual phonological structures (here, segments and syllables). (9) Confidence scale: 0 1 Weak Strong 5. Factors contributing to confidence in a segment’s representation Weaker… …Stronger Alternates Invariant Variable context Invariant context (weak phonetic perceptual cues) (strong phonetic perceptual cues) (morph is infrequent) (morph is frequent) (sparse lexical neighborhood) (dense lexical neighborhood) (10) Universal fixed ranking: FAITHS » FAITHW MDEEs result from this ranking: FAITHS » MARKEDNESS » FAITHW (11) Finnish Assibilation Korean Palatalization /tilat-i/ FAITHS ASSIB FAITHW /mati/ FAITHS PAL FAITHW tilati **! mati * tilasi * * maci *! silasi *! * Turkish VD /mat-i/ FAITHS PAL FAITHW /sokak-a/ MAXS *VGV MAXW mati *! sokaka **! maci * soka.a * * so.a.a *! * 2 CLS 47 Sharon Inkelas 6. Broadening the phonological variety of MDEEs (12) Finnish Vowel Coalescence: stem-final V is trigger, suffix-initial V is target (Anttila 2009; see also Kiparsky 1993). Optional across morpheme boundary; inapplicable within roots alternant without VC alternant with VC a. mini-ä mini-i ‘mini-PAR’ lasi-a lasi-i ‘glass-PAR’ hattu-a hattu-u ‘hat-PAR’ b. miniä *minii ‘daughter-in-law’ rasia *rasii ‘box’ saippua *saippuu ‘soap’ Confidence-based account: root vowels are strong, suffix vowels are weak AITH AITH /miniä/ F S VC F W /mini-ä/ FAITHS R-FUSION FAITHW miniä * miniä *! minii *! minii * (13) Chumash Pre-Coronal Laminalization (Poser 1982, 1993; Kula 2008, based on Applegate 1972, based on Harrington notes): prefix-final C is target, stem-initial coronal is trigger. a. /s-niɁ/ [šnɁ] ‘his neck’ [117] (cf. s-kaw̓ɨy ‘he cuts /s-tepuɁ/ [štepuɁ] ‘he gambles’ [117] a notch in it’ [115]) /s-lokin/̓ [šlokin]̓ ‘he cuts it’ [117] /s-is-tɨɁ/ [šištɨɁ] ‘he finds it’ [118] /ma-l-is-tɨk-Vn/ [malištɨkʰɨn] ‘the first one’ [206, 529] b. [wastu] ‘pleat’ [162] [astɨmɨn] ‘to buzz, hum’ [259] Confidence-based account: root (internal) consonants are strong, prefix (edge) consonants are weak IDENTS PCL IDENTW IDENT PCL IDENT /wastuɁ / /s-ti-yep-us/ S W * wastuɁ stiyepus *! *! waštuɁ štiyepus * (14) Norwegian /r/ fusion ~ deletion: prefix-final /r/ is target, stem-initial consonant is target and trigger (Bradley 2002, based on Kristoffersen 2000; occurs in certain dialects only) Nonderived environments Derived environments a. svart [sʋɑʈ] ‘black’ d. vår-tegn [ʋoːʈæjn] ‘spring sign’ barn [bɑːɳ] ‘child’ for noen [fↄɳuː.un] ‘for some’ vers [ʋæʂ] ‘verse’ vår-sol [ʋoːʂuːɭ] ‘spring sun’ b. sve[ɾd] ‘sword’ e. vår-dag [voːɖɑːg] ‘spring day’ c. merke [mæɾ.kə] ‘mark’ f. er-klære [æ(ɾ)klæɾə] ‘to declare’ larm [lɑɾm] ‘noise’ vær-melding [ʋæː(ɾ)mɛlliŋ] ‘weather forecast’ skarp [skɑɾp] ‘sharp’ for-banne [fↄ(ɾ)bɑnnə] ‘to curse’ Confidence account: root (morpheme-internal) consonants are strong, prefix consonants are weak AITH R FUSION AITH /sve[ɾd]/ F S - F W /me[ɾk]e/ FAITHS R-DEL FAITHW sve[ɾd] * me[ɾk]e * sve[ɖ] *! me[k]e *! AITH R FUSION AITH /vå[ɾ-d]ag/ F S - F W /fo[ɾ-k]lare/ FAITHS R-FUSION FAITHW vå[ɾd]ag *! fo[ɾk]are *! vå[ɖ]ag * fo[k]are * 3 CLS 47 Sharon Inkelas 7. Some past formal approaches to MDEEs (apologies to those excluded for lack of time) • All past approaches to MDEEs have captured various insights, all important. • Confidence-based scales capitalize on these insights, but have broader coverage 7.1 Root faithfulness (15) FAITHroot » FAITHaffix (Anttila 2009, for Finnish VC) /miniä/ FAITHroot VC FAITHaffix /mini-ä/ FAITHroot VC FAITHaffix miniä * miniä *! minii *! minii * 7.2 Parasitic alternations: tying markedness to Align-R !"#$%&'(!)*! (16) [MARKEDNESS & R-ANCHOR(Stem, σ)]D » FAITH » MARKEDNESS (Lubowicz 2002) /tilat! -i/ ASSIB & R-ANCHOR IDENT ASSIB Captures insight that segments in +,'!#$-./-0!1tilati 234+56/7/-08!9!:*! (t-i) ;3<=>?!,$@!6,'!'AA'B6!CA!D#C,/E/6/-0!0'@6F#$&! ** invariant positions (and in stem CG'#&$D!/-!6$F6C7C#D,'7/B! 4HI!$@!@,CJ-!/-!6$E&'$F!5*K8L!* * middles) are more protected than those tilasi in variable positions (and stem-final) 5*K8!!M'#0'#!$-%!%'&'6/C-!E&CB.'%!/-!6$F6C7C#D,'7/B!4H! silasi **! ! 1234+56/7/-08! :;3<=>?! 7.3 Sequence/!$N!; faithfulness:4F!Æ!;4F!! O! Itô & Mester!EN! (1996,;4 1998),F!Æ!; ÇBurzio!OP! (1997): Sequential! faithfulness constraints protect stem middles /!BN!;4 D!Æ!;4 D!! O! (17) Neighborhood!%N!;4D !(ItôÆ!; D&!OP! Mester 1996): ! • The! neighborhood of a segment must be preserved • If α [immediately1-!6,'!B$@'!CA!,'6'#C7C#D,'7/B! — SI] precedes/follows4HI!1234+ β, 56/7/-08!E'BC7'@!/##'&'G$-6!then the correspondent of α precedes/follows β /sE'B$F@'!6,'!$%Q$B'-6!0'@6F#'@!E'&C-0!6C!okak-a/ FAITH-VCV » *VGV »%/AA'#'-6!&'R/B$&!'-6#/'@!$-%I!6,'#'S FAITH-VC, FAITH-C /tiAC#'I!lat-i/ ,$G'! -C! &'R/B$&&(!FAITH-CV @D'B/A/'%! » ASSIB 6/7/-0! » FAITH #'&$6/C-N!-C 4CJI! #'B$&&! 6,$6! $B#C@@! 7C#D,'7'!$-%!JC#%!ECF-%$#/'@I!7'#0'#!CA!4!J/6,!$!AC&&CJ/-0!&$7/-$&!/@! CapturesCE&/0$6C#(I! insight J,'#'$@!that segments %'&'6/C-! in CA!stem4 !E'AC#'!$!-C-SBC#C-$&!/@!CD6/C-$&N!+,'!middles are more protected than peripheral segments M>T5A'$6F#'8!BC-@6#$/-6!/-!5*)8!D'#7/6@!$-!$BBCF-6!CA!6,/@!%/AA'#'-B'L! 7.4 Underspecification Kiparsky5*)8 1993:!!M >Tstem5$D/B$&8!-final segments alternate because they are underspecified and undergo different default fill-in!>-!$D/B$&!@D'B/A/B$6/C-!/-!6,'!/-DF6!7F@6!E'!#'BCG'#'%!/-!6,'!CF6DF6N! rules as their righthand context varies. ! CapturesH#FB/$&&(I! insight M that>T5$D/B$&8! segments '-AC#B'@! in invariant D#'@'#G$6/C-! positionsCA! 6,'! are $D/B$&/6(! more protected CA! /-DF6! 4thanI! those in variable positions.'G'-!J,'-!6,'!#,C6/B!/6@'&A!/@!-C6!D#'@'-6!/-!6,'!$F%/6C#(!#'D#'@'-6$6/C-N!16!/@! Doesn’t extend readily to deletion /-@FAA/B/'-6!6C!/-GC.'!$!BC-@6#$/-6!%'7$-%/-0!/%'-6/B$&!$D/B$&!@D'B/A/B$6/C-! 7.5 GesturalCA!@'07'-6$&!BC##'@D timing C-%'-6@I!@FB,!$@!1234+5$D/B$&8!5BAN!MBH$#6,(!U!?#/-B'! T. Cho 1998:*VV)8N!1A!/-DF6! “the timing4 !/@!%'&'6'%I!6,'-!/6!,$@!-C!BC##'@DC-%'-6!/-!6,'!CF6DF6I!$-%!between two gestures created by morpheme concatenation is not lexically specified 1and234+ is5$D/B$&8!JCF&%!E'!G$BFCF@&(!@$6/@A/'%N!<$6,'#I!/%'-6/6(!7F@6!E'!'G$&FS therefore potentially subject to any phonological change which can be produced by $6'%!%/#'B6&(!E'6J''-!/-DF6!$-%!CF6DF6!A'$6F#'@!$-%!-C6!@'07'-6@N! varying gestural overlap" (p.
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