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The Inca: Rulers of the Andes, Children of the Sun

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The Inca: Rulers of the Andes, Children of the Sun DAVID S. P. DEARBORN THE INCA: RULERS OF THE ANDES, CHILDREN OF THE SUN As children of the sun god, Inti, the Inca ruled their empire. Their claim to this position was reinforced through mythology and ceremonies involving a system of solar markers around the horizon of Cuzco. The remains of such solar markers have now been found, giving flesh to early Spanish accounts. But many questions remain. This system required the support of other observa­ tions. Who made them and how? More importantly, how was this sky watching activity used to support the Inca imperial system? By 1572 the last legitimate heir to the Inca crown had been executed, and many of the important shrines had been desecrated or destroyed. A great deal of information on Inca social structure, ceremonial activity, and belief is lost. Still, through ethnohistoric accounts, and archaeological fieldwork, it is possible to piece together the skywatching practices of the Inca and understand some of its use in organizing their empire. In late 1526, a small company of men led by Francisco Pizzaro departed from Panama, in search of a fabulously wealthy kingdom that was said to exist to the south. As Pizzaro's ship sailed onward, the ruling Inca, Huyna Capac, enjoyed a moment of tranquillity in his rule over the empire, Tahuantinsuyu. In just three generations, Inca control had expanded from the Cuzco heartland to a region that ran the length of the Andes. Over these years, Cuzco had been physically rebuilt into an imperial capital. At the same time, the Inca must have reconstructed their own society to accommodate the duties of imperial elites. Tahuantinsuyu was one of the greatest states to develop in the Americas, but this empire was not the first complex Andean society. Cuzco lay at the frontier between the highland centers of Huari and Tiwanaku. The region was occupied by the Huari from around AD 600 until the collapse of that empire, perhaps as late as AD 900 or 1000 (McEwan, 1987: 80, 1991). It is currently unclear which elements of Huari or Tiwanaku statecraft were adopted by the Inca as their own expansionistic state developed in the 15th century and which were their own invention. It is certain that on the eve of European contact, the Inca state had developed a very complex, hierarchical social structure, in 197 H. Selin (ed.). Astronomy Across Cultures: The History of Non· Western Astronomy, 197-224. © 2000 Kluwer Academic Publishers. 198 DAVID S. P. DEARBORN which they asserted their right to govern as children of Inti, the powerful sun god. In early 1528, as Pizzaro sailed home seeking a royal commission to conquer and Christianize the lands that he had found, a comet appeared in the sky. Shortly after this apparition, the last independent ruler of Tahuantinsuyu succumbed to a disease that swept the empire (Ziolkowski, 1985: 161-167; Dearborn, 1986: 17-19). With the death of the ruling Inca, a civil war engulfed Tahuantinsuyu as the brothers Atahualpa and Huascar contended for control. Huascar was captured by Atahualpa's general and killed. However, with the appearance of another comet in 1533 (Xerez, 1985: 156 [1534]; Cieza de Leon, 1984: 201 [1553: pt. I, Bk. I, Ch. 65]), Atahualpa too was executed by the newly arrived Spanish, and the collapse of Tahuantinsuyu as an indigenous state had begun. When the Spanish arrived, they wrote accounts that chronicled Inca accom­ plishments and methods of governance. As part of this effort, they could hardly avoid descriptions of the public rituals that marked the activities of the year. Nor could they miss commenting on the system of monumental structures that sur­ rounded Cuzco, marking the sun's motion along the horizon. During public gatherings, the rise or set of the sun between these markers provided a visible manifestation of the bond between the sun and the ruling elite. These historical materials provide a great deal of information on the development and operation of this autochthonous state, but substantial questions remain. The importance of the solar cult in Inca social organization was unambiguous, but beyond maintain­ ing an army, how did the Inca establish and enforce their premier position in Andean cosmology? What element in that cosmology made the sun an object of choice for the preferred supernatural patron? Was Andean cosmology adapted to fit Inca society, or was the empire organized to reflect that cosmology? To answer these questions, Andean cosmology must first be examined. Like any cosmology, it incorporated all perceived components (sun, earth, wind, beasts, people), and processes (creation, growth, celestial motions) of the cosmos. The indigenous methods of perceiving those components and processes can be called ethnoscience. The astronomy segment of indigenous science provides timekeeping, but it can be involved more fundamentally into social organization. When natural physical phenomena or celestial objects are seen as supernatural, their perceived powers make them subjects for attention and propitiation (for good or to avoid ill). The practical value of timekeeping reinforces the perceived power of celestial supernaturals, and the organized activities for propitiating them become a part of the indigenous astronomy. Close association with these powerful entities con­ veys social status or reinforces hierarchy. The Inca origin fit into this cosmology but included a kinship claim reaching to the beginning oftime (or at least the birth of the sun). Evidence will be presented suggesting that this assertion was an adoption of the Inca and not an invention. As an adopted element of state organization, Inca astronomy is potentially perti­ nent for understanding earlier Andean states as well as Tahuantinsuyu. As the best documented and preserved Andean culture, the Inca model has been used as a template for understanding pre-Inca sites (Anders, 1986). THE INCA: RULERS OF THE ANDES, CHILDREN OF THE SUN 199 The best evidence for Inca astronomical practice involves a system of pillars used to mark the motion of the sun along the horizons of Cuzco. A combination of historical and archaeological data will be presented to shed light on how these markers physically reinforced their claims to a solar heritage. The recent discovery of the remains of a pair of solar markers at the Island of the Sun provides insight into the actual functioning of these structures and resolves some of the ambiguity or contradiction- among various historic accounts. The construction of a system of markers used in public ceremony, along with the need to predict when to gather participants, requires the presence of specialists who systematically monitored the sun. What was the position of these astrono­ mer/skywatchers in Andean society, and how did they carry out their duties? The extent and nature of astronomical specialization is closely linked to both the astronomical knowledge that a culture possesses and the roles that this knowledge played in their communities. While there is considerably less infor­ mation on these specialists, evidence will be presented that skywatching was an important and well supported activity. With this basic data, some more elaborate but speculative hypotheses will be briefly discussed. They originate in the study of a system of shrines that existed around Cuzco, today called the ceque system. In 1964, R. Tom Zuidema published the first major study of the ceque system and its relation to the social and political organization of Cuzco. The first map of the system appeared in his introductory investigation of the Inca-calendar (Zuidema, 1977a). Zuidema (l977a, 1977b, 1981a-c, 1982a-c, 1983a, 1983b, 1988a, 1988b, 1990) and his collaborator, Anthony Aveni (1981, 1987), have subsequently investigated a number of hypotheses including the use of each shrine to represent a day in a sidereal calendar of 328 days (12 lunar sidereal months). In addition, a number of its shrines are aligned to astronomical phenomena including solstices, stellar rises and sets, and zenith/antizenith dates. While physical evidence to support these hypotheses is minimal, they have inspired considerable research. The utility of indigenous astronomy to help understand the relation between Andean cosmology and Inca social organization has long been recognized. Early efforts include Horacio H. Urteaga (1913), who reviewed various Spanish accounts concerning Inca solar markers, and Erland Nordenskiold (1925), who examined a series of Inca quipus (knotted strings on which the Inca recorded information) for possible calendric information. The recent and extensive works of Aveni, Sadowski, Ziolkowski and Zuidema will be referenced in this article, but for more complete accounts of astronomical research on the Inca see Astronomy and Empire in the Ancient Andes (Bauer and Dearborn, 1995), or La Arqueoastronomia en la investigacion de las culturas Andinas (Ziolkowski and Sadowski, 1992). Conquest of the Inca (Hemming, 1970), Provincial Power in the Inka Empire (D'Altroy, 1992), and Development of the Inca State (Bauer, 1992) are also excellent resources for additional information on the Inca. ANDEAN COSMOLOGY AND THE CULT OF THE SUN Early Spanish documents describe the Inca and other Andean peoples worship­ ping mountains, caves, springs, rivers, and rocks [e.g. Cobo, 1990: 44-46 (1653: 200 DAVID S. P. DEARBORN Bk. 13, Ch. 12)]. Each of the shrines they constructed, called huacas, was thought to contain an animus to which offerings were made. Certain of these huacas, mountains in particular, can be locally very important. Natural phen­ omena of demonstrable power, like the sun, thunder, and earthquakes, were also held to be supernaturals with an interest in the actions of humans. As these occur along the whole length of the Andes, they were more widely worshipped than individual terrestrial features. Among these natural forces, the sun was widely accepted as a deity to whom the Creator god had given the power to raise all foods (Cobo, 1990: 25).
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