Die Nuwe Brandwag. Tydskrif Vir Kuns En Lettere. Jaargang 1929

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Die Nuwe Brandwag. Tydskrif Vir Kuns En Lettere. Jaargang 1929 Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 bron Die Nuwe Brandwag. Tydskrif vir Kuns en Lettere. Jaargang 1929. J.H. De Bussy / H.A.U.M. v.h. J. Dusseau & Ko., Pretoria / Kaapstad 1929 Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_nuw001192901_01/colofon.php © 2010 dbnl 1 Die Nuwe Brandwag Tydskrif vir Kuns en Lettere Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 3 ‘Werda.’ AS OPRIGTER en laatste redakteur van die ou ‘DIE BRANDWAG’, stel ek prys op die geleentheid wat my aangebied word om, in aansluiting by wat voorafgegaan het, die verskyning van ‘DIE NUWE BRANDWAG’ te verwelkom, en hierdie tydskrif voor te mag stel aan, en aan te beveel in die belangstelling van, die getroue ou garde, lesers(esse) en ondersteuners van sy voorganger. ‘DIE BRANDWAG’ werd opgerig 31 Mei 1910, tegelyk met die totstandkoming van die Unie van Suid-Afrika, en is ondergegaan midde in, en ten dele as gevolg van, die ernstige industriële beroeringe en ekonomiese druk van 'n twaalftal jare later, namelik in Februarie 1922. ‘DIE BRANDWAG’ heeft postgevat, en saluéert eerbiediglik al wie dit feit met enige belangstelling bejegent.’ So het ek geskryf in dl. I., nr. I. - ‘Na Vereeniging zeide een onzer voormannen dat de mauser voor altyd was afgelegd door de Afrikaner, en men voortaan de pen ter hand zou nemen om 'n geheel nieuwe stryd aan te binden, 'n stryd namelik voor de handhaving onzer Afrikaner-nationaliteit, voor behoud onzer taal, godsdienst, tradities en ons recht van bestaan...... Op dit punt van 't terrein heeft tans “DIE BRANDWAG” positie gekozen. Politiek en stoffelike belangen, de stellingen door onze andere kollega's ingenomen, zijn de randjes links en rechts van onze positie gelegen... “DIE BRANDWAG” is van plan zich met de hulp van alle goedgezinde Afrikaners 'n plek te veroveren in 't Afrikaner-huisgezin, en... leiding en koers te geven aan de vele bekwaam gebleken Afrikaner-pennen, teneinde 'n eigen nationaal-Afrikaanse letterkunde te helpen groot maken. Dié plek komt óns toe, we maken er aanspraak op, en hopen door ons levenswandel te tonen dat wy recht hebben erop.’ Onder die handtekeninge van diégene van wie in daardie eerste fiere nummer die mooiste gelukwense voorgekom het, was president Steyn, genl. Louis Botha, genl. Hertzog - (‘Wij willen 'n literatuur’, het die teenwoordige Eerste Minister verklaar, ‘geschreven op Afrikaanse wijze, over Afrikaanse zaken, beschouwd uit Afrikaans standpunt, bezield door 'n Afrikaanse geest en geuit in de taal van Zuid-Afrika’) -, genl. Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 4 Schalk Burger, genl. Christiaan Beyers - met uitsondering van genl. Hertzog, almal reeds lang tot die vadere vergader. In die laatste uitgaaf, d.d. 25 Febr. 1922, het ek geskryf: ‘Ons gaan onder in 'n nare tyd van nasionale en maatskaplike verwildering en ekonomiese omwenteling, maar soóveel bly 'n troos: dat “DIE BRANDWAG” pal gestaan het by die gesonde ontwikkeling van ons volk, veral op letterkundige gebied. "“DIE BRANDWAG” het sy plig gedaan; laat ons die hoop bly koester dat die donkere uitsig van vandag slegs die laatste ure is voor 'n betere daglemier.’ In sy ontstaan en ontwikkeling sowel as ondergang is die tydskrif dus gewees 'n getroue weerspiegeling ook van die nasionale lotgevalle! ‘Sommige van ons het gedink aan 'n plan om ons tydskrif in goedkoper gedaante, op ander wyse voort te sit’ - dit was die slot van 'n pynlike afskeid - ‘maar onsself gee die voorkeur daaraan om onder te gaan soos ons gedurende 'n twaalftal jare bestaan het; ons sou, om die beeldryke woord te besig van president Thomas Burgers tot die Volksraad, nadat sir Theophilus Shepstone in Pretoria afgesaal had - ons sou veel liewer ‘gevèl word soos 'n arend, hoog in die lug, as om te sterf soos 'n sieklike konyn, in die hol van 'n rots.’ Só het DIE BRANDWAG, voorganger van die DIE NUWE BRANDWAG, sy taak opgevat en, noodgedwonge, ook neergelê. Ons Sonland is ruim en groot en goed, en sy aantal witmense nouliks die bevolking van 'n ordentlike ou-wêreldse stad. Daarvan eis ons, vir eie beskawing en eie nasionale belange, die helfte op. Hulle geskiedenis en lotswisseling het dit só meegebring dat hulle nie almal soos koeëls in een vorm gegiet is nie, nie almal soos ertjies op mekaar gelyk nie, nie almal soos skape in een kraal gehok word nie. Ruim en wyd, soos ons land self, is ook die opset van ons werk, waar dit aankom op die gemeenskaplike artistieke en taalkundige eigendomlikhede wat ons tot aparte nasie stempel. In die daglemier van die nasie leef en werk ons, in onbegrensde verwagting van die groot lewe wat kom; en ons is wars van alle knelling en alle benepenheid wat die vrye uitgroeiing van daardie groot lewe strem of hinder. Daarom eis ons vryheid vir ons werk, wat ons hoogste besit is. Maar daarom ook sal by ons g'n sieklik-oordrewe waardering aangetref word vir die luttele wat reeds gedaan is nie. Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 5 ‘Werda!’ klink dit nog deur die late nag, soos die skim van die oue skildwag op die pos van die Afrikaner-huisgesin DIE NUWE BRANDWAG insommeer. En ‘VRYHEID, WAARHEID, REG’ is die wagwoord waarmee ons die wagpos van die oue nader en - oorneem! Vryheid vir ons strewe, waarheid in ons werk, en reg om dit só te betrag en nie anders nie. Dit is al. GUSTAV PRELLER. Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 6 Veld-akwarelle. I. Torkwaas, topaas en toermalyn, En wisselende aleksandryn; Sardoniks wit gestreep; porfiet, En malwa-groen blink malagiet; Die heuning-geel van krysopraas; Die diepsee-pêrel met sy waas Van môre-grys eer dou-voor-dag Die daglig in die ooste lag; Safier wat blouer bloukleur gee As die diep dieptes van die see; Die bloedrooi skyn van 'n robyn Nuut-uitgegrawe uit die myn, En peridot en amatis Waarin twee tinte om voorrang twis. II. Gevul met volop groen en nuwe geel, Gebore uit die milde voorjaarsreën, Wat nagte lang sy vrugbaar nat verleen Aan dood-verdroogde vlak en veld wat steel Van wat daar is, om daarmee weer te deel Met blommesaad wat vir die winter ween, Lê uitgestrek 'n nuwe wêreld. Teen Die berg se uitgekerfde kranse speel Die kleurvernis van nuwe môremis, En oor die werf stroom wierook uit die vlei, Die ruik van grond wat nat is, en van sand Wat gister nog die jagtende akkerdis Geskroei het met sy hitte nou verby, En van die lewe wat opbruis oor die land. Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 7 III. Rooskleurige suurknolle Met feselryk blombolle Geplant in swart vet grond; Die loof geil groen; dik rond Die lang sterk stengels; mooi Beblom met rose-rooi. 'n Lewendige kleur-juweel, Waaragter, vèraf, geel Bo wit sand, tussen vers Blaar swangere kraal en kers En vygiebosse pryk Die nuwe gousblomryk. En verder waar die vlei Nog troos van water kry, Groei tussen ruigtegras Sandlelies bleek soos was, En grys trompetters stort Hul stofmeel, opgeskort Vir skemerure, as die kwynende maan Vertoef bo vèraf bulte voor hy ondergaan. IV. 'n Kronkelkloof waarin die kreupelhout - Daars lepelboom en stinkhout en rooi-els En wilde oliewenbos, al jare oud, En kippersol wat met die wind gesels Hoog bo die laer maats wat minder groen En minder sierlik uitsteek bo die grys - Wag tot die late môrestraal hom soen En tot die son sy gloei-goud sterkte wys. 'n Bok-getrapte voetpad loop daardeur, Beskadu met boomvarings waar dit draai Om wind-verweerde sandsteen wat verkleur Met koggelmanderkleure, wat verraai Die oes van lewe wat die klipskeur hou, Sodra die môre blink sy holtes vind En bo nog sonder wolke strek die blou En die dooi blare bewe met die wind. C.L. Leipoldt. Die nuwe brandwag. Tydskrif vir kuns en lettere. Jaargang 1929 8 'n Nuwe Element in ons Letterkunde. 'N JONG LETTERKUNDE kan nie samegesteld wees nie. Die skrywers sing selde vir hulleself: hulle skryf om gelees te word. Hulle is begenadigde enkelinge wat onwillekeurig optree as vertolkers van die smart, die vreugde, die hoop en verlange van die groot massa. Daarom rig hulle hul onwillekeurig tot hulle leserpubliek; maar deurdat hulle gebore kunstenaars is en wat die massa beroer, eerder en beter aanvoel as die gewone sterfling, moet hulle onwillekeurig die sake en onderwerpe aanraak wat weerklank vind in die gemoed van die groter publiek. Juis daarom is kuns in 'n groot mate 'n afspieëling van wat daar in die maatskappy aangaan. Maar dis meer die belangstelling van die denkende en doelbewus-lewende deel van die nasie wat deur die kunstenaars vertolk kan word. Kan 'n beginletterkunde dan anders as prakties en lerend wees? Dis juis in die nuttige wat die volk belangstel en waaraan hulle behoefte gevoel. Die kunstenaar sou nie aan sy doel beantwoord as hy hoë vlugte neem nie. Hy sou nie begryp word nie; hy sou die massa op wie hy moet staatmaak, wat hy wil beinvloed deurdat hy hom uitspreek, vervreem en hulle nie met ideale kan besiel nie. Die kunstenaar sou m.a.w. deur sy eie toedoen sy doel misloop. Vreemd is dit daarom nie dat die geskiedenis so 'n belangrike rol in ons letterkunde speel nie. 'n Mens merk dit in die opflikkering van die Afrikaanse beweging as gevolg van oorloë en gerugte van oorloë. Dink aan die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog, die Jameson-inval, die Twede Vryheidsoorlog, die Rebellie. Die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog vind dadelik weerklank in die gediggies van C.P. Hoogenhout en ds. S.J. du Toit. Die onmiddellike en ver verlede het die belangstelling van die meer doelbewuste publiek gaande gemaak, en die leiers het gevoel dat hulle aanknopingspunte in die roemryke verlede moes soek; dit moes die bron van besieling wees.
Recommended publications
  • 200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who
    Notes 1. Voortrekkers were groups of nineteenth- century Afrikaners who migrated north from the Cape colony into the South African interior to escape British rule. 2. ‘Township’ is the name given by colonial and later apartheid authorities to underdeveloped, badly resourced urban living areas, usually on the outskirts of white towns and cities, which were set aside for the black workforce. 3. See, for example, Liz Gunner on Zulu radio drama since 1941 (2000), David Coplan on township music and theatre (1985) and Isabel Hofmeyr on the long- established Afrikaans magazine Huisgenoot (1987). 4. In 1984 the NP launched what it called a ‘tricameral’ parliament, a flawed and divisive attempt at reforming the political system. After a referendum among white voters it gave limited political representation to people classi- fied as coloured and Indian, although black South Africans remained com- pletely excluded. Opposition to the system came from both the left and right and voting rates among non- whites remained extremely low, in a show of disapproval of what many viewed as puppet MPs. 5. The State of Emergency was declared in 1985 in 36 magisterial districts. It was extended across the whole country in 1986 and given an extra year to run in 1989. New measures brought in included the notorious 90- day law, in which suspects could be held without trial for 90 days, after which many were released and then re- arrested as they left the prison. 6. According to André Brink, ‘The widespread notion of “traditional Afrikaner unity” is based on a false reading of history: strife and division within Afrikanerdom has been much more in evidence than unity during the first three centuries of white South African history’ (1983, 17).
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
    21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
    Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
    The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39
    [Show full text]
  • Glohea 06:Copan 01
    6 A Violence of History Accounting for AIDS in Post-apartheid South Africa Didier Fassin I will come and claim you from bones and bullets and violence and AIDS.—Antje Krog, letter-poem “Lullaby for Ntombizana Atoo” On 9 July 2000, the opening day of the Thirteenth International AIDS Conference in Durban, a heated debate broke out in South Africa. The controversy was not over President Thabo Mbeki’s association with Californian dissident circles (Fujimora and Chou 1994), nor his support for the theory that AIDS was caused by poverty rather than of viral origin, nor his claims that antiretroviral drugs were ineffective and toxic (Schneider 2002)—all issues that were already the subject of bitter polemic both within and beyond South Africa (Fassin 2003). On this historic day, the first time an international meeting on AIDS had been held in a Third World city, the argument centered on mortality statistics. The South African Medical Research Council (MRC) had just pub- lished figures on deaths in the country, comparing the data for 1990 and 1999. Over the decade, not only had the number of deaths risen dramati- cally, but also the age profile had changed markedly. The Sunday Times headline on 9 July 2000 (figure 6.1) read, “Young people are dying before their parents.” Malegapuru William Magkoba, director of the MRC and famous within the international scientific community for his condemna- tion of Thabo Mbeki’s heterodoxy, said: “If we had been involved in a major war, that would be the only other thing that could explain the high numbers of young men and young women who are dying in our country” and, because South Africa was at peace, “It can only be explained by the Copyrighted Material SAR Press 113 Didier Fassin Figure 6.1 The violence of statistics.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa's Amnesty Process: a Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation
    Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1997 South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation Emily H. McCarthy United States District Court for the District of Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Emily H. McCarthy, South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 183 (1997). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss1/4 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOUTH AFRICA'S AMNESTY PROCESS: A VIABLE ROUTE TOWARD TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION? Emily H. McCarthy* The road to democracyfor South Africa was based on compromise. One of the most significant compromises made by the negotiators was the acceptance of an amnesty process culminating in the passage of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995. The Act grants full indemnity from criminal and civil prosecution to anyone affiliated with a political organization who committed an "act associated with a political objective" and who fully discloses all relevant facts. The purpose of the Act is twofold: to establish the "truth" about the apartheid past and to promote "reconciliation" among South Africans.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sadf Conscript Generation and Its Search for Healing, Reconciliation and Social Justice
    THE SADF CONSCRIPT GENERATION AND ITS SEARCH FOR HEALING, RECONCILIATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Philosophiae Doctor in the Practical and Missional Theology department Faculty of Theology and Religion University of the Free State Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout Study leader: Prof. P. Verster Bloemfontein January 2015 Translated by Suzanne Storbeck (June 2020) DECLARATION (i) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that this thesis, submitted to the University of the Free State in fulfilment for the degree Philosophiae Doctor, is my own work and that it has not been handed in at any other university or higher education institution. (ii) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that I am aware that the copyright of this thesis belongs to the University of the Free State. (iii) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that the property rights of any intellectual property developed during the study and/or in connection with the study, will be seated in the University of the Free State. i ABSTRACT The former (Afrikaner) SADF conscript generation is to a large extent experiencing an identity crisis. This crisis is due to two factors. First of all, there is a new dispensation where Afrikaners are a minority group. They feel alienated, even frustrated and confused. Secondly, their identity has been challenged and some would say defeated. What is their role and new identity in the current SA? They fought a war and participated internally in operations within a specific local, regional and global context. This identity was formed through their own particular history as well as certain theological and ideological worldviews and frameworks.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Olivia Cassidy History of South Africa 17 December 2013 the Role of Vrye Weekblad in the Struggle Against Apartheid Abstract
    1 Olivia Cassidy History of South Africa 17 December 2013 The Role of Vrye Weekblad in the Struggle Against Apartheid Abstract The anti-apartheid Afrikaner newspaper Vrye Weekblad was started by editor Max du Preez with the hope of delivering real news, rather than government propaganda, in Afrikaans to those who opposed the apartheid government. However, the newspaper took on much more of a mission when former hit squad commander Dirk Coetzee agreed to publish his tell-all confession, revealing details of the murders of many ANC and anti-apartheid activists, of which he took part as a commander of Vlakplaas. Key words Dirk Coetzee, Max du Preez, Jacques Pauw, Vrye Weekblad,, hit squad, Vlakplaas, Harms Commission, alternative media, alternative press Introduction The rule and demise of South Africa’s more than 40-year long apartheid regime was documented, whether truthfully or with ulterior motives, by various types of media. The state-run press functioned as a mouthpiece for the apartheid regime, and while read by many, was hardly trusted by those fighting against the government’s oppression. As a result, alternative newspapers worked to report the news that the government tried to suppress. However, an even smaller minority of the press published the truth about the government’s oppression in Afrikaans, appealing to the small population of Afrikaners who opposed the Afrikaner-run apartheid regime. Jacques Pauw and Max du Preez were two of these Afrikaner journalists who opposed the apartheid system that their predecessors created and their 2 contemporaries, for the most part, upheld. The role of alternative newspapers in general in South Africa during the fight to end apartheid was an extremely important one, for they often offered truth to a nation denied knowledge of its government’s actions.
    [Show full text]
  • AG2543-2-2-43-01-Jpeg.Pdf
    Independent Board of Inquiry POBox 32293 Broomfontein 201 7 Johonnesburg South Africo Phone (all ) 403 - 3256/7 Fox (all ) 403 - 1366 .') -- Report fo May - Augu st 1994 • .".) Report for MIIy-AuifUst i9J IBI Copyright otice Members of the public are free to reprint or report information, either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the Independent Board of Inquiry is acknowledged. Otherwise, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publisher. • BOARD MEMBERS: Dr Alex Boraine, Rev Frank Chi kane, Mr Brian Currin, Reverend Mvume Dandala, Prof John Dugard, Ms Sheena Duncan, Mr Peter Kerchhoff, Mr Norman Manoim, Ms Emma Mashinini, Br Jude Pieterse, Archbishop Desmond Tutu • IBI Report for AlnrAugust i9J TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: 1 1. STATE INSTITUTIONS: 3 1.1 South African Police Se rvice (SAPS) 3 1.1.1 Vusi Phiri "C 4 1.1.2 Eugene de Kock 4 1.2 Prisons 6 2. RIGHT WING 7 . - • 2. t Freedom Front 8 2.2 Afrikaner Weel'"S tandsbeweging (A WB) 9 2.3 Ri ght-wing trials 10 3. THE GOLDSTONE COMMISSION 11 3. 1 Escom Arms Deal 12 3.2 Third Force activities \3 4. TRUTH COMMISSION 14 5. ATTACKS ON INDIVIDUALS 15 • 5.1 W alter Sisulu 16 .2 Wilson Xolo 17 5.3 Oswald OIadla 17 5.4 Mathew Goniwe, Fort Calata. Sparrow Mkonto and Sicelo Mhlauli 17 5.5 Anton Lubowski 18 7.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Early Apartheid Intellectualisation on Twentieth-Century Afrikaans Music Historiography
    The Influence of Early Apartheid Intellectualisation on Twentieth-Century Afrikaans Music Historiography by Carina Venter Submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree Masters in Musicology at the Stellenbosch University Department of Music Faculty of Humanities Supervisor: Stephanus Jacobus van Zyl Muller December 2009 The financial assistance of the Department of Labour (DoL) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the DoL. Declaration By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2009 Copyright © 2009 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved 2 Acknowledgements I have come to the end of one road and the beginning of another. As I pause at the juncture of these two roads, I reflect with an immense sense of gratitude on the past two years of my life. So many individuals have played decisive roles, not only in the research that constitutes this thesis, but also in the fostering of my intellectual development, ethical sensibilities and spiritual well-being. In many different ways, each of these individuals and their views matter and have become important to me. While I am sure that the work presented here is imperfect in many ways, the generous contributions of those who accompanied me on this road have made it better than it would have been without them.
    [Show full text]