Preventing Conflict, Managing Crisis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Preventing Conflict, Managing Crisis !"#"$%&$'()*$\&,%-( Managing Crisis European and American Perspectives Eva Gross, Daniel Hamilton, Claudia Major, Henning Riecke, Editors Preventing Conflict, Managing Crisis European and American Perspectives Edited by Eva Gross, Daniel Hamilton, Claudia Major, Henning Riecke Gross, Eva; Hamilton, Daniel; Major, Claudia; Riecke, Henning, Preventing Conict, Managing Crisis. European and American Perspectives. Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2011. © 2011 Center for Transatlantic Relations; SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik—Deutsches Insti- tut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit / German Institute for International and Security A#airs; ZIF–Zentrum für Internationale Friedenseinsätze–Center for International Peace Operations; Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik / German Council on Foreign Relations ; Free University Brussels. %e Crisis Management Toolbox. © SWP / ZIF 2011. All rights reserved. Center for Transatlantic Relations %e Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies %e Johns Hopkins University 1717 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Suite 525 Washington, DC 20036 Tel: (202) 663-5880 Fax (202) 663-5879 Email: [email protected] http://transatlantic.sais-jhu.edu Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik www.dgap.org Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik www.swp-berlin.org Institute for European Studies Vrije Universiteit Brussel www.ies.be Zentrum für Internationale Friedenseinsätze www.zif-berlin.org ISBN 0-9848544-1-X ISBN 978-0-9848544-1-7 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................... v Introduction Changing Scenarios in Transatlantic Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management Eva Gross, Daniel Hamilton, Claudia Major, Henning Riecke ..................................................... 1 Section I EU-U.S. Cooperation in Crisis Management Chapter 1 Failed States and the International Community 10 Years After 9/11: A Shifting Paradigm? ................................................................................. 9 John Herbst Chapter 2 Waiting for Soft Power: Why the EU Struggles with Civilian Crisis Management ............................. 15 Claudia Major and Martina Bail Chapter 3 EU-U.S. Cooperation in Crisis Management: Transatlantic Approaches and Future Trajectories ............................................................................ 37 Eva Gross Section II Case Studies Chapter 4 Did the Afghanistan War Change Germany? ............................................ 49 Niels Annen Chapter 5 Protecting Civilians: The Politics of Intervention and Non-Intervention in Africa .................................................................................................. 55 Alex Vines Chapter 6 Western Crisis Response and the Question of Palestine ............................ 61 Alfred Pijpers Chapter 7 Sudan: The Prospect of Intervention and its Implications .......................... 67 Jon Temin Chapter 8 From Protecting to Rebuilding: The EU’s Role in Libya .............................. 73 Patryk Pawlak Chapter 9 From Afghanistan to the Arab Spring: A Critical Moment for Transatlantic Crisis Response ................................................................ 83 Glenn Nye Section III The Crisis Management Toolbox Chapter 10 The Crisis Management Toolbox—From Civilian Crisis Prevention to Peacebuilding: Principles, Actors, Instruments ....................................... 91 Claudia Major, Tobias Pietz, Elisabeth Schöndorf, Wanda Hummel List of Abbreviations ................................................................................... 138 About the Authors .......................................................................................... 141 About the Partners ........................................................................................ 145 Acknowledgements %is project succeeded because of the excellent Henning Riecke wants to thank the German partnership among our four institutions. %e Marshall Fund of the United States for sup- Center for Transatlantic Relations acknowl- porting the project entitled “Friends in Crisis,” edges the support of the European Union for on Western thinking regarding crisis reaction its participation and support of this e#ort as post-Afghanistan in 2010-2011. %e chapters part of the Center’s “Cornerstone” project on by Annen, Nye, Pawlak, Pijpers, Vines, and U.S.-EU relations. We thank the authors and Temin were written following a workshop at to the many colleagues who participated in the the GMF in Washington in the context of the deliberations and meetings that produced this project. He also wants to thank Kevin Francke, book, and Nikolas Foster, Peggy Irvine and Pe- Laura Lee Smith and Johannes Böhme and ter Lindeman for working with us on the many the reviewers for supporting the editing of the details related to the production of the book. manuscripts. Claudia Major would like to thank her chapter Our authors express their own views, and do co-author Martina Bail, her co-authors of the not necessarily re*ect views of any institution “Crisis Management Toolbox,” and other col- or government. leagues, including Christoph Baron, Tobias von Gienanth, Andreas Hirblinger, Markus Kaim, Stefan Köppe, Barbara Lippert, Jens Eva Gross Philip Meierjohann, Agnieszka Miadowicz, Stormy Mildner, Christian Mölling, Marco Daniel Hamilton Overhaus, Michael Paul, Volker Perthes, Wolf- gang Richter, Ilyas Saliba, Gundula Stein, Falk Claudia Major Tettweiler, Oliver %ränert, Alicia von Voss, and Almut Wieland-Karimi. Henning Riecke Introduction: Changing Scenarios in Transatlantic Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management Eva Gross, Daniel Hamilton, Claudia Major, Henning Riecke %e past two decades have witnessed signi+- in pursuit of a comprehensive or integrated cant transatlantic engagement with crisis man- approach to crisis management. Consequently, agement. %e wars in the Balkans challenged the U.S. has developed capabilities within the transatlantic community not only to inter- State Department structures for planning and vene militarily but also to engage in post-con- coordinating con*ict response to strengthen *ict reconstruction and long-term institution the diplomatic and development components building e#orts. %e Rwandan genocide dem- of its international capabilities. Both partners onstrated the moral costs of non-intervention, also increasingly work together, either through just as the massacre in Srebrencia and other U.S. participation in CSDP missions or the war time atrocities during the Balkan wars EU working alongside or in partnership with shifted the focus to the plight of individuals U.S. or NATO operations in the Balkans and and civilians rather than the security of states. Afghanistan. Interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq high- lighted how state failure could a#ect regional %e ongoing Arab transition and transatlan- as well as global security, but also the limita- tic responses, particularly with regard to the tions of military instruments in post-con*ict intervention in Libya and its aftermath, have intervention. %ese experiences collectively brought full circle many of the conceptual spurred the conceptual debate on the link be- debates and operational challenges outlined tween state failure and insecurity and discus- in the +rst paragraph. %ey also reinforce the sion about the appropriate mix of civilian and need for the EU and the U.S. to tailor and military means in crisis management. design individual and collective responses; and to improve the framework for cooperation. Both sides of the Atlantic also drew insti- At the same time, the global and transatlantic tutional and operational lessons from these contexts have changed signi+cantly since the experiences. %e EU created the Common early 1990s and the post-9/11 environment. Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) and %is also applies to geopolitical conditions in amassed operational experience particularly the crisis regions. Both have important impli- in the civilian aspects of crisis management. cations for future transatlantic crisis response Since the launch of the +rst CSDP operation but also long-term engagement. in 2003, the EU has conducted 28 civilian and military operations around the globe, and First, economic constraints resulting from has attained signi+cant experience in civilian the +nancial crisis and subsequent austerity contributions to crisis management ranging programs, limit the scope of possible crisis from police, justice and border reform to the response missions in a long term perspective. integrated rule of law. %e U.S. for its part Second, alternative models of transition as- came increasingly to recognize the value of sistance demonstrate that the transatlantic civilian aspects of post-con*ict reconstruction community as a whole is no longer the only < P=>?>QY[Q\ C]Q^_[`Y, M{Q{\[Q\ C=[|[|: E}=]~>{Q {Q A>=[`{Q P>=|~>`Y[?>| actor in crisis management. Along with these consensus in favor of a comprehensive ap- changing circumstances—or perhaps because proach re*ects the operational lessons of of them—there is a noticeable lack of appetite post-con*ict reconstruction. Lacking politi- on the part of the transatlantic community to cal will and leadership, along with +nancial engage as a full-bore crisis manager, partly due constraints on the other hand, represent the to lack of political will to utilize the signi+cant pull factors—both at the level of nation-states capabilities that have been created over the as well as international organizations—that
Recommended publications
  • Ituri:Stakes, Actors, Dynamics
    ITURI STAKES, ACTORS, DYNAMICS FEWER/AIP/APFO/CSVR would like to stress that this report is based on the situation observed and information collected between March and August 2003, mainly in Ituri and Kinshasa. The 'current' situation therefore refers to the circumstances that prevailed as of August 2003, when the mission last visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Swedish International Development Agency. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Swedish Government and its agencies. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Department for Development Policy, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Finnish Government and its agencies. Copyright 2003 © Africa Initiative Program (AIP) Africa Peace Forum (APFO) Centre for Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) Forum on Early Warning and Early Response (FEWER) The views expressed by participants in the workshop are not necessarily those held by the workshop organisers and can in no way be take to reflect the views of AIP, APFO, CSVR and FEWER as organisations. 2 List of Acronyms............................................................................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Monitor Electoral
    ANGELA MERKEL SE PREPARA PARA SU CUARTO MANDATO COMO CANCILLER FEDERAL: CONFORMACIÓN Y DESAFÍOS DE LA NUEVA GRAN COALICIÓN EN ALEMANIA 7 DE MARZO DE 2018 MONITOR ELECTORAL Fuente: Diario El País. ANÁLISIS E INVESTIGACIÓN El 4 de marzo, las bases socialdemócratas alemanas dieron el “Sí” a la coalición de Gobierno con los conservadores. Desde el 24 de septiembre de 2017, cuando tuvieron lugar las elecciones generales, hasta esta fecha, habrán transcurrido más de cinco meses para que la Canciller Angela Merkel pudiera formar gobierno. En el camino de las negociaciones, las dificultades y obstáculos fueron muchos y provinieron de las reticencias de los principales partidos que dominan el escenario político en Alemania. Un primer intento fallido fue el de la conformación de la así denominada Coalición Jamaica, que dio paso al tránsito hacia una fórmula que en buena medida repite la coalición de 2013 entre conservadores y socialdemócratas. El proceso no sólo ha dejado un desgaste relevante en el liderazgo e influencia de los líderes de los partidos y desde luego en la imagen de la propia Canciller Federal. También ha hecho lo propio con Martín Schulz, quien fracasó en su objetivo de asumir la cartera de Asuntos Exteriores. Pareciera, en este sentido, que la Gran Coalición es un mayor acierto para Europa, que para distintos actores en el ámbito nacional. El bloque comunitario ansiaba la conclusión de las negociaciones para poner en marcha el eje París-Berlín y así dar forma a un ambicioso proyecto para renovar la Unión. Pero, al interior del país existe el temor de que en el largo plazo la Gran Coalición fortalezca a la extrema derecha, por lo que conservadores y socialdemócratas tendrán que buscar la forma de que estas fuerzas no les arrebaten más simpatías.
    [Show full text]
  • Agenda 2010“ in Der SPD: Ein Beispiel Mangelnder Innerparteilicher Demokratie?
    Bamberger Beiträge zur Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft Heft 2 Simon Preuß Der Willensbildungsprozess zur „Agenda 2010“ in der SPD: Ein Beispiel mangelnder innerparteilicher Demokratie? Überarbeitete und gekürzte Version der Diplomarbeit zum selben Thema Inhaltsverzeichnis I Einleitung .................................................................................................................................................- 1 - II Innerparteiliche Demokratie in der theoretischen Diskussion ............................................................- 9 - 1. Verschiedene Modelle innerparteilicher Demokratie.........................................................................- 10 - 2. Das Grundgesetz und das Parteiengesetz von 1967 ...........................................................................- 11 - 3. Michels „ehernes Gesetz der Oligarchie“..........................................................................................- 13 - 3.1. Ursachen der Oligarchisierung..................................................................................................- 13 - 3.2. Machtressourcen der Parteiführung...........................................................................................- 14 - 4. Neuere Arbeiten zur innerparteilichen Demokratie............................................................................- 15 - 5. Parteien als „lose verkoppelte Anarchien“?......................................................................................- 17 - 6. Neuere empirische Untersuchungen zu Machtressourcen
    [Show full text]
  • Reporting Principles
    COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY EU BATTLEGROUPS Updated: January 2011 Battllegroups/07 Full operational capability in 2007 The European Union is a global actor, ready to undertake its share of responsibility for global security. With the introduction of the battlegroup concept, the Union formed a (further) military instrument at its disposal for early and rapid responses, when necessary. On 1 January 2007 the EU battlegroup concept reached full operational capability. Since that date, the EU is able to undertake, if so decided by the Council, two concurrent single-battlegroup-sized (about 1 500-strong) rapid response operations, including the ability to launch both operations nearly simultaneously. At the 1999 Helsinki European Council meeting, rapid response was identified as an important aspect of crisis management. As a result, the Helsinki Headline Goal 2003 assigned to member states the objective of being able to provide rapid response elements available and deployable at very high levels of readiness. Subsequently, an EU military rapid response concept was developed. In June 2003 the first autonomous EU-led military operation, Operation Artemis, was launched. It showed very successfully the EU's ability to operate with a rather small force at a significant distance from Brussels, in this case more than 6 000 km. Moreover, it also demonstrated the need for further development of rapid response capabilities. Subsequently, Operation Artemis became a reference model for the development of a battlegroup-sized rapid response capability. In 2004 the Headline Goal 2010 aimed for completion of the development of rapidly deployable battlegroups, including the identification of appropriate strategic lift, sustainability and disembarkation assets, by 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 Charlevoix G7 Final Compliance Report 10 June 2018 — 25 July 2019
    The G7 Research Group at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at Trinity College in the University of Toronto presents the 2018 Charlevoix G7 Final Compliance Report 10 June 2018 — 25 July 2019 Prepared by Angela Min Yi Hou, Julia Tops, and Cindy Xinying Ou 23 August 2019 www.g7.utoronto.ca [email protected] @g7_rg “We have meanwhile set up a process and there are also independent institutions monitoring which objectives of our G7 meetings we actually achieve. When it comes to these goals we have a compliance rate of about 80%, according to the University of Toronto. Germany, with its 87%, comes off pretty well. That means that next year too, under the Japanese G7 presidency, we are going to check where we stand in comparison to what we have discussed with each other now. So a lot of what we have resolved to do here together is something that we are going to have to work very hard at over the next few months. But I think that it has become apparent that we, as the G7, want to assume responsibility far beyond the prosperity in our own countries. That’s why today’s outreach meetings, that is the meetings with our guests, were also of great importance.” Chancellor Angela Merkel, Schloss Elmau, 8 June 2015 G7 summits are a moment for people to judge whether aspirational intent is met by concrete commitments. The G7 Research Group provides a report card on the implementation of G7 and G20 commitments. It is a good moment for the public to interact with leaders and say, you took a leadership position on these issues — a year later,
    [Show full text]
  • Finnish Defence Forces International Centre the Many Faces of Military
    Finnish Defence Forces International Finnish Defence Forces Centre 2 The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field Edited by Mikaeli Langinvainio Finnish Defence Forces FINCENT Publication Series International Centre 1:2011 1 FINNISH DEFENCE FORCES INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FINCENT PUBLICATION SERIES 1:2011 The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field EDITED BY MIKAELI LANGINVAINIO FINNISH DEFENCE FORCES INTERNATIONAL CENTRE TUUSULA 2011 2 Mikaeli Langinvainio (ed.): The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field Finnish Defence Forces International Centre FINCENT Publication Series 1:2011 Cover design: Harri Larinen Layout: Heidi Paananen/TKKK Copyright: Puolustusvoimat, Puolustusvoimien Kansainvälinen Keskus ISBN 978–951–25–2257–6 ISBN 978–951–25–2258–3 (PDF) ISSN 1797–8629 Printed in Finland Juvenens Print Oy Tampere 2011 3 Contents Jukka Tuononen Preface .............................................................................................5 Mikaeli Langinvainio Introduction .....................................................................................8 Mikko Laakkonen Military Crisis Management in the Next Decade (2020–2030) ..............................................................12 Antti Häikiö New Military and Civilian Training - What can they learn from each other? What should they learn together? And what must both learn? .....................................................................................20 Petteri Kurkinen Concept for the PfP Training
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening Transatlantic Dialogue 2019 Annual Report Making Table of an Impact Contents
    STRENGTHENING TRANSATLANTIC DIALOGUE 2019 ANNUAL REPORT MAKING TABLE OF AN IMPACT CONTENTS THE AMERICAN COUNCIL 01 A Message from the President ON GERMANY WAS INCORPORATED IN 1952 POLICY PROGRAMS in New York as a private, nonpartisan 02 2019 Event Highlights nonprofit organization to promote 05 German-American Conference reconciliation and understanding between Germans and Americans 06 Eric M. Warburg Chapters in the aftermath of World War II. 08 Deutschlandjahr USA 2018/2019 PROGRAMS FOR THE SUCCESSOR GENERATION THE ACG HELD MORE THAN 140 EVENTS IN 2019, 10 American-German Young Leaders Program addressing topics from security 13 Fellowships policy to trade relations and from 14 Study Tours technology to urban development. PARTNERS IN PROMOTING TRANSATLANTIC COOPERATION SINCE THEIR INCEPTION 16 John J. McCloy Awards Dinner IN 1992, THE NUMBER OF 18 Corporate Membership Program ERIC M. WARBURG Corporate and Foundation Support CHAPTERS HAS GROWN TO 22 IN 18 STATES. 19 Co-Sponsors and Collaborating Organizations In 2019, the ACG also was Individual Support active in more than 15 additional communities. ABOUT THE ACG 20 The ACG and Its Mission 21 Officers, Directors, and Staff MORE THAN 100 INDIVIDUALS PARTICIPATED IN AN IMMERSIVE EXCHANGE EXPERIENCE through programs such as the American-German Young Leaders Conference, study tours, and fact-finding missions in 2019. More than 1,100 rising stars have VISION participated in the Young Leaders program since its launch in 1973. The American Council on Germany (ACG) is the leading U.S.-based forum for strengthening German-American relations. It delivers a deep MORE THAN 1,100 and nuanced understanding of why Germany INDIVIDUALS HAVE matters, because the only way to understand TRAVELED ACROSS THE ATLANTIC contemporary Europe is to understand Germany’s since 1976 to broaden their personal role within Europe and around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil–Military Relations in Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo: a Case Study on Crisis Management in Complex Emergencies
    Chapter 19 Civil–Military Relations in Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo: A Case Study on Crisis Management in Complex Emergencies Gudrun Van Pottelbergh The humanitarian crisis in Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo deteriorated again in the second half of 2008. In reaction, the international community agreed to send additional peacekeepers to stabilize the region. Supporters of the Congolese peace process agree that a military reaction alone will however not be sufficient. A stable future of the region requires a combined civil and military approach. This will also necessitate the continuous support of the international community for the Congolese peace process. The European Union and the United States are the two main players in terms of providing disaster management and thus also in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The European Union in particular has set- up several crisis management operations in the country. For the purpose of an efficient and combined effort in disaster relief, this study will investigate how different or similar these two players are in terms of crisis management mechanisms. The chapter concludes that the development of new crisis management mechanisms and the requirements for a sustainable solution in Kivu create an opportunity for all stakeholders described. Through establishing a high- level dialogue, the European Union and the United States could come up with a joint strategic and long- term approach covering all of their instru- ments in place to support the security reform in Kivu. It is especially in this niche of civilian and military cooperation within crisis management operations that may lay a key to finally bring peace and stability in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
    [Show full text]
  • Deutscher Bundestag
    Plenarprotokoll 19/67 Deutscher Bundestag Stenografischer Bericht 67. Sitzung Berlin, Mittwoch, den 28. November 2018 Inhalt: Ausschussüberweisungen ............... 7583 A Wolfgang Kubicki (FDP) ............... 7601 C Kathrin Vogler (DIE LINKE) ............ 7602 B Tagesordnungspunkt 1: Sylvia Kotting-Uhl (BÜNDNIS 90/ DIE GRÜNEN) ..................... 7603 B Vereinbarte Debatte: Organspende 7583 B Stephan Pilsinger (CDU/CSU) ........... 7604 A Karin Maag (CDU/CSU) ............... 7583 D Detlev Spangenberg (AfD) .............. 7604 D Dr. Axel Gehrke (AfD) ................. 7584 D Hilde Mattheis (SPD) .................. 7605 C Dr. Karl Lauterbach (SPD) .............. 7585 C Dr. Claudia Schmidtke (CDU/CSU) ....... 7606 B Christine Aschenberg-Dugnus (FDP) ...... 7586 C Helge Lindh (SPD) .................... 7607 A Katja Kipping (DIE LINKE) ............ 7587 C Rudolf Henke (CDU/CSU) .............. 7608 A Annalena Baerbock (BÜNDNIS 90/ DIE GRÜNEN) ..................... 7588 B Leni Breymaier (SPD) ................. 7608 D Jens Spahn (CDU/CSU) ................ 7589 B Michael Brand (Fulda) (CDU/CSU) ....... 7609 D Paul Viktor Podolay (AfD) .............. 7590 B René Röspel (SPD) .................... 7610 D Kerstin Griese (SPD) .................. 7590 D Oliver Grundmann (CDU/CSU) .......... 7611 C Katrin Helling-Plahr (FDP) .............. 7591 C Mario Mieruch (fraktionslos) ............ 7612 B Dr. Petra Sitte (DIE LINKE) ............. 7592 B Axel Müller (CDU/CSU) ............... 7613 A Dr. Kirsten Kappert-Gonther (BÜNDNIS 90/ Thomas Rachel (CDU/CSU)
    [Show full text]
  • Fma Visit to Berlin in the Context of the German Presidency 26 - 27 October 2020
    FMA VISIT TO BERLIN IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GERMAN PRESIDENCY 26 - 27 OCTOBER 2020 FMA Secretariat Office JAN 2Q73 European Parliament B-1047 Brussels Tel : +322.284.07.03 Fax : +332.284.09.89 E-mail : [email protected] Content I. Germany ........................................................................................................................... 3 1. History ......................................................................................................................... 3 2. Culture......................................................................................................................... 5 II. Germany’s EU Presidency 2020 ........................................................................................... 9 1. Programme of the Presidency.......................................................................................... 9 2. Priority Dossiers under the German EU Council Presidency .................................................28 3. German Presidency priorities discussed in parliamentary committees ..................................31 III. Politics in Germany ..........................................................................................................33 1. Political System ............................................................................................................33 2. Brief history of the parliamentarian institution..................................................................38 3. Recent political context .................................................................................................39
    [Show full text]
  • Sample Chapter
    Copyright material – 9781137025746 Contents List of Figures, Tables and Boxes viii Preface to the Second Edition x List of Abbreviations xii Introduction 1 Scope, Rationale and Relevance of the Book 1 The Changing Context of EU Foreign Policy 4 Objectives and Approach 6 Outline of Chapters 6 1 The Nature of EU Foreign Policy 11 Understanding EU Foreign Policy 11 Areas of Tension in EU Foreign Policy 19 Back to the Treaties: Principles and Objectives 25 Relational and Structural Foreign Policy 27 The Globalizing Context of EU Foreign Policy 30 Conclusion 33 2 European Integration and Foreign Policy: Historical Overview 35 European Integration: The Product of a Structural Foreign Policy (1945–52) 35 The First Decades (1952–70): A Taboo on Defence, Decisive Steps on Trade and International Agreements 39 European Political Cooperation: Setting the Stage (1970–93) 42 The Maastricht Treaty (1993) and the Illusory CFSP 46 The Amsterdam Treaty (1999) and ESDP: Moving towards Action 51 Eastern Enlargement (2004/07), the Lisbon Treaty (2009) and New Challenges 55 Conclusion 60 3 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Actors 61 One Framework, Two Policy-making Methods, or a Continuum? 61 The European Council 63 The Council 66 The Commission 72 The High Representative/Vice-President and the EEAS 77 The European Parliament 85 v Copyright material – 9781137025746 vi Contents The Court of Justice 89 Other Actors 90 Conclusion 93 4 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Policy-making 94 Competences 94 Decision-making 97 Policy-making in Practice 104 Financing EU Foreign
    [Show full text]
  • Zeit-Stiftung Ebelin Und Gerd Bucerius Tätigkeitsbericht 2018
    ZEIT-STIFTUNG EBELIN UND GERD BUCERIUS TÄTIGKEITSBERICHT 2018 INHALT 3 Fördertätigkeit der Stiftung 2018 3 Executive Summary 9 Wissenschaft und Forschung 9 Stipendienprogramme 10 Migrationsforschung 11 Metropolenforschung 11 Rechtswissenschaft 12 Geschichte/Geschichtswissenschaften 13 Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit 15 Israel 16 Publikationen 17 Kunst und Kultur 17 Musik 19 Denkmalpflege/Kulturerhalt 19 Theater 22 Literatur 24 Museen/Ausstellungen/Kunst 26 Publikationen 27 Kultur und Öffentlichkeit 29 Bildung und Erziehung 29 Schulische Bildung 32 Sonstige 34 Gesprächskreise 34 Presseförderung 38 Bildung und Öffentlichkeit 39 Politik und Gesellschaft 39 Governance 41 Gesellschaftspolitische Veranstaltungen 45 Publikationen 47 Bucerius Lab 50 Alumni-Netzwerk 51 Deutsche Nationalstiftung 52 Presse- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit 54 Impressum ZEIT-STIFTUNG EBELIN UND GERD BUCERIUS FÖRDERTÄTIGKEIT DER STIFTUNG 2018 Executive Summary Aufgrund der Turbulenzen an den Aktienmärkten musste im abgelaufenen Jahr bei den Kapitalanlagen mit -4,9% (Vorjahr +7,3%) erstmals seit 2011 wieder eine negative Wertentwicklung hingenommen werden. Dagegen fiel das ordentliche Finanzergebnis (Zinserträge, Mieten, Dividenden abzgl. Grundstücksabschrei- bungen und -aufwendungen) mit € 24,3 Mio. (Vorjahr € 23,3 Mio.) erfreulich aus. Die Wertpapier-Spezialfonds schütteten insgesamt € 20,0 Mio. aus. Nach Verwaltungskosten und Dotierung der Kapitalerhaltungsrücklage verblieb für Förderzwecke ein Betrag von € 17,9 Mio. Es erfolgten 158 Bewilligungen. Auf die drei Satzungsbereiche verteilten sich die Bewilligungen wie folgt: Kunst und Kultur € 4,1 Mio., Wissenschaft € 9,3 Mio. und Bildung € 4,5 Mio. Etwa 5% des Fördervolumens entfiel auf Projekte im Ausland. Der Aufwand für die Verwaltung der Stiftung erhöhte sich leicht auf € 3,4 Mio. (+2,3%). Die Personalaufwendungen lagen nahezu unverändert bei € 2,5 Mio.; der Pensionsrückstellung waren € 202.000,- zuzuführen.
    [Show full text]