Zeit-Stiftung Ebelin Und Gerd Bucerius Tätigkeitsbericht 2018
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Framing Through Names and Titles in German
Proceedings of the 12th Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC 2020), pages 4924–4932 Marseille, 11–16 May 2020 c European Language Resources Association (ELRA), licensed under CC-BY-NC Doctor Who? Framing Through Names and Titles in German Esther van den Berg∗z, Katharina Korfhagey, Josef Ruppenhofer∗z, Michael Wiegand∗ and Katja Markert∗y ∗Leibniz ScienceCampus, Heidelberg/Mannheim, Germany yInstitute of Computational Linguistics, Heidelberg University, Germany zInstitute for German Language, Mannheim, Germany fvdberg|korfhage|[email protected] fruppenhofer|[email protected] Abstract Entity framing is the selection of aspects of an entity to promote a particular viewpoint towards that entity. We investigate entity framing of political figures through the use of names and titles in German online discourse, enhancing current research in entity framing through titling and naming that concentrates on English only. We collect tweets that mention prominent German politicians and annotate them for stance. We find that the formality of naming in these tweets correlates positively with their stance. This confirms sociolinguistic observations that naming and titling can have a status-indicating function and suggests that this function is dominant in German tweets mentioning political figures. We also find that this status-indicating function is much weaker in tweets from users that are politically left-leaning than in tweets by right-leaning users. This is in line with observations from moral psychology that left-leaning and right-leaning users assign different importance to maintaining social hierarchies. Keywords: framing, naming, Twitter, German, stance, sentiment, social media 1. Introduction An interesting language to contrast with English in terms of naming and titling is German. -
Monitor Electoral
ANGELA MERKEL SE PREPARA PARA SU CUARTO MANDATO COMO CANCILLER FEDERAL: CONFORMACIÓN Y DESAFÍOS DE LA NUEVA GRAN COALICIÓN EN ALEMANIA 7 DE MARZO DE 2018 MONITOR ELECTORAL Fuente: Diario El País. ANÁLISIS E INVESTIGACIÓN El 4 de marzo, las bases socialdemócratas alemanas dieron el “Sí” a la coalición de Gobierno con los conservadores. Desde el 24 de septiembre de 2017, cuando tuvieron lugar las elecciones generales, hasta esta fecha, habrán transcurrido más de cinco meses para que la Canciller Angela Merkel pudiera formar gobierno. En el camino de las negociaciones, las dificultades y obstáculos fueron muchos y provinieron de las reticencias de los principales partidos que dominan el escenario político en Alemania. Un primer intento fallido fue el de la conformación de la así denominada Coalición Jamaica, que dio paso al tránsito hacia una fórmula que en buena medida repite la coalición de 2013 entre conservadores y socialdemócratas. El proceso no sólo ha dejado un desgaste relevante en el liderazgo e influencia de los líderes de los partidos y desde luego en la imagen de la propia Canciller Federal. También ha hecho lo propio con Martín Schulz, quien fracasó en su objetivo de asumir la cartera de Asuntos Exteriores. Pareciera, en este sentido, que la Gran Coalición es un mayor acierto para Europa, que para distintos actores en el ámbito nacional. El bloque comunitario ansiaba la conclusión de las negociaciones para poner en marcha el eje París-Berlín y así dar forma a un ambicioso proyecto para renovar la Unión. Pero, al interior del país existe el temor de que en el largo plazo la Gran Coalición fortalezca a la extrema derecha, por lo que conservadores y socialdemócratas tendrán que buscar la forma de que estas fuerzas no les arrebaten más simpatías. -
Is There a Case for Rekindled Democracy Assistance in Central
Is there a case for rekindled democracy assistance in Central and Eastern Europe? International IDEA 25th Anniversary Europe Webinar Thursday 19 November, 11h00-13h00 Background In the two decades following the fall of the Berlin Wall, European and US governments undertook considerable efforts to support reforms for strengthening democratic governance in Central Europe. This support included efforts to foster multi-party politics and institutionalization of political parties, reforming public administration bodies, strengthening parliaments and judicial bodies, supporting independent media and civil society organizations – all vital pillars for a well-functioning democracy. After the Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union, much of the international democracy assistance ended too, as western donors considered the region to have accomplished the necessary milestones in its democratic transformation and having passed the point of democratic no-return. Democracy’s checks-and-balances, they argued, had made a reversal toward non-democracy practically impossible. Throughout the last decade, this assumption of democratic irreversibility has come under increasing pressure. In 2019, the Global State of Democracy Indices measured that democracy in Central Europe had declined for the fourth consecutive year. In its 2020 report, Freedom House classified Hungary as a hybrid regime, having declined further from its earlier status of a semi-consolidated democracy, and thus breaking the standard of democratic conformity within the European Union, a multilateral body that itself aims to be a supporter of democracy worldwide. Civil society organizations, and more broadly civic space – which are conventionally considered key factors in building societal and institutional resilience against democratic backsliding – have become increasingly targeted. -
Agenda 2010“ in Der SPD: Ein Beispiel Mangelnder Innerparteilicher Demokratie?
Bamberger Beiträge zur Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft Heft 2 Simon Preuß Der Willensbildungsprozess zur „Agenda 2010“ in der SPD: Ein Beispiel mangelnder innerparteilicher Demokratie? Überarbeitete und gekürzte Version der Diplomarbeit zum selben Thema Inhaltsverzeichnis I Einleitung .................................................................................................................................................- 1 - II Innerparteiliche Demokratie in der theoretischen Diskussion ............................................................- 9 - 1. Verschiedene Modelle innerparteilicher Demokratie.........................................................................- 10 - 2. Das Grundgesetz und das Parteiengesetz von 1967 ...........................................................................- 11 - 3. Michels „ehernes Gesetz der Oligarchie“..........................................................................................- 13 - 3.1. Ursachen der Oligarchisierung..................................................................................................- 13 - 3.2. Machtressourcen der Parteiführung...........................................................................................- 14 - 4. Neuere Arbeiten zur innerparteilichen Demokratie............................................................................- 15 - 5. Parteien als „lose verkoppelte Anarchien“?......................................................................................- 17 - 6. Neuere empirische Untersuchungen zu Machtressourcen -
Pen Inneres, Angelegenheiten Der Europäischen Union Und Außenpolitik Anzusehen
Christine Lambrecht Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages Erste Parlamentarische Geschäftsführerin der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion Deutscher Bundestag, Platz der Republik 1, 11011 Berlin Tel.: (030) – 227 - 73 286 Fax: (030) – 227 - 70 286 Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.christine-lambrecht.de Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/Christine.Lambrecht.188 Presseinformation „In innen- und weltpolitisch spannenden Zeiten im Bundestag“ Viernheim/Berlin, Mai 2017 – Im Rahmen eines Praktikums im Berliner Büro von Christine Lambrecht, Erste Parlamentarische Geschäftsführerin der SPD- Bundestagsfraktion und Bergsträßer Bundestagsabgeordnete, gewann die Studentin aus Neckarsteinach, Marlene Pfeifer, wertvolle Einblicke in die politische Arbeit des Deutschen Bundestages. Im Folgenden dokumentieren wir ihren Praktikumsbericht: In diesen innen- und weltpolitisch spannenden Zeiten durfte ich neun Wochen lang die Arbeit der Ersten Parlamentarischen Geschäftsführerin der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion und Bergsträßer Abgeordneten Christine Lambrecht und ihres Teams in Berlin kennenlernen und begleiten. Da ich mich in meinem Studium hauptsächlich mit Fragen zu internationalen Beziehungen und den USA beschäftige, war dieses Praktikum für mich eine tolle Chance einen Einblick in die deutsche Politik zu bekommen. Da meine erste Woche in eine Sitzungswoche fiel, lernte ich vom ersten Tag an den Alltag von Christine Lambrecht in Berlin kennen. Die Begleitung zu parteiinternen Veranstaltungen, wie z.B. der Fraktionssitzung, oder zu dem Pressegespräch mit -
CDU/CSU Identität Und Demokratie GUE/NGL
CDU/CSU Identität und Demokratie GUE/NGL Hildegard BENTELE (CDU) Christine ANDERSON Özlem DEMIREL Stefan BERGER (CDU) Gunnar BECK Cornelia ERNST Daniel CASPARY (CDU) Lars Patrick BERG Martina MICHELS Christian DOLESCHAL (CSU) Markus BUCHHEIT Martin SCHIRDEWAN Lena DÜPONT (CDU) Nicolaus FEST Helmut SCHOLZ Christian EHLER (CDU) Maximilian KRAH Markus FERBER (CSU) Joachim KUHS ECR-Fraktion Michael GAHLER (CDU) Sylvia LIMMER Helmut GEUKING Jens GIESEKE (CDU n.A. Jörg MEUTHEN Niclas HERBST (CDU) Guido REIL Fraktionslos Monika HOHLMEIER (CSU) Bernhard ZIMNIOK Martin BUSCHMANN Peter JAHR (CDU) Martin SONNEBORN Peter LIESE (CDU n.A. Grüne Norbert LINS (CDU Rasmus ANDRESEN SPD David McALLISTER (CDU) Michael BLOSS Katarina BARLEY Marlene MORTLER (CSU) Damian BOESELAGER Udo BULLMANN Angelika NIEBLER (CSU) Patrick BREYER Gabriele BISCHOFF Markus PIEPER (CDU) Reinhard BÜTIKOFER Delara BURKHARDT Dennis RADTKE (CDU) Anna CAVAZZINI Ismail ERTUG Christine SCHNEIDER (CDU) Anna DEPARNAY-GRUNENBERG Evelyne GEBHARDT Sven SCHULZE (CDU) Romeo FRANZ Jens GEIER Andreas SCHWAB (CDU) Daniel FREUND Petra KAMMEREVERT Ralf SEEKATZ (CDU Alexandra GEESE Dietmar KÖSTER Sven SIMON (CDU) Sven GIEGOLD Constanze KREHL Sabine VERHEYEN (CDU) Henrike HAHN Bernd LANGE Axel VOSS (CDU) Martin HÄUSLING Norbert NEUSER Marion WALSMANN (CDU) Pierrette HERZBERGER-FOFANA Maria NOICHL Manfred WEBER (CDU) Ska KELLER Joachim SCHUSTER Rainer WIELAND (CDU) Sergey LAGODINSKY Birgit SIPPEL Katrin LANGENSIEPEN Tiemo WÖLKEN Renew Europe Erik MARQUARDT Nicola BEER Hannah NEUMANN Engin EROGLU Niklas NIENASS Andreas GLÜCK Jutta PAULUS Svenja HAHN Terry REINTKE Moritz KÖRNER Manuela RIPA Ulrike MÜLLER Nico SEMSROTT Jan-Christoph OETJEN Viola VON CRAMON-TAUBADEL . -
2018 Charlevoix G7 Final Compliance Report 10 June 2018 — 25 July 2019
The G7 Research Group at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at Trinity College in the University of Toronto presents the 2018 Charlevoix G7 Final Compliance Report 10 June 2018 — 25 July 2019 Prepared by Angela Min Yi Hou, Julia Tops, and Cindy Xinying Ou 23 August 2019 www.g7.utoronto.ca [email protected] @g7_rg “We have meanwhile set up a process and there are also independent institutions monitoring which objectives of our G7 meetings we actually achieve. When it comes to these goals we have a compliance rate of about 80%, according to the University of Toronto. Germany, with its 87%, comes off pretty well. That means that next year too, under the Japanese G7 presidency, we are going to check where we stand in comparison to what we have discussed with each other now. So a lot of what we have resolved to do here together is something that we are going to have to work very hard at over the next few months. But I think that it has become apparent that we, as the G7, want to assume responsibility far beyond the prosperity in our own countries. That’s why today’s outreach meetings, that is the meetings with our guests, were also of great importance.” Chancellor Angela Merkel, Schloss Elmau, 8 June 2015 G7 summits are a moment for people to judge whether aspirational intent is met by concrete commitments. The G7 Research Group provides a report card on the implementation of G7 and G20 commitments. It is a good moment for the public to interact with leaders and say, you took a leadership position on these issues — a year later, -
Strengthening Transatlantic Dialogue 2019 Annual Report Making Table of an Impact Contents
STRENGTHENING TRANSATLANTIC DIALOGUE 2019 ANNUAL REPORT MAKING TABLE OF AN IMPACT CONTENTS THE AMERICAN COUNCIL 01 A Message from the President ON GERMANY WAS INCORPORATED IN 1952 POLICY PROGRAMS in New York as a private, nonpartisan 02 2019 Event Highlights nonprofit organization to promote 05 German-American Conference reconciliation and understanding between Germans and Americans 06 Eric M. Warburg Chapters in the aftermath of World War II. 08 Deutschlandjahr USA 2018/2019 PROGRAMS FOR THE SUCCESSOR GENERATION THE ACG HELD MORE THAN 140 EVENTS IN 2019, 10 American-German Young Leaders Program addressing topics from security 13 Fellowships policy to trade relations and from 14 Study Tours technology to urban development. PARTNERS IN PROMOTING TRANSATLANTIC COOPERATION SINCE THEIR INCEPTION 16 John J. McCloy Awards Dinner IN 1992, THE NUMBER OF 18 Corporate Membership Program ERIC M. WARBURG Corporate and Foundation Support CHAPTERS HAS GROWN TO 22 IN 18 STATES. 19 Co-Sponsors and Collaborating Organizations In 2019, the ACG also was Individual Support active in more than 15 additional communities. ABOUT THE ACG 20 The ACG and Its Mission 21 Officers, Directors, and Staff MORE THAN 100 INDIVIDUALS PARTICIPATED IN AN IMMERSIVE EXCHANGE EXPERIENCE through programs such as the American-German Young Leaders Conference, study tours, and fact-finding missions in 2019. More than 1,100 rising stars have VISION participated in the Young Leaders program since its launch in 1973. The American Council on Germany (ACG) is the leading U.S.-based forum for strengthening German-American relations. It delivers a deep MORE THAN 1,100 and nuanced understanding of why Germany INDIVIDUALS HAVE matters, because the only way to understand TRAVELED ACROSS THE ATLANTIC contemporary Europe is to understand Germany’s since 1976 to broaden their personal role within Europe and around the world. -
Deutscher Bundestag
Plenarprotokoll 19/67 Deutscher Bundestag Stenografischer Bericht 67. Sitzung Berlin, Mittwoch, den 28. November 2018 Inhalt: Ausschussüberweisungen ............... 7583 A Wolfgang Kubicki (FDP) ............... 7601 C Kathrin Vogler (DIE LINKE) ............ 7602 B Tagesordnungspunkt 1: Sylvia Kotting-Uhl (BÜNDNIS 90/ DIE GRÜNEN) ..................... 7603 B Vereinbarte Debatte: Organspende 7583 B Stephan Pilsinger (CDU/CSU) ........... 7604 A Karin Maag (CDU/CSU) ............... 7583 D Detlev Spangenberg (AfD) .............. 7604 D Dr. Axel Gehrke (AfD) ................. 7584 D Hilde Mattheis (SPD) .................. 7605 C Dr. Karl Lauterbach (SPD) .............. 7585 C Dr. Claudia Schmidtke (CDU/CSU) ....... 7606 B Christine Aschenberg-Dugnus (FDP) ...... 7586 C Helge Lindh (SPD) .................... 7607 A Katja Kipping (DIE LINKE) ............ 7587 C Rudolf Henke (CDU/CSU) .............. 7608 A Annalena Baerbock (BÜNDNIS 90/ DIE GRÜNEN) ..................... 7588 B Leni Breymaier (SPD) ................. 7608 D Jens Spahn (CDU/CSU) ................ 7589 B Michael Brand (Fulda) (CDU/CSU) ....... 7609 D Paul Viktor Podolay (AfD) .............. 7590 B René Röspel (SPD) .................... 7610 D Kerstin Griese (SPD) .................. 7590 D Oliver Grundmann (CDU/CSU) .......... 7611 C Katrin Helling-Plahr (FDP) .............. 7591 C Mario Mieruch (fraktionslos) ............ 7612 B Dr. Petra Sitte (DIE LINKE) ............. 7592 B Axel Müller (CDU/CSU) ............... 7613 A Dr. Kirsten Kappert-Gonther (BÜNDNIS 90/ Thomas Rachel (CDU/CSU) -
Fma Visit to Berlin in the Context of the German Presidency 26 - 27 October 2020
FMA VISIT TO BERLIN IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GERMAN PRESIDENCY 26 - 27 OCTOBER 2020 FMA Secretariat Office JAN 2Q73 European Parliament B-1047 Brussels Tel : +322.284.07.03 Fax : +332.284.09.89 E-mail : [email protected] Content I. Germany ........................................................................................................................... 3 1. History ......................................................................................................................... 3 2. Culture......................................................................................................................... 5 II. Germany’s EU Presidency 2020 ........................................................................................... 9 1. Programme of the Presidency.......................................................................................... 9 2. Priority Dossiers under the German EU Council Presidency .................................................28 3. German Presidency priorities discussed in parliamentary committees ..................................31 III. Politics in Germany ..........................................................................................................33 1. Political System ............................................................................................................33 2. Brief history of the parliamentarian institution..................................................................38 3. Recent political context .................................................................................................39 -
INTERNATIONAL ARREST WARRANT Issued on 8 March 2019 by Dr. Andrej Poleev MERKEL, ANGELA WANTED by the JUDICIAL AUTHORITY OF
Фонд конституционного строительства INTERNATIONAL ARREST WARRANT Issued on 8 March 2019 by Dr. Andrej Poleev MERKEL, ANGELA WANTED BY THE JUDICIAL AUTHORITY OF THE COMMUNITY RUS‘ IDENTITY PARTICULARS Present family name: MERKEL Forename: ANGELA Sex: Female Date of birth: 17/07/1954 (64 years old) Place of birth: Hamburg, Germany Language spoken: German, English Nationality: German CHARGES Published as provided by requesting entity Charges: corruption, cronyism, promotion of pseudoscience, unjust enrichment, money laundering, intimidation of citizens and willful violation of their rights, illegal seizure of power, organization and promotion of political state terror, human trafficking for the purpose of forced labor exploitation, endangerment of the public health, wilful breach of duties, contravention against directly enforceable law, impersonating a public servant, participation in a criminal organisation. PHOTOS Physical location(s): 1. Bundeskanzleramt, Willy-Brandt-Straße 1, 10557 Berlin, Germany. 2. Am Kupfergraben 6, 10117 Berlin, Germany. constitution.fund Фонд конституционного строительства REFERENCES 1. Personal site. https://www.bundeskanzlerin.de/ 2. Bundeskanzleramt. https://www.bundeskanzlerin.de/bkin-en/angela-merkel 3. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angela_Merkel 4. Hochstaplerin. http://enzymes.at/download/conwoman.pdf 5. A. Poleev. Review of the „Handbook of Antisocial personality disorder“. Enzymes, 2018. http://enzymes.at/download/Rezension.pdf 6. German Laundromat. http://enzymes.at/indictments/laundromat.pdf -
Schemmel Owen Split Leadership DONE
David Owen & Christian Schemmel Strength in Division Left-Right Antagonism and the Practice of ‘Split Leadership’ In ‘The Discourses’, the infamously astute republican thinker Niccolo Machiavelli argued that the strength and vitality of the Roman Republic, compared to other republics, lay in the fact that it successfully institutionalised the inevitable antagonism between the people and the elite. Thus, each held the threat posed to the republic by the other in check, and republican liberty was preserved. Machiavelli mercilessly mocked the pieties of republican thinkers who imagined a harmonious transcendence of this antagonism. He recognised that a sustainable balance of opposing forces could produce something stronger and more resilient than efforts at harmonious unity could realistically hope to achieve. Machiavelli’s insight is one that the Labour Party, in the midst of its current travails, would do well to remember. The history of the Labour Party is also one of antagonism between opposed forces. Simplifying somewhat, we can see the recent implosion as a recurrence of a tension that has structured the history of the Party from its inception. This tension plays out between a Left that is focused on Labour as a transformative social movement, and a Right that is focused on the acquisition of Parliamentary power (with plenty of folk in between). When the Party functions at its best, the role of the Left is to keep the Right honest, to block its tendency to surrender too much in its electoral pursuit of power, to prioritize short-term tactics over long-term strategy. The role of the Right is to keep the Left focused on the point that principle is impotent in the absence of power, that sacrificing electoral success (or deluding yourself concerning the prospects of such success) for ideological reasons surrenders the field to an enemy who will not advance the interests of the people that the Labour Party is meant to serve.