Our History. Germany Since 1945
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Jahrbuch Für Kulturpolitik 2009 Jahrbuch Für Kulturpolitik 2009 · Band 9 INSTITUT FÜR KULTURPOLITIK DER KULTURPOLITISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT E
Institut für Kulturpolitik der Kulturpolitischen Gesellschaft (Hrsg.) Jahrbuch für Kulturpolitik 2009 Jahrbuch für Kulturpolitik 2009 · Band 9 INSTITUT FÜR KULTURPOLITIK DER KULTURPOLITISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT E. V. (Hrsg.) Das Jahrbuch für Kulturpolitik ■ greift jeweils ein besonders bemerkenswertes Thema der kultur- politischen Diskussion als Schwerpunkt auf; ■ reflektiert wichtige gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen im Lichte der Kulturpolitik; ■ dient als Plattform, um Perspektiven der Kulturpolitik – jen- seits des hektischen Tagesgeschäfts – zu diskutieren; ■ versteht sich als Instrument der Politikberatung im kommu- nalen Bereich wie auf Länder- und Bundesebene; ■ stellt zentrale Ergebnisse der kulturstatistischen Forschung zusammen und widmet der Kulturstatistik ein besonderes Augenmerk; ■ dokumentiert wichtige Daten und Ereignisse der Kulturpolitik des abgelaufenen Jahres; ■ verweist in einer umfangreichen Bibliografie auf Veröffent- lichungen zur Bundes-, Landes- und lokalen Kulturpolitik; ■ entwickelt sich als laufende Berichterstattung zur umfassen- den Dokumentation der Kulturpolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland HERAUSGEGEBEN FÜR DAS INSTITUT FÜR KULTURPOLITIK DER KULTURPOLITISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT E. V. VON BERND WAGNER Jahrbuch für Kulturpolitik 2009 Band 9 Thema: Erinnerungskulturen und Geschichtspolitik ■ Kulturstatistik ■ Chronik ■ Literatur ■ Adressen Das »Jahrbuch für Kulturpolitik« wird aus Mitteln des Beauftragen der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien gefördert. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die -
Bibliography
Bibliography I. Primary Sources A. Manuscript Collections and Government Archives Foreign Affairs Oral History Program (FAOHP), Georgetown University Washington, D.C. (copies also deposited at George C. Marshall Library) Everett Bellows (February 1989) David S. Brown (March 1989) Vincent V. Checchi (July 1990) Lincoln Gordon (January 1988) John J. Grady (August 1989) William Parks (November 1988) Melbourne Spector (December 1988) Joseph Toner (October 1989) Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. W. Averell Harriman Papers George C. Marshall Library, Lexington, Virginia Dowsley Clark Collection European Recovery Plan Commemoratives Collection William C. Foster Papers George C. Marshall Papers Marshall Plan Photograph Collection Forrest Pogue Interviews (Paul Hoffman and John McCloy) Harry B. Price Interviews (conducted 1952–54) ECA and OEEC Leland Barrows Richard M. Bissell Samuel Board Harlan Cleveland H. Van B. Cleveland John O. Coppock Glenn Craig D. A. Fitzgerald William C. Foster Theodore Geiger Lincoln Gordon W. Averell Harriman Carroll Hinman Paul Hoffman E. N. Holmgren John Lindeman Shaw Livermore Robert Marjolin Orbun V. Powell MacDonald Salter Melbourne Spector Harold Stein Donald C. Stone Allan Swim Samuel Van Hyning Greece (Americans) Michael H. B. Adler Leland Barrows Dowsley Clark John O. Coppock Helene Granby Joseph F. Heath Robert Hirschberg Paul A. Jenkins Brice M. Mace Lawrence B. Myers Walter E. Packard Paul R. Porter 163 Bibliography Greece (Americans—continued) Alan D. Strachan Edward A. Tenenbaum John O. Walker Greece (Greeks) Costa Hadjiagyras Constantin D. Tsatsos Italy (Americans) Vincent M. Barnett William E. Corfitzen Henry J. Costanzo Bartlett Harvey Thomas A. Lane Dominic J. Marcello Walter C. McAdoo Guido Nadzo Chauncey Parker Donald Simmons James Toughill Italy (Italians) Giovanni Malagodi Donato Menichella Ernesto Rossi Turkey (Americans) Clifton H. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
Dossier Geschichte Und Erinnerung
Dossier Geschichte und Erinnerung bpb.de Dossier: Geschichte und Erinnerung (Erstellt am 23.09.2021) 2 Einleitung Debatten wie beispielsweise um das Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas zeigen, wie gegenwärtig die Vergangenheit ist. Der Umgang mit der deutschen Geschichte wird auch in Zukunft Thema in Politik und Gesellschaft sein, wird Wissenschaft und Unterricht beschäftigen und auch in den Familien immer wieder diskutiert werden – denn Geschichte wird in jeder Generation neu erzählt. Und dies geschieht zunehmend auch als Medienereignis und lockt Millionen vor die Fernseher. Aber können Dokudramen und historische Spielfilme den Geschichtsunterricht ersetzen? Wie verändern die neuen Medien unser Bild von der Vergangenheit? Und wie vermittelt man Geschichte an die kommenden Generationen und an Jugendliche z.B mit polnischen oder türkischen Wurzeln? Das Dossier bietet einen Überblick über die Geschichte der Erinnerungskultur in beiden deutschen Staaten, blickt zurück auf vergangene Kontroversen und sucht nach Antworten, wie die Erinnerung in Zukunft aussehen könnte. Dabei geht es auch um die Frage, inwieweit nationale kollektive Erinnerungen von einem gemeinsamen europäischen oder transnationalen Gedächtnis abgelöst werden können. bpb.de Dossier: Geschichte und Erinnerung (Erstellt am 23.09.2021) 3 Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Geschichte - Erinnerung - Politik 5 1.1 Gedächtnis-Formen 6 1.2 Politik mit Geschichte – Geschichtspolitik? 9 1.3 Geschichtsmythen und Nationenbildung 14 1.4 Mythen der Neutralität 18 1.5 Kollektives Gedächtnis 26 1.6 -
Die Marginale Repräsentation Sozialer Demokratie Im Kultur! Historischen Museum
ERINNERUNGSKULTUREN DER SOZIALEN DEMOKRATIE DIE MARGINALE REPRÄSENTATION SOZIALER DEMOKRATIE IM KULTUR! HISTORISCHEN MUSEUM Arbeitspapier aus der Kommission „Erinnerungskulturen der sozialen Demokratie“ Wolfgang Jäger – August 2021 HERMANN HELLER GLEICHHEIT TARIFVERTRAG SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN SOLIDARITÄT ROSA LUXEMBURG MIGRATION HANS BÖCKLER LIEUX DE MEMOIRE ERINNERUNGSPOLITIK BREUNING FRITZ NAPHTALI ! ARBEITERBEWEGUNG GUSTAV BAUER THEODOR LOHMANN LOUISE OTTO!PETERS FRAUENBEWEGUNG CARL LEGIEN EDUARD BERNSTEIN STREIK BÜRGERLICHE SOZIALREFORM MITBESTIMMUNG CLARA ZETKIN OSWALD VON NELL VON OSWALD GEWERKSCHAFTEN HEINRICH BRAUNS LUJO BRENTANO MEMORY STUDIES MEMORY Wolfgang Jäger, Dr. phil., ist Research Fellow am Institut für soziale Bewe- gungen und Lehrbeauftragter der Ruhr-Universität Bochum. Von 2004 bis 2017 war er Geschäftsführer der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung. Zu seinen aktuellen Publikationen zählen: Mitbestimmung im Zeichen von Kohle und Stahl. De- batten um die Montanmitbestimmung im nationalen und europäischen Kon- text, hrsg. mit Karl Lauschke und Jürgen Mittag (2020); Gewerkschaften in revolutionären Zeiten. Deutschland in Europa 1917 bis 1923, hrsg. mit Stefan Berger und Anja Kruke (2020); Soziale Bürgerrechte im Museum. Die Re- präsentation sozialer Demokratie in neun kulturhistorischen Museen (2020); Soziale Sicherheit statt Chaos. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bergarbeiterbe- wegung an der Ruhr (2018). Online ist er bei Twitter (@dr_wjaeger) und Fa- cebook (drwjaeger) zu finden. Zu dieser Publikation Auf Initiative der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung -
More Than a Dream? Obama's Vision of A
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. USA OLIVER STUENKEL More than a dream? Juni 2009 Obama’s vision of a nuclear arms-free world www.kas.de www.kas.de/usa “Our age has stolen the fire from the plement his strategy? Most importantly, will Gods. Can we confine it to peaceful means it work? before it consumes us?” Henry Kissinger In fact, Mr. Obama's plan is not only timely, In Prague on April 5th, Barack Obama an- but also increasingly persuasive for main- nounced a drastic change in U.S. nuclear stream thinkers. Whether it will work, how- policy. It would be his goal to eliminate all ever, is another matter entirely. nuclear weapons, calling it “America’s moral responsibility” to eventually “get to zero”. OBAMA’S NUCLEAR PROBLEM His initiative received mixed reactions from President Obama's vision of a world without analysts around the world. On the one nuclear arms is not as revolutionary as it hand, optimists praised his efforts and may seem. Days after the first nuclear de- hailed Obama’s vision as a new beginning. vices were tested in New Mexico in 1945, On the other hand, pessimists called his several members of the Manhattan Project plan inadequate for a world as dangerous as formulated their desire to put the nuclear ever. genie back in the bottle. Every American President since Dwight Eisenhower has pro- The timing could not have been worse. Only claimed the objective of a world without nu- hours before the speech, North Korea’s Kim clear weapons. In 1986, Ronald Reagan and Jong Il had provided critics with ammunition Mikhail Gorbachev discussed eliminating nu- by launching a nuclear capable missile that clear weapons altogether during a meeting flew 3200 km, including over Japanese ter- in Reykjavik, causing outrage among ritory, before falling into the Pacific. -
'Kennedy at the Line in the Sand', from Süddeutsche Zeitung
‘Kennedy at the line in the sand’, from Süddeutsche Zeitung Caption: On 27 June 1963, commenting on the visit of US President, John F. Kennedy, to West Berlin the previous day, the German daily newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung considers the German question and the division of Berlin. Source: Süddeutsche Zeitung. Münchner Neueste Nachrichten aus Politik, Kultur, Wirtschaft und Sport. Hrsg. Dürrmeier, Hans ; Herausgeber Proebst, Hermann. 27.06.1963, Nr. 153; 19. Jg. München: Süddeutscher Verlag. "Kennedy am Kreidestrich", auteur:Schuster, Hans , p. 1; 2. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/kennedy_at_the_line_in_the_sand_from_suddeutsche_zeitu ng-en-2f8118c6-c6fe-4950-8531-00285d57dcb8.html Last updated: 06/07/2016 1/3 Kennedy at the line in the sand By Hans Schuster Millions of eyewitnesses from far and near will never forget the image: the President of the United States at the Wall which has become a symbol of sorrow throughout the world — opposite him the Brandenburg Gate, draped with red flags by nervous guards. The inherent qualities of the two worlds which abut one another here in the heart of Germany could not be demonstrated more clearly. On one side: confidence — newly won after many vicissitudes — in the moral and ultimately also political superiority of freedom; on the other: fear of the ungovernable freedom virus which, amongst other things, also has the ability to pass unchecked through prohibited zones, walls and barriers. -
GERMAN LANGUAGE GUIDE 1. KONRAD ADENAUER A. Dwight D
GERMAN LANGUAGE GUIDE 1. KONRAD ADENAUER A. Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Papers as President (Ann Whitman File), International Series, Boxes 14-16 Consists of some 30 file folders. Includes social and official correspondence between Eisenhower and Adenauer, background documentation surrounding Adenauer’s visit to the United States in 1960, and memos discussing issues of joint U.S.-FRG concern. Some of Adenauer’s letters are in German with State Department translations provided. The student can report to the class on German “diplomatic language” found in Adenauer’s letters and not normally learned in the classroom and can also describe important issues facing the United States and Federal Republic of Germany during this period. B. Papers of John Foster Dulles, General Correspondence and Memoranda Series Box 1, File Folder: “Memos of Conversations General A Through D (1).” Contains memoranda of Secretary Dulles’ conversations with Adenauer on various European matters. Box 2, File Folder: “Strictly Confidential - A-B (1).” This file includes letters exchanged between Adenauer and Dulles, including letters in German plus translations. These cover relations with the Soviet Union, Germany, and other matters and reflect the close relationship between Secretary Dulles and Chancellor Adenauer. C. Papers of Eleanor Lansing Dulles, Box 13, File Folders: “Adenauer Funeral (1)-(3).” These three folders include material on the state funeral for German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, which Ms. Dulles attended. The folders contain some material in German, various schedules and itineraries of President Lyndon Johnson who attended, and newspaper clippings of the event. The student can report on religious terminology found in the funeral program and not normally studied in the classroom. -
The De Gaulle – Adenauer Couple and Franco-German Economic Relations During Their Time
ȾɉȿɃɓɈɃɅɈȻɇɃɈɈɉȾɀɉɆɉɁɅɃɚɎɈɃȽɀɋɌɃɍɀɍ “ɌȽ. ɃȽȻɈɋɃɆɌɅɃ”, ɍɩɧ 52, Ɍɝ. IV, ɐɮɧɛɨɣɭɛɫɨɣɣɬɭɩɪɛɨɬɥɣɨɛɮɥɣ, 2009 ANNUAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINING AND GEOLOGY “ST. IVAN RILSKI”, Vol. 52, Part IV, Humanitarian sciences and Economics, 2009 THE DE GAULLE – ADENAUER COUPLE AND FRANCO-GERMAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS DURING THEIR TIME Ioana Panagoret “Valahia” University of Targoviste, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. General de Gaulle’s accession has marked the beginning of a new era in the Franco-German relationships and both de Gaulle and Adenauer wanted to institutionalise the idea of conciliation by means of a treaty which would be the basis of the politics of European integration. Contrary to the impressions the foreign press created, during his first visit to Colombey - les - deux – Eglises, de Gaulle succeeded to convince Adenauer regarding his devotion in reconciling the two nations, the economic union of the Six, as well as in associating England and other states onto the path of integration. The close collaboration between the two, as well as the mutual affinity did not startle since then, de Gaulle and Adenauer having in common a deep humanity, a natural noblesse of thinking and a great ability in surprising the main ideas and following some clear objectives. The relations between France and Germany shall be set forth from now on based on solid grounds and in an atmosphere which their history has never known. The Common Market was a strong stimulus of economical increase for both France and Germany, as well as for the economical cooperation between them. The period between 1958 – 1962 was marked by the doubling of the exchanges of the two countries with the C.E.E. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION The accession of the Federal Republic of Germany to NATO was cause for great celebration in 1955. Extending the invitation to Germany to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty was a highly symbolic expression of the hopes and aspirations of the Alliance for a renewed vision of Euro-Atlantic peace and security amidst the heated backdrop of the Cold War. To mark the 60th anniversary of this historic accession, the NATO Archives is putting the spotlight on the formal documents and ceremonies that marked Germany’s integration into the Euro-Atlantic family. Archival photos originally taken during the invitation and accession ceremonies at the Ministerial Meetings in October 1954 and May 1955, respectively, have been selected and arranged to present a unique visual record of how the Alliance came together in a spectacular public display of unity to welcome their 15th member. The NATO Archives is particularly pleased to draw from its vaults the original signed protocol of accession for Germany, reproduced here in its entirety to serve as a documentary reminder of the long-lasting commitments made by all the signatories at this historic juncture. Special thanks go to the Office of Treaty Affairs at the U.S. Department of State for providing the excellent facsimile of the original instrument of accession by Germany to the North Atlantic Treaty. This rarely seen historical document, originally deposited in Washington DC on 6 May 1955 and now preserved in the archives of the State Department, is reproduced here with the kind permission of the German Delegation to NATO. I hope the images and documents presented in the following pages help to communicate the sense of excitement, majesty and magnitude that was associated with Germany’s formal accession to NATO. -
Heinrich Von Brentano (1904–1964). Im
420_83_86_Hacke 21.10.2004 15:17 Uhr Seite 83 Im Gedenken an den Heinrich von Brentano ersten Außenminister (1904–1964) der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Christian Hacke Im November 2004 jährt sich von Bren- beginnen mit seinem Aufstieg als hessi- tanos Todestag zum vierzigsten Mal. Es scher Landespolitiker. ist still um Heinrich von Brentano gewor- Sein frühes Wirken in der CDU stand den, den ersten Außenminister der noch ganz im Zeichen von christlichem Bundesrepublik Deutschland, der unter Sozialismus. Die damals „linke“ CDU in Bundeskanzler Konrad Adenauer von Hessen sympathisierte mit vielen Gedan- 1955 bis 1963 diente. Geleitet war er von ken von Adenauers Rivalen Jakob Kaiser, einem christlich-humanistischen Welt- dessen Ideen vom „christlichen Sozia- und Menschenbild und von der Idee vom lismus“ und von Deutschland als „Brücke Abendland Europa. So war es für ihn kon- zwischen Ost und West“ auch auf den sequent, dass nach dem Verlust deutscher jungen von Brentano als Parlamentarier Würde und nationaler Identität nach 1945 der ersten Stunde ihre Wirkung nicht ver- und im Zuge der Teilung Deutschlands, fehlten. Europas und der Welt im Zeichen des Doch unter dem Eindruck der macht- Kalten Krieges die Integration Europas politischen Realitäten in der geteilten zum „Knochengerüst deutscher Außen- Welt des Kalten Krieges und fasziniert politik“ wurde, wie er 1961 an Bundes- von Adenauers außenpolitischer Füh- kanzler Konrad Adenauer schrieb. Eu- rungskunst und außenpolitischer Weit- ropa wurde ihm zum Bezugspunkt einer sichtigkeit, wurde auch von Brentano ideellen Werte- und Schicksalsgemein- zum überzeugten Adenauerianer. Ade- schaft, entstanden aus dem griechisch-rö- nauer selbst konnte auf von Brentano mischen Erbe der Antike. -
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives August 2009 Kulturpolitik versus Aussenpolitik in the Past Sixty Years By Frank Trommler When Willy Brandt, the West German foreign minister in the first grand coalition of the • How did German 1960s, engaged in the revamping of foreign policy—which culminated in the reversal auswärtige of the overt confrontation with the Warsaw Pact countries in the famed Ostpolitik in Kulturpolitik 1970—he included the cultural representation of the Federal Republic abroad, called develop? auswärtige Kulturpolitik or foreign cultural policy. There were many elements indeed that needed revamping, the most important being the funding and the overall concept • What is its role of pursuing an official German cultural presence in other countries. Increasing the today? funding became a matter of course during the cultural euphoria of the 1970s after the Bundestag received the report of the Enquete Commission for Foreign Cultural Policy, initiated by Berthold Martin on behalf of the CDU/CSU-Fraktion, and delivered in 1975. The much manipulated threat of losing out in the cultural war against the forceful appearance of the East German state on the international stage added sufficient pressure. However, revamping the overall concept of this policy against ingrained traditions within the Foreign Ministry and its cadre of mostly conservative diplomats was not a matter of course. Even after Brandt, as chancellor, and his team, most prominently Ralf Dahrendorf and Hildegard Hamm-Brücher, enhanced the standing of Kulturpolitik within Aussenpolitik by declaring it its “third pillar,” propagating new guiding principles (Leitlinien) of a less elitist and more open and anthropologically based concept of culture, it took many years and altercations with conservative politicians and diplomats before its representatives could be sure that it had taken hold.