DOCSLIB.ORG

200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who Notes 1. Voortrekkers were groups of nineteenth- century Afrikaners who migrated north from the Cape colony into the South African interior to escape British rule. 2. ‘Township’ is the name given by colonial and later apartheid authorities to underdeveloped, badly resourced urban living areas, usually on the outskirts of white towns and cities, which were set aside for the black workforce. 3. See, for example, Liz Gunner on Zulu radio drama since 1941 (2000), David Coplan on township music and theatre (1985) and Isabel Hofmeyr on the long- established Afrikaans magazine Huisgenoot (1987). 4. In 1984 the NP launched what it called a ‘tricameral’ parliament, a flawed and divisive attempt at reforming the political system. After a referendum among white voters it gave limited political representation to people classi- fied as coloured and Indian, although black South Africans remained com- pletely excluded. Opposition to the system came from both the left and right and voting rates among non- whites remained extremely low, in a show of disapproval of what many viewed as puppet MPs. 5. The State of Emergency was declared in 1985 in 36 magisterial districts. It was extended across the whole country in 1986 and given an extra year to run in 1989. New measures brought in included the notorious 90- day law, in which suspects could be held without trial for 90 days, after which many were released and then re- arrested as they left the prison. 6. According to André Brink, ‘The widespread notion of “traditional Afrikaner unity” is based on a false reading of history: strife and division within Afrikanerdom has been much more in evidence than unity during the first three centuries of white South African history’ (1983, 17). 7. The Afrikaans portmanteau baaskap literally means boss- hood or boss- ness, the idea that whites should naturally be in control of blacks. 8. Goode and Ben- Yehuda suggest that food scares, for example, cannot prop- erly be called moral panics since they do not involve an easily recognisable folk devil. However, this argument does not take into account the fears of infection/pollution from outside or the deep- seated technophobias (Falkof 2010) that often lie at the heart of these panics, both of which suggest the possibility of an imagined external enemy, however ephemeral. 9. People arrested for alleged Satanism were anti- social loners like the Koekemoer brothers, mentioned above and discussed in more detail in Chapter 2. No arrests were ever made of people who could be proven to be related to the widespread ‘cult’ of Satanism. 10. Lists of satanic symbols appear in Personality magazine on 15 August 1988, in the Sunday Tribune on 2 October 1988 and in pamphlets by the evangelist Rodney Seale (1991, 19– 40) and the police sergeant Kobus Jonker (1997, 9). 11. During Egypt’s ‘“heavy metal scare” of 1997 … dozens of fans were arrested by State Security forces, and accused of involvement in satanic rituals as 200 Notes 201 well as the proliferation of drugs, sexual deviance, animal sacrifices, and defaming heavenly religions, among other allegations’ (Egypt Independent, 5 September 2012). 12. Both Michelle Smith and Lauren Stratford’s books were later discredited by investigative journalists (Allen and Midwinter 1990; Passantino, Passantino and Trott 1999). 13. On 10 April 2012, for example, the Daily Sun’s front page had the headline ‘Cops Raid Theta FM Over Satanism Claims!’, about a ‘community radio sta- tion that sparked a violent Satanism controversy’. The Satanism discussed here was largely indistinguishable from the newspaper’s description of witchcraft. 14. The American psychiatrist James Hunter had a number of patients who ‘remembered’ histories of SRA in the wake of the publication of Michelle Remembers. All of them had previously had diagnoses of multiple personality disorder (1998, 249). 15. The term ‘coloured’ in South Africa is a complicated one. Briefly, it refers to people of mixed race, often with San and Malay heritage, and suggests a particular spatial, linguistic and cultural history. It was one of the apartheid government’s four terms of racial designation and remains in common use today (see, for example, Erasmus 2001). 16. Backmasking is a technique of recording phrases backwards in popular songs. It has often been cited in episodes of moral panic as it is believed to send hidden messages subliminally to the listener’s brain without conscious mediation. 17. Gareth Medway includes Solms in a list of over- zealous Satan- hunters whose actions most resembled the template of the witch hunt (2001, 259). Solms was also involved in a number of swoops on gay clubs in Cape Town, claim- ing to be cracking down on child abuse ‘gangs’ (Retief 1994, 105). 18. The minibus kidnap story has remarkable staying power in southern Africa. A 2012 Satanism scare at a school in Mufakose, in Harare, Zimbabwe, fea- tured schoolchildren being ‘abducted’ in a white minibus in order to take part in satanic rituals (The Herald, 6 March 2012). 19. This correlation between Satanist and abject can only go so far. Kristeva says that that which causes abjection is ‘what disturbs identity, system, order. What does not respect borders, positions, rules’ (1982, 4). Despite disgusting rituals and base criminality, the Satanist, in her compulsory whiteness, was an obedient respecter of the borders of apartheid South Africa. 20. Swanson also gives the example of how this ‘sanitation syndrome’ worked in Dakar, where segregation was rationalised as medical quarantine (1977, 398). 21. See, for example, Mike Nicol’s novel The Ibis Tapestry (1999), Etienne van Heerden’s short story ‘My Kubaan’ (1987) and Darrel Roodt’s film The Stick (1988). 22. See, for example, Medway (2001), Newton (1987) and Richardson, Best and Bromley (1991). 23. There is another ‘Oriental’ menace implied here. Both Showalter (1997, 175) and Victor (1991, 232) point out the debt that satanic iconography owes to the blood libel, a myth that accuses Jews of stealing and murdering Christian babies in order to drink their blood, and which has been responsible for 202 Notes countless acts of anti- Semitic violence across the centuries. It is likely that fear of Satanism in South Africa drew at least some of its affect from a repudi- ated nationalist anti- Semitism that had its roots in long- standing economic resentment and Afrikaner ideologues’ covert support for Nazism (Giliomee 2003, 417– 42; Dubow 1992; Marks 2004). 24. This temporal crisis/failure of futurity was radically rewritten in the rhetoric of the TRC, which had to confront the ‘relationship between the truth of an abominable past and the possibility of a properly democratic future’ (Dawes 1997, 2). 25. The late apartheid period was laden with temporal significance for many South Africans. Chidester observes that for the ANC too this was a ‘sacred time, a time outside of ordinary time, in which the crucial moment had arrived’ (1991, 147). 26. The HNP was formed in 1969 as a response to a perceived easing of apartheid within the NP. It advocated white socialism, total racial segregation and for- malising Afrikaans as the only official language. Its heyday came in the late 1980s but by the 1990s it had become a marginal force (M. du Toit 2003, 38– 46). The HNP is still active in South Africa today, aiming for ‘die herstel van die Afrikanervolk se vryheid in sy vaderland Suid- Afrika, vir die uitbouing van Afrikaner- nasionalisme en vir die belange van die Blankes in Suid- Afrika in die algemeen’ (‘reparation of the Afrikaner nation’s freedom in its fatherland South Africa, for the expansion of Afrikaner- nationalism and for the inter- ests of Whites in general in South Africa’; Herstigte Nasionale Party n.d.). 27. One exception is the commentator Sam Bloomberg, discussed in Chapter 8. Bloomberg’s commentary on family murderers was consistently critical and blamed fathers’ immaturity and sexual problems (e.g. Sunday Star, 17 January 1988). 28. Despite these dubious beginnings and its status as the only national English- language newspaper that was generally favourable to the apartheid regime, The Citizen still exists today. 29. Sources repeating South Africa’s apparent monopoly on family murder include The Star (19 July 1987), Cape Times (21 September 1987), Weekend Argus (3 December 1988) and Femina (March 1989). 30. Megan Vaughan points to frequent cases that could be called ‘family murder’ in the early colonial courts of central Africa, many of which involved similar tales of impotence and extreme violence meted out in mitigation for sexual failure (1991, 104– 5). 31. Bakkie is Afrikaans slang for an open- backed pick- up truck. It is also a meto- nym for a certain type of cultural identification: like braais and rugby, bakkie ownership is a sign of Afrikaner manhood. 32. American researchers working on family murder have also suggested that the availability of firearms may have a lot to do with high rates of these sorts of killings (Auchter 2010). 33. This term was coined by sociologist Edward A. Ross in 1901. It came into common currency after it was used by Edward Roosevelt to suggest that women who insisted on working instead of having children were imperil- ling the existence of the white American ‘race’: ‘Refusing to bear children was the same sort of racial crime as refusing to fight for racial advancement’ (Bederman 1995, 202). Notes 203 34. The NGK did produce theologians who took powerful anti- apartheid stands. Notable dissenters included B.B. Keet and Ben Marais, both of whom ques- tioned the doctrinal validity of the religious justification of apartheid, as well as Beyers Naudé, who was involved in organising the 1960 World Council of Churches conference in Cottesloe , Johannesburg. The Cottesloe statement against racism, spurred by the Sharpeville massacre, was condemned by apartheid theologians and rejected by the NGK (Chidester 1991).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • City of Johannesburg Ward Councillors: Region F
    CITY OF JOHANNESBURG WARD COUNCILLORS: REGION F No. Councillors Party Region Ward Ward Suburbs: Ward Administrator: Name/Surname & Contact : : No: Details: 1. Cllr. Sarah Wissler DA F 23 Glenvista, Glenanda, Nombongo Sitela 011 681- [email protected] Mulbarton, Bassonia, Kibler 8094 011 682 2184 Park, Eikenhof, Rispark, [email protected] 083 256 3453 Mayfield Park, Aspen Hills, Patlyn, Rietvlei 2. VACANT DA F 54 Mondeor, Suideroord, Alan Lijeng Mbuli Manor, Meredale, Winchester 011 681-8092 Hills, Crown Gardens, [email protected] Ridgeway, Ormonde, Evans Park, Booysens Reserve, Winchester Hills Ext 1 3. Cllr Rashieda Landis DA F 55 Turffontein, Bellavista, Lijeng Mbuli [email protected] Haddon, Lindberg Park, 011 681-8092 083 752 6468 Kenilworth, Towerby, Gillview, [email protected] Forest Hill, Chrisville, Robertsham, Xavier and Golf 4. Cllr. Michael Crichton DA F 56 Rosettenville, Townsview, The Lijeng Mbuli [email protected] Hill, The Hill Extension, 011 681-8092 083 383 6366 Oakdene, Eastcliffe, [email protected] Linmeyer, La Rochelle (from 6th Street South) 5. Cllr. Faeeza Chame DA F 57 Moffat View, South Hills, La Nombongo Sitela [email protected] Rochelle, Regents Park& Ext 011 681-8094 081 329 7424 13, Roseacre1,2,3,4, Unigray, [email protected] Elladoon, Elandspark, Elansrol, Tulisa Park, Linmeyer, Risana, City Deep, Prolecon, Heriotdale, Rosherville 6. Cllr. A Christians DA F 58 Vredepark, Fordsburg, Sharon Louw [email protected] Laanglagte, Amalgam, 011 376-8618 011 407 7253 Mayfair, Paginer [email protected] 081 402 5977 7. Cllr. Francinah Mashao ANC F 59 Joubert Park Diane Geluk [email protected] 011 376-8615 011 376-8611 [email protected] 082 308 5830 8.
    [Show full text]
  • 7.5. Identified Sites of Significance Residential Buildings Within Rosettenville (Semi-Detached, Freestanding)
    7.5. Identified sites of significance_Residential buildings within Rosettenville (Semi-detached, freestanding) Introduction Residential buildings are buildings that are generally used for residential purposes or have been zoned for residential usage. It must be noted the majority of residences are over 60 years, it was therefore imperative for detailed visual study to be done where the most significant buildings were mapped out. Their significance could be as a result of them being associated to prominent figures, association with special events, design patterns of a certain period in history, rarity or part of an important architectural school. Most of the sites identified in this category are of importance in their local contexts and are representative of the historical and cultural patterns that could be discerned from the built environment. All the identified sites were given a 3A category explained below. Grading 3A_Sites that have a highly significant association with a historic person, social grouping, historic events, public memories, historical activities, and historical landmarks (should by all means be conserved) 3B_ Buildings of marginally lesser significance (possibility of senstive alteration and addition to the interior) 3C_Buildings and or sites whose significance is in large part significance that contributes to the character of significance of the environs (possibility for alteration and addition to the exterior) Summary Table of identified sites in the residential category: Site/ Description Provisional Heritage Implications
    [Show full text]
  • The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 30, Nr 2, 2000. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy Ian Liebenberg Introduction: Purpose of this contribution To write an inclusive history of liberation and transition to democracy in South Africa is almost impossible. To do so in the course of one paper is even more demanding, if not daunting. Not only does "the liberation struggle" in South Africa in its broadest sense span more than a century. It also saw the coming and going of movements, the merging and evolving of others and a series of principled and/or pragmatic pacts in the process. The author is attempting here to provide a rather descriptive (and as far as possible, chronological) look at and rudimentary outline to the main organisational levels of liberation in South Africa since roughly the 1870' s. I will draw on my own 2 work in the field lover the past fifteen years as well as other sources • A wide variety of sources and personal experiences inform this contribution, even if they are not mentioned here. Also needless to say, one's own subjectivities may arise - even if an attempt is made towards intersubjecti vity. This article is an attempt to outline and describe the organisations (and where applicable personalities) in an inclusive and descriptive research approach in See Liebenberg (1990), ldeologie in Konjlik, Emmerentia: Taurus Uitgewers; Liebenberg & Van der Merwe (1991), Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van Apartheid, Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, vol 16(2): 1-24; Liebenberg (1994), Resistance by the SANNC and the ANC, 1912 - 1960, in Liebenberg et al (Eds.) The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
    21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Afrikaans (Pdf)
    Historia, 64, 2, November 2019, pp156‐177 Koos Kombuis: Ikonoklas na ikoon Wouter de Wet Opsomming Die Afrikaanse skrywer en musikant Koos Kombuis word vandag wyd as ’n ikoon beskou. In die 1980’s was hy egter ’n randfiguur van die Afrikaner‐establishment. Hoe het hierdie transformasie van ikonoklas na ikoon oor tyd plaasgevind? Kombuis het sy loopbaan as digter en skrywer in die 1980’s begin. Hy het homself aan die spits van die sogenaamde Tagtigerbeweging in die letterkunde bevind, en in 1989 het hy aan die berugte Voëlvry‐toer deelgeneem wat sy status as dwarstrekker verskans het. Sy letterkunde en musiek van dié dekade het gepoog om die waardes en norme van die heersende Afrikaner‐establishment omver te gooi. Die vroeë 1990’s het bepaalde veranderinge in sowel die breër sosio‐politieke konteks van Suid‐Afrika as Kombuis persoonlik gesien. Sy beeld onder Afrikaners het stelselmatig begin verander, en soos sy loopbaan in die jare sedertdien ontwikkel het, het hy algaande ikoonstatus bekom. Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na Koos Kombuis se transformasie van ikonoklas na ikoon binne Afrikaner geledere. Sleutelwoorde: Koos Kombuis; ikoon; ikonoklas; Tagtigers; Voëlvry; Afrikaners; Suid‐Afrika. Abstract The Afrikaans author and musician, Koos Kombuis, is widely regarded as an icon today. In the 1980s, however, he was a fringe figure, arguably even an iconoclast of the Afrikaner establishment. How did this transformation from iconoclast to icon happen over time? Kombuis began his career as poet and author in the 1980s. He found himself as a leading figure of the so‐called Tagtiger movement in Afrikaans literature, and in 1989 he participated in the Voëlvry tour which entrenched his image as an Afrikaner iconoclast.
    [Show full text]
  • Pikitup Waste Facilities-Private Recyclers
    Sector Class Waste_Focus Management Existing/Proposed Company Name/ Site Name City Longitude Latitude Physical Address Materials Recycled Equipment Depot Region CIP/Pikitup_ref Pikitup Landfill assigned Column3 Priority Co-Operatives Recycling Pikitup Existing ABNP/BFGA Coop Johannesburg 28,038314 -26,231728 Robinson Deep Landfill. Turffontein Road, Turfontein SOUTHDALE F Robinson Deep / Goudkoppies Garden Site Recycling Pikitup Existing Allie Street Garden Site Johannesburg 27,885747 -26,299961 Allie Street Eldorado Park Ext 9 No Recycling, Green Waste, Occasional Waste AVALON G Goudkoppies/Ennerdale Recycling Company Recycling Private Existing Amalgamated Metals Recycling Johannesburg 27,865584 -26,153144 2849 Albertina Sisulu Road,Cnr Nywerheid Manufacta RoodepoortMetals ROODEPOORTC Marie Louise Garden Site Recycling Pikitup Existing Ashanti Garden Site Johannesburg 27,979519 -26,195217 Ashanti Street (RE 560) Coronationville Plastic only. Builders' Rubble 1 x Wheelbarrow, Green Waste, OccasionalWATERVAL WasteB Robinson Deep Garden Site Recycling Pikitup Existing Ashburton Garden Site Johannesburg 27,982678 -26,212214 Ashburton Street, Riverlea Cardboard. Builders' Rubble 1 x Wheelbarrow, Green Waste, OccasionalWATERVAL WasteB Robinson Deep Depot Logistics Pikitup Existing Avalon Depot Johannesburg 27,877553 -26,289331 Calandula Street, Klipspruit West AVALON D Goudkoppies/Ennerdale Garden Site Recycling Pikitup Existing Babiana Garden Site Johannesburg 27,960594 -26,203431 Babiana Street, Riverlea Cardboard. Builders' Rubble 1 x Wheelbarrow,
    [Show full text]
  • What Ended Apartheid?
    NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 10th Grade Apartheid Inquiry What Ended Apartheid? Photographer unknown, photograph of protests against Pass Laws, 1956. NatIonal LIbrary of South AfrIca: Cape Town campus. Used with permIssIon. Supporting Questions 1. What was apartheId? 2. What efforts were made by Nelson Mandela to end apartheId? 3. What efforts were made by groups wIthIn South AfrIca to end apartheId? 4. What efforts were made by InternatIonal bodIes to end apartheId? THIS WORK IS LICENSED UNDER A CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION- NONCOMMERCIAL- SHAREALIKE 4.0 INTERNATIONAL LICENSE. 1 NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 10th Grade Apartheid Inquiry What Ended Apartheid? 10.10 HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS: Since the Holocaust, human rIghts vIolatIons have generated New York State worldwide attentIon and concern. The UnIted NatIons UnIversal DeclaratIon of Human RIghts has Social Studies provIded a set of prIncIples to guide efforts to protect threatened groups and has served as a lens Framework Key Idea through whIch hIstorIcal occurrences of oppression can be evaluated. & Practices Gathering, Using, and Interpreting Evidence Chronological Reasoning and Causation Comparison and Contextualization Staging the Question Students examIne varIous maps of the “homelands” In South AfrIca and dIscuss the ImplIcatIons of, and challenges to, thIs physIcal separation. Supporting Question 1 Supporting Question 2 Supporting Question 3 Supporting Question 4 What was apartheId? What efforts were made by What efforts were made by What
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
    THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order.
    [Show full text]
  • Struggle for Liberation in South Africa and International Solidarity A
    STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION IN SOUTH AFRICA AND INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY A Selection of Papers Published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid Edited by E. S. Reddy Senior Fellow, United Nations Institute for Training and Research STERLING PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED NEW DELHI 1992 INTRODUCTION One of the essential contributions of the United Nations in the international campaign against apartheid in South Africa has been the preparation and dissemination of objective information on the inhumanity of apartheid, the long struggle of the oppressed people for their legitimate rights and the development of the international campaign against apartheid. For this purpose, the United Nations established a Unit on Apartheid in 1967, renamed Centre against Apartheid in 1976. I have had the privilege of directing the Unit and the Centre until my retirement from the United Nations Secretariat at the beginning of 1985. The Unit on Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid obtained papers from leaders of the liberation movement and scholars, as well as eminent public figures associated with the international anti-apartheid movements. A selection of these papers are reproduced in this volume, especially those dealing with episodes in the struggle for liberation; the role of women, students, churches and the anti-apartheid movements in the resistance to racism; and the wider significance of the struggle in South Africa. I hope that these papers will be of value to scholars interested in the history of the liberation movement in South Africa and the evolution of United Nations as a force against racism. The papers were prepared at various times, mostly by leaders and active participants in the struggle, and should be seen in their context.
    [Show full text]
  • Weerstand Teen Huisvesting Van Swart Studente Deur Die Potchefstroomse Universiteit Vir CHO, 1987 Tot 1990 N.S
    Weerstand teen huisvesting van swart studente deur die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir CHO, 1987 tot 1990 N.S. (Fanie) Jansen van Rensburg N.S. (Fanie) Jansen van Rensburg, Fokusarea vir Sosiale Transformasie, Noordwes-Universiteit (Potchefstroomkampus) Opsomming Die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys (hierna PU, of die universiteit) het in 1984 swart studente tot na-uurse studie toegelaat en in 1988 was daar ’n vraag of sommige van hierdie studente se prestasies, wat nie na verwagting was nie, daarmee verband gehou het dat hulle nie in die koshuise op die kampus kon woon nie. Toe swart studente later ook voltyds by hierdie instelling kon studeer, was daar aansienlike druk van binne en buite die universiteit, van individue en instansies (soos Jeugkrag-Potchefstroom en die Senaat), wat wou sien dat daar oopstelling van koshuise vir swart studente kom. Die algemene kritiek van hierdie voorstanders vir oopstelling was gemik teen die diskriminerende aard en uitgediendheid van die segregasiepraktyke op die kampus, veral as in ag geneem word dat die instelling ’n uitgesproke Christelike karakter gehad het. Die Raad het egter in sy proses van besluitneming vae argumente aangevoer in sy weiering van oopstelling. Die Bestuur van die universiteit het die Raad pligsgetrou bygestaan deur met vaaghede, ontkennings en verplasings van betekenis die aksie van die voorkoming van die oopstelling aan die gang te hou. Die Raad het nie net geweier om bestaande koshuise oop te stel nie, maar het ook later met teësin alternatiewe planne beraam. Daarom het die universiteit baie laat in die geskiedenis van die oopstelling van koshuise op Suid-Afrikaanse kampusse bloot vermeld dat koshuise wel vir alle “bevolkingsgroepe” oop is, terwyl hulle toe weer eens verwys het na wat die “karakter” van die universiteit is, net soos by sy vroeëre weiering tot oopstelling.
    [Show full text]