Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928 - 1945 Colizzi, A.

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Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Wartime Art Director Inside the publishing industry

Mondadori and Italy’s publishing industry 177 Grazia (1938–43) 178 176 Tempo (1939–43) 180 An Italian Life of sorts 183 Photography 185 Munari’s contributions 187 Life vs. Tempo dispute 189 Foreign editions 192 Nineteen forty-three 195 Propaganda and consensus 197 The new typography and popular weeklies 202 Domus (1943–44) 203 Inside the cultural industry 206 Munari as author 208

Munari’s transition from advertising graphic design to the world of art direction for publishing took place in a rather particular context within the broader Italian publishing industry. On the one hand, the technological novelty of the illustrated magazine printed by the rotogravure process—which allowed an integrated printing of both texts and photographs, and was both faster and cheaper for large print-runs—had first been tried out in Italy during the early 1930s, under the auspices of Milan’s two main publishers, Angelo Rizzoli and Arnoldo Mondadori, in the women’s magazine and comic magazine sectors in particular.1 On the other hand, the mass distribution of print periodicals also corresponded with ‘the increasingly intimate relation- ship of convenience between the cultural politics of the regime and the major national publishing conglomerates’.2 With few exceptions, such as Einaudi and Laterza, the principal Italian publishing houses all had a good rapport with the regime, in the form of stable orders, general facilitation and financing—not so much for their ideological adherence to fascism, rather more 3 from a commercial standpoint. 1 . See Murialdi 1986: runs of 14 million copies. 102–4; Ajello 1976: 184–90, From 1940 onward, Monda- in particular 186n; Carpi dori also published Giusep- 2002: 123. pe Bottai’s biweekly Primato 2 . Lascialfari 2002: 440. (Decleva 1993: 244, 246). The Mondadori publishing 3 . Cf. the interview with house benefited by receiv- historian Gian Carlo Fer- ing commissions from the retti in the Rai Educational National Fascist Party and documentary Il Commenda Fascist youth organisations; e l’Incantabiss available at these included production url: www.lastoriasiamonoi. of the weekly Il Balilla and rai.it/puntata.aspx?id=478 the biweeklies Passo Romano (last accessed 30 January and Donna fascista, which 2009). altogether had annual print

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 Mondadori and Italy’s publishing industry functioned quite well, especially after their Women’s magazines were a particularly purchase of new machinery for the plants dynamic sector. They started from Milan in Verona, but their cover prices did not and ‘expanded in quantity and type reach- allow for high margins.9 In addition to the 176 ing readers of every status, class and educa- important children’s magazine division— 177 tion level.’4 Starting in the early 1930s this which, from the debut of Topolino (Micky category included, along with magazines Mouse) in 1935, had an exclusive deal with intended for the middle class (such as Li- Disney10—in the latter half of the decade del, La Donna or Sovrana), the new ‘maid’s Mondadori’s strategy in the periodicals magazines written for the servants but read sector focussed on ensuring they had a by the ladies of the house,’5 as Zavattini magazine to counter each and every type of keenly observed—Novella (Rizzoli, 1930), magazine released by its competitor Rizzoli, Rakam (Rusconi, 1930), Lei (Rizzoli, 1933) thereby guaranteeing a solid readership. and Gioia! (Rusconi, 1937), which could With the key collaboration of Cesa- barely be told apart except for the printing re Zavattini—an essential figure in Mon- color.6 As for the content, apart from polit- dadori’s journalistic initiatives, who was ical propaganda, the illustrated magazines brought aboard as publishing director after were based essentially on romantic stories, being fired from Rizzoli—the Anonima Pe- society news, advice (love, family relation- riodici Italiani (a company founded in 1937 ships, cuisine, fashion, household handi- with the aim of merging all of Mondadori’s crafts). Rizzoli held a prominent position periodicals) acquired the biweekly Le Gran- due to a ‘very shrewd editorial strategy that, di firme, which was then transformed into while favoring a common public, aimed at a large-format weekly centred on ‘short product diversification’ and offered, along stories by top authors,’ to counter Rizzo- with women’s magazines and movie maga- li’s homologous Novella. As we have seen, zines, news periodicals like Omnibus and Zavattini was also responsible, alongside Oggi.7 Achille Campanile, for the satirical weekly Mondadori’s commercial strategy tar- Il Settebello, competitor of Rizzoli’s Il Bertol- geted the same demographic of ‘readers do. Finally, in November 1938, as a response who were just beginning to grow accus- to the success of Rizzoli’s Lei, Mondadori tomed to that sort of publication, which launched a new women’s weekly, Grazia, had virtually no established tradition in whose fairly conservative formula (albeit Italy.’8 As compared to Rizzoli, the pub- with a slightly modern approach) paved lishing house’s earnings came primarily the way to its commercial success with a from the literary sector—which was tied to middle-class readership.11 And in the sum- a fairly modest, bookshop-based market— mer of 1939, Angelo Rizzoli and Arnoldo and in part from the scholastic textbook Mondadori reached an accord to help regu- market, determined chiefly by the govern- late their respective periodical regimes.12 ment. Mondadori’s periodicals division 4 . De Berti, Mosconi Secolo Illustrato in brown’ 1998: 145. (1964: 20). 5 . Cesare Zavattini, cit. 7 . De Berti 2000: 7; cf. in Chiavarini in Colombo Lilli 1976: 276–7. 1998: 139. 8 . Lascialfari 2002: 442. 6 . Carlo Manzoni: ‘It is Cf. Decleva 1993: 237–40. the time of the illustrated 9 . Decleva 1993: 200. magazine with the love sto- 10 . Ibid.: 234–8. ries (…) The weeklies can be 11 . Ibid.: 238–9. told apart more by the color 12 . ‘The undersigned of the print than by their companies agree that content. Novella is printed (...), for a period of three in purple ink. Cine Illustrato years, they will not create in blue ink. Lei in sepia. Il uncomfortable situations

Wartime art director Grazia (1938–43) Rizzoli who relaunched Lei/Annabella ac- Compared to the popular illustrated maga- cording to a similar formula.13 zines published by Rizzoli and Rusconi, the The weekly had a complicated begin- new title launched by Mondadori aimed ning, with a journey that is not only inter- to stand apart from the competition by of- esting for understanding the publishing 178 fering something different in the way of dynamic of the period, but also for recon- content. Mondadori had already previously structing how Munari came into contact published magazines intended for a female with Mondadori, ending up, within a few audience, later getting rid of them—for ex- short months, assuming the role of art ample, Novella, a weekly with love stories, director for the api titles.14 By the mid- transferred to Rizzoli in ’27—to devote it- thirties, Valentino Bompiani, in contact self instead to the entertainment market, with Zavattini who at the time worked for for which it launched successful series of Rizzoli, entertained the idea of entering the romantic literature (Romanzi della Palma, periodical magazine sector, without howev- 1932) and crime thrillers (Gialli, 1929) er managing to make the initial projects a distributed periodically at newsstands, as reality. In the summer of ’37, it seemed that well as a foreign stories series (Medusa, Bompiani thought of launching a women’s 1933). When the publishing company de- weekly at the same time that a similar veloped its intention to combat Rizzoli’s project was being prepared at Mondadori. hegemony in the market of illustrated Through Zavattini, the two publishers de- weeklies, Mondadori’s intuition was to cided to merge their initiatives: the detailed invent—or rather, to bring to Italy based proposal (plan, format, frequency, price, on foreign models, like later with Tempo— type of layout, content and columns) was a different type of magazine intended for drawn out by Bompiani, who thought of a the emerging middle class. Grazia not only weekly aimed at Italian women of average broadened its content offering, which en- circumstances, entitled Essere bella. The compassed fashion, beauty, current events, negotiations proceeded, but Mondadori handicrafts, but above all—as suggested by went back to the original idea of adopt- the subtitle ‘Un’amica al vostro fianco’ (A ing the formula of existing periodicals, friend on your side)—it changed the rela- like the French magazines Marie Claire tionship with the public in the sense that, and Votre Beauté; in the end, Bompiani ac- through advice and suggestions, the maga- cepted the compromise and became its zine offered a model woman who was more informed (yet aware of the inferior and for any of their contribu- of Grazia with a female essentially domestic social role assigned tors; furthermore, they will representation countering reach an accord in complete the regime’s accepted view. to them by Fascism). This publication’s good faith regarding all acts (Chiavarini 1998: 139). that serve to discipline the 14 . His name does not quick success confirmed that the formula publications they produce’. appear in the credits of Gra- responded to a real demand in the female Quoted in Albonetti 1991: zia (this use would not be 393, 408n; see also Decleva introduced until after the public—causing an immediate reaction by 1993: 243. war), while he is listed as 13 . Decleva 1993: 239; the director of the artistic Cantani 1983: 104–6. Pub- office in Tempo’s title page. lished from 1933, in ’38 However, in an announce- Lei was officially forced to ment for an advertising change its title to Annabella competition which ap- (to avoid the use of ‘Lei’, peared in the news weekly formal form for ‘you’, also at the end of 1939 (Tempo meaning ‘she’) abolished no.29, December 14, 1939) by the zealous secretary Munari is listed as ‘direc- of the pnf Achille Starace tor of the artistic office in favor of the more mas- of api,’ the company that culine ‘Tu’). On this occa- controlled all the publishing sion, the magazine adopted house’s periodical publica- a formula similar to that tions, including Grazia.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 editorial director. Nonetheless, reorgan- the need to ‘give the reader the impression izing the api structure with the inclusion of getting more for their money’ than by of Alberto Mondadori created increasingly an actual need of expression or function.19 difficult personal relationship, which led Munari’s art direction was rather well-con- 178 to Bompiani’s exclusion shortly after the structed, which can be seen, in addition to 179 launch in November of 1938. Even without the graphic style of the table of contents discussing the merits of either side’s rea- (which went through several versions) and

sons, it is clear that the event would, for a |186| the story titles (often sketched by hand), in long time, mark the relationship between |187| the overall layout of the articles, especially |188| Bompiani and Zavattini, in the meantime the ones—more often than not—which firmly at the helm of api.15 Once he was out were based on the photographic image ac- of the picture, Grazia was initially assigned companied by a short text or anecdotes. to Raul Radice (already at the editorial of- The headings, in the usual informal writ- fice of Il Milione, later for Tempo), later to ing, confirm Munari’s overseeing Grazia’s be run by Mila Contini Caradonna. graphic layout. He worked predominantly From the archive documents and evi- on the two-page spread, following an in- dence, it does not seem that Munari was tuitive layout, without preset typographic involved in this initial stage of the maga- outlines, giving himself a great deal of free- |185| zine launch.16 Nevertheless, from the dom in the combination of backgrounds magazine’s appearance, his presence was and borders (where he alternated pictorial already apparent beginning with the issues marks, screens, texturing, geometric pat- of January 1939, when the editorial office terns), the crop of the photographs, often was reorganized with specialized contribu- going back to plain illustrations, similar tors for the different sections.17 The cover to the style used in several covers of oth- was illustrated with fashion designs, at first er periodical magazines of the day (and in two colors on a light background, like shortly thereafter in his own children’s the masthead, positioned in the upper left books). Taking advantage of the photo- and based, with some liberties taken, on graphic montage of the elements on the the Bayer Type.18 Only after July 1939 did the magazine begin to use color photogra- 15 . Piazzoni 2007: has only been possible to 122–4. examine 1939, 1941 and phy on the cover, with a close-up of a mod- 16 . In particular, I 1943 at Biblioteca Naziona- looked at the archives of le Centrale, Florence, and el. In ’43, this look was modified with the the Fondazione Arnoldo e Fondazione Arnoldo e Al- redesign of the masthead and the use (like Alberto Mondadori, Milan, berto Mondadori, Milan. and the Valentino Bompiani 18 . Bayer Type, designed for Tempo) of a coloured band at the bot- private archives, in Apice by Herbert Bayer and sold tom, with different kinds of information Library, University of Milan. by the Berthold foundry, Munari’s absence would 1933. The lettering of the on it. The inside (initially planned in black indicate that his participa- masthead also used to a tion was decided following certain extent Normande, and white) was brightened with a second the start of the editorial another Berthold product color, at times with four-color inserts, even project. Particularly inter- sold in Italy under the name esting is the analysis, fol- Normandia (1931). Mu- if the choice seemed influenced more by lowing the premier issue of nari’s typographic palette Grazia, written by Bompiani was limited to a handful of in a letter to Mondadori on types, almost all included 11/9/1938, which provides in the well-known Tavolozza useful information on the (1935): Semplicità (sanserif), editorial office and the Landi and Luxor [Memphis] initial project (Biblioteca (Egyptian/slab serif), Veltro Apice, Valentino Bompiani [Welt] (script), Normandia Archives, Personal papers (fat face/neoclassical). of the publishing company/ 19 . Bompiani letter to series: Administrative pa- Mondadori, 11/9/1938 (cit): pers/ ua 14 Contract [Ma- 1–2. From January ’39, writ- ria?] Grazia/ envelope 2). ten on the cover it says, ’80 17 . Due to the difficulty cents. 32 color pages.’ in finding the first years, it

Wartime art director page, Munari demonstrated an unusual was an immediate success with readers not ability and confidence in manipulating the only in Italy, but also (beginning in 1940) rich repertoire of graphic solutions which abroad, with its several foreign editions; at he displayed through a continuous varia- its height, it sold over one million copies a tion of ideas. It is also possible that Munari week, and only closed its doors in Septem- 180 found inspiration for his work in Grazia in ber 1943, upon the German occupation of the pages of Arts et Métiers Graphiques or Northern Italy and the publisher’s exile in die neue linie—which could be the connect- Switzerland. ing link between his adopting a construc- The structuring and direction of this tivist aesthetic and falling back on a for- new weekly lay squarely in the hands of mula that was less structured, more flex- young Alberto Mondadori,22 and it is no ible, mannered, intuitive (in short, more accident that he also happened to be at in keeping with his temperament).20 After the head of a group of young intellectu- the middle of ’39, reports also appeared in als, ‘a generation of thirty-somethings Grazia that were clearly influenced by the who had not yet launched their careers,’23 work in the editorial office of Tempo: these who paid attention to what was going on were limited to photographic sequences in photojournalism on a European level. similar to the journalistic ‘phototext,’ but It would be the political and cultural cli- with lighter subject-matters. This conver- mate of the war that would ultimately at- gence with the news weekly is also appar- tract a broad readership, as the public at ent in the progressive graphic evolution of large was still tied to the conservative and the table of contents that, beginning in ’41, conformist models set by periodicals like adopted a nearly identical typographic style. L’Illustrazione italiana and La Domenica del Corriere.24 Without his father’s substantial financial backing, however, an industrial Tempo (1939–43) project like Tempo would never have been The illustrated weekly founded and directed able to become a reality; for this reason, it |189| by Alberto Mondadori, debuted on Italian seems clear that the new weekly was part of |205| |206| newsstands on 1 June 1939 with a relatively |207| cheap cover price. It was Italy’s first full- colour illustrated magazine: large format, 20 . Retrospectively, 1932 and 1935, he became full-bleed photographic cover, sixty-odd Bayer and Moholy-Nagy part of the debate regard- pages divided into several different col- were the figures who most ing so-called leftist Fascism. greatly affected Munari’s Growing pressure from his umns on politics, news, literature and art. artistic path (in the broad- family led him to leave a In addition to photography, which was an est sense of the term, not position as cinematic di- limited to the field of graph- rector’s assistant in Rome essential part of its editorial formula, one ic arts), as can be clearly (held between 1936 and noted by comparing their 1937) to assume an active innovative aspect of Mondadori’s weekly relative artistic paths. These role in the family publish- was its graphic layout, which was designed show recurring points of ing business. Ultimately, he 21 contact, almost like a par- returned to Milan in 1938 and overseen by Munari. The publication allel evolution (even if at upon being nominated ceo different times) of aesthetic of the Anonima Periodici and social interests; just Italiani. Cf. Ferretti 1996: think of the studies on light xiii–xxix; Decleva 1993: as a means of expression or 240. thoughts on the role of the 23 . Albonetti 1991: designer in society in Mo- 394–5. A year later, faced by holy-Nagy and in Munari. the foreign competition of 21 . See Lascialfari 2002: Signal, ‘The enterprise fell 443–4. back into Arnoldo’s hands, 22 . Arnoldo’s first-born and was strengthened in son already had experi- order to conquer the Euro- ence working at the cultural pean market’ (ibid.: 399). youth-oriented biweekly 24 . Cf. Albonetti 1991: Camminare, where, between 389–90, 395.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 the large commercial strategy of the Mon- by conspicuous technological and financial dadori publishing house. resources.30 Indeed, Tempo marked ‘a more Italy’s very first illustrated magazine, visible turning point in the general struc- Omnibus (1937–39) was published by Riz- ture of magazine publishing’31 by distin- 180 zoli, jointly run for the first six months guishing itself equally in both its content 181 by Rizzoli and Mondadori on Mussolini’s and its graphic look, which gave it a decid- wishes. Sixteen large-format pages, it was a edly popular American bent—to such a de- weekly focussed on current political events gree that a very similar editorial approach and literature, directed by Leo Longane- and graphic formula would be adopted si.25 ‘This is the time for news, for images, again in the 1950s in the new Epoca.32 for photographs of movie stars. Our new Despite the graphic design and tech- Plutarch is the Kodak lens (…) People and nologically innovative rotogravure printing, things, outside time and space and the Tempo (like Mondadori’s other periodicals laws of chance, become a vision; this is at the time) was ‘a product of markedly film. People go to the movies: so let’s give artisanal roots, with a minimal editorial them actresses’ legs and lots of images team.’33 The first editor-in-chief was Indro alongside well-written text; this is a new Montanelli, who after a few weeks was suc- kind of newspaper.’26 According to Lam- ceeded by Carlo Bernard; the editors were berti Sorrentino, a pioneer of Italian pho- Ettore Della Giovanna, Alberto Lattuada, tojournalism and special envoy for Tempo, Raul Radice and Federigo Valli; the sole the originality of Longanesi’s formula lay special envoy, and later head of the editori- in his ‘informative and controversial use al office in Rome, was Lamberti Sorrentino; of photography that had hitherto been ne- there were just a few correspondents, and a glected, relegated to a merely illustrative rather limited number of columnists. Later role, with the predictable cliché archive im- on this staff gained reinforcement from ages (…),’ photographs ‘Longanesi cropped various contributors, including poet Sal- to fit his own, highly personal tastes’ and vatore Quasimodo, Raffaele Carrieri and that occupied roughly a third of the en- Arturo Tofanelli.34 tire magazine.27 The magazine reached a sales quota of 70,000 copies weekly, but 25 . From April 1937 up on the subject of war (De until the suppression enact- Berti, Mosconi 1998: 151). was shut down by order of the Minculpop ed in January 1939, 40,000 30 . See also Carpi 2002: 28 copies were sold each week 123. (Ministry of Popular Culture). And both (cf. Murialdi 1986: 181). In 31 . Ajello 1976: 190. its successor Oggi and Mondador’s Tempo June 1939 (a few days earlier 32 . Ajello underlines 29 than Tempo’s launch) Rizzoli this ‘duality between the would follow in its footsteps. Neverthe- replaced Longanesi’s weekly more literary tradition in less, with respect to the élitist tone of the with Oggi, which was direct- journalism —such as Lon- ed by two young editors who ganesi’s—and the more ‘more literary’ journalism found in Omni- had worked with Longanesi, straightforwardly industrial Arrigo Benedetti and Mario lineage, like the one Tempo bus, Mondadori aimed instead to reach a Panunzio. Despite rampant was a part of (…)’ and then mass audience, taking full advantage of its conformism and a ‘fair dose in the post-war period by of imperial incence’, in 1942 Epoca, characterised by an industrial group organisation, empowered Oggi, too, was suppressed ever greater use of photog- (Ajello 1976: 188). raphy and colour, cultural 26 . Leo Longanesi, cit. and life-style articles as well in Mazzuca 1991: 79. as popular science articles, 27 . Sorrentino 1984: 63. and above all the mosaic- 28 . Cf. Cristiani, Ven- like spread of contributions ditti 2010, at http://www. in each issue (Ajello 1976: mediazionionline.it/artico- 190, 203). li/cristiani_venditti.html, 33 . Decleva 1993: 241. last accessed January 2011). 34 . Tempo. Roma: 29 . Oggi (1939–42) Azienda Periodici Italiani, would not fare any better 1939–1943. 26×36 cm, pp. than Omnibus: it was closed between 60 and 80. Print- in 1942 for its non-con- ing: Rotocalco Vitagliano, formist positions, especially Milan. Director: Alberto

Wartime art director Initially, Tempo’s editorial offices oc- was acquired by Mondadori and its offices cupied the first storey of a palazzo in piaz- were moved to Milan), while in Milan za San Babila, and were later moved to a Munari not only continued working with building in corso di Porta Vittoria. Staff ac- Bompiani on the graphic design of the Al- counts describe a rather unusual working manacco, but by 1934 was also one of the 182 environment for late-thirties Italy, clearly anthology’s co-editors. In 1938 Zavattini inspired and modelled upon the American and Alberto Mondadori found themselves papers of the day: there was a large, open heading the api, as editorial director and office all the editors shared, and a couple ceo, respectively: the decision to hire Mu- of side offices for the director and art de- nari as art director at the new weekly must partment.35 It seems the informal climate have happened at some point towards the and friendly rapport between co-workers close of 1938,39 while he was already the were especially unique aspects: ‘people artistic consultant for Grazia—perhaps on always worked together, went to lunch to- the suggestion of Zavattini or Bompiani. gether, went to football matches together By then Munari was also responsible of (…) We weren’t mere employees, rather we the graphic layout of the literary anthol- were real collaborators, in the full sense |190| ogy Il Tesoretto, published from 1939 by To- of the term: from the editor-in-chief to fanelli’s Primi Piani imprint, who was par- the proofreaders, we were all on the same ticipated by Mondadori. When he received level’ (Paolo Lecaldano);36 ‘Everybody was the invitation from Alberto Mondadori to a family, bound by friendship, even with join the weekly’s staff, his commercial as- the bosses (…) [who] often invited five or sociation with Riccardo Ricas had already six of us at a time to spend the week-end come to an end and he was working mainly at their villa in Meina’ (Lamberti Sorren- as an advertising designer. One plausible tino).37 It is hard to tell whether all this can be traced back to a precise decision on Mondadori. Editor-in- correspondents: Stefano Chief: Indro Montanelli Bricarelli, Giuseppe Pa- the part of management, or was simply a (up until no. 4, 22/6/1939), gano, Eugenio Haas, Pat result of Alberto Mondadori’s personality; then Carlo Bernard [Ber- Monterosso, Ilse Steinhoff. nari]. Editors: Ettore Della Photographic services: Is- regardless, a similar atmosphere would pre- Giovanna, Alberto Lattuada, tituto Nazionale luce, Foto vail again a decade or so later at the edito- Raul Radice, Federigo Val- api, Presse Hoffman–Foto, li. Managing editor (from Schoepke, Associated Press, 38 rial office of Epoca. 1940): Arturo Tofanelli. Black Star, International Correspondent: Lamberti News Photo, Keystone Alberto Mondadori and Bruno Munari Sorrentino, who acted as Press, Opera Mundi, Foto likely came into contact for the first time editor-in-chief of the Rome Vedo (Source: Adriano Aprà, bureau. Art Direction: Bru- ed., Luigi Comencini: il cine- through Zavattini, who had been the main no Munari. Between 1939 ma e i film. Venice: Marsilio, editor of Bompiani’s Almanacco Letterario and 1940 Salvatore Qua- 2007; retrieved 19 Febru- simodo, Raffaele Carrieri, ary 2009 at http://www. since 1932. During his stay in Rome, in Fabrizio Clerici, Gino Vi- pesarofilmfest.it/IMG/pdf/ sentini, Domenico Meccoli, Bibliografia_di_Luigi_Co- 1936–37, Mondadori had several more occa- Giuseppe Lanza, and Giaco- mencini_Critico.pdf). sions to frequent Zavattini at the editorial mo Mangeri joined the edi- 35 . Arturo Tofanelli, torial team. From Novem- quoted in Ferretti 1996: xxx. offices of Il Settebello (before the magazine ber 1940, section directors 36 . Quoted in Schwarz are listed: architecture, P.M. 1977. Bardi; art, Raffaele Carrieri; 37 . Sorrentino 1984: 65. cinema, Domenico Mec- 38 . Alberto Caval- coli and Luigi Comencini; lari: ‘Overall, on a human literature, Arturo Tofanel- level, Alberto made Epoca li; politics and naval his- an enchanting world (…)’ tory, Giuseppe C. Speziale; (quoted in Ferretti 1996: politics and military history, cxxxiii–iv). Emilio Canevari; science, 39 . Date surmised from Gaetano Baldacci; sports, Sorrentino’s statements, Vincenzo Baggioli. From wherein he speaks of ‘ex- 1942 onward, the editors citement-filled six months and section directors are no spent preparing the weekly’ longer listed. Photographic (Sorrentino 1984: 65).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 hypothesis is that his family life and home text.’43 Indeed, that close relationship be- situation—married in 1934, by ’39 he and tween writing and photography seems to his wife were planning, if not expecting, a be what distinguished Tempo from Life, in child—as well as the impending conflict which the unsigned articles seemed more 182 also pressed him into taking on the only like sideline editorials.44 183 stable, salaried job of his entire life.40 Regarding this adaptation of the American model within the Italian context, many of the leading journalists of the time An Italian Life of sorts seem to agree, while nevertheless empha- Tempo was Italy’s first weekly set up around sising its different tone in terms of content: the collaborative duo of correspondent according to Lamberti Sorrentino, Alberto and photojournalist. ‘Dear Reader,’ wrote Mondadori ‘wanted to Italianise the model Alberto Mondadori toward the end of established by Life in both formatting and 1942, ‘Tempo was created with an original the distribution of the material covered, look, which has been the secret of its suc- yet also leave room, in the written por- cess and wide distribution throughout Italy tions, for literary and more cultural cur- and Europe (…) our magazine’s report- rents in general; [he did this] by entrusting age is also told through photographs; the columns that elsewhere might have been photographs are no longer strictly illustra- viewed as secondary to major writers, for tive, showing episodes recounted in the instance, having Massimo Bontempelli articles, but rather are a form of reporting answer readers’ letters in his Colloqui col- in and of themselves (…).’41 While Alberto umn.’45 Arturo Tofanelli, who was deputy Mondadori’s interest in cinema may also editor at the time, agrees that ‘Tempo’s in- have played a role, the example set by the novation lay in its being an Italian Life of American weekly Life appears to have been sorts, with a greater commitment to con- an even stronger influence; its extraordi- tent. (…) Tempo also was a platform for nary success was based on the use of pho- the political views of major figures, from tography as a principal means of informa-

tive communication, rather than a mere 40 . Bruno Munari, Palinuro, ‘Cose lette: este- accompaniment of the written texts. As quoted in Catalano 1994: rofagia’ in Il Tevere, Rome, 153. 7–8 June 1939). See Decleva shown by the controversy it met with from 41 . Quoted in Lascialfa- 1993: 242. 42 ri 2002: 456. 43 . Bruno Munari, the very start, among other evidence, 42 . In particular, it is interviewed in Schwarz Tempo certainly adopted Life’s formula, al- worth recalling the com- 1977. Large portions of this motion caused (in reality as interview, as well as inter- beit without slavishly copying it. In Muna- near blackmail, and soon views with Arturo Tofanelli ri’s words, the idea behind Tempo’s original quelled) by Il Tevere, the and Paolo Lecaldano, are Fascist daily run by Tele- also included in Del Buono graphic design was the ‘parallel relation- sio Interlandi. The 6 June 1995a. This nod to cinema is 1939 issue featured a front- even more explicit in Alber- ship between “audio” and “video”, that page photograph showing to Lattuada’s definition: ‘It’s is, what is told through the photographs two people, each holding like in the movies, the pho- a magazine—Life and the tos are like the image, the isn’t the same as what is told through the newly created Tempo—to captions are like the nar- suggest that the latter was ration, the articles are like plagiarising the former. In the soundtrack’ (quoted in the following issue, it was Sorrentino 1984: 65). asserted in no uncertain 44 . Up until at least terms that ‘not only does 1939, when—simultaneously it crib the cover, but the with the outbreak of war in plagiarism is, one might say, Europe—not only the graph- total and totalitarian, from ic design was restyled, but the columns’ headlines also the editorial formula to the list of contributors. was modified to include More than just another case signed articles alongside the of “esterophily”, this is a photographic reportages. matter of downright shock- 45 . Sorrentino 1984: 64. ing “esterophagy”’ (Andrea

Wartime art director Bontempelli to [Curzio] Malaparte.’46 a decidedly European air, they also, on the With respect to its American counterpart, other, gave Mondadori another way to pro- Tempo distinguished itself by its elevated mote authors from their own stable, and cultural content—understandably, since it spread word of new inclusions in their was conceived in a country ‘plagued by an own series, such as La Medusa52—much 184 excess of rhetorical classicism, academia as the flap adverts were almost exclusively and literature’47—and dedicated a lot of for the publishing house and its titles. space to short stories, cinema, art, and sci- Other noteworthy columns like Scienza entific breakthroughs. It is no coincidence (Science) and Dialoghi delle cose possi- that many of Tempo’s contributors also ap- bili (Dialogues on Possible Things) were peared in the pages of Mondadori’s Teso- somewhat characteristic of the magazine’s retto and the series Lo specchio,48 as well as commitment to popularising new discov- in Giuseppe Bottai’s review Primato (also eries.53 Massimo Bontempelli’s column published by Mondadori), which accord- Colloqui con i lettori (Dialogue with Read- ing to Alberto Cavallari attracted a good ers) focussed on readers’ letters, suggested portion of ‘the new literature, basically, in

stark opposition to all the old blowhard 46 . Quoted in Ferretti of Il Tesoretto, published at Fascists and academics.’49 1996: xxx. the end of 1939, as well as 47 . Schwarz 1977. in publications under the Significant differences can also be 48 . Before working with Primi Piani imprint (whose found in the major space Tempo granted Mondadori, Arturo Tofanel- editorial staff already in- li had founded and directed cluded Alberto Mondadori). political issues, and especially foreign the Primi Piani publishing Munari signed two unique house, which was special- contributions to the fol- politics, which were conspicuously absent ised in the new literary lowing two editions as well: (until the outbreak of war) in the pages of movement known as Erme- an article titled ‘Tutti felici’ 50 tismo (hermeticism), and (Everyone’s Happy), a short Life. The main columns, like Affari Esteri produced the Il Tesoretto song-like text about Christ- (Foreign Affairs), dealt with political issues literary anthology, ‘A highly mas (whose tone hints at prestigious publication that his interest in children’s and current events, while Tempo perduto sold fairly well. I was also books), and ‘L’amore è un on press with several new lepidottero’ (Love is a Lepi- (Lost Time) focussed on a reading of his- poets, from Quasimodo to dopteran), a story-board of tory for controversial or propagandistic Cardarelli, Ungaretti, Mon- sorts for a short film, quite 51 tale, Saba and the rather similar to the photographic ends. There were also sections dedicated young Sinisgalli, Gatto and sequences he experimented to theatre, cinema and art—Tempo was also De Libero. It was a non- with in L’Ala d’italia and commercial lineup, with Tempo. Italy’s first weekly to include full-colour re- great content.’ In order to 49 . Alberto Cavallari, help bring Tofanelli into quoted in Ferretti 1996: xxx. productions of artworks. The list of writers Tempo’s editorial team, as 50 . Life’s first issue, for and intellectuals who appeared in Tempo’s well as increase the visibility example (published in No- of the new series, Arnoldo vember 1936), ignored main columns between 1939 and 1943 is truly Mondadori took over both events on the international impressive. If, on the one hand, the litera- the publishing house and level: it made no mention the magazine: ‘That’s how of the Depression hamper- ture columns—Narrativa (Short Stories) I joined the editorial staff ing the American economy, at Tempo and, alongside Nazi Germany’s rearma- and Letteratura (Literature)—and book re- Alberto Mondadori, ran ment, the Spanish Civil views—Fronte italiano (Italian Front) and the Specchio collection, in War or Italy’s annexation of which we published both Ethiopia. Carta stampata (Printed Papers)—exhibit new and old works by Ital- 51 . See Lascialfari 2002: ian poets (…)’ (Tofanelli 445. Cf. ibid.: 453: ‘Among 1986: 81–2). See also Ferret- the most common themes ti 1996: xxx–xxxi. Despite was anti-English propa- the absence of a signature ganda, which—with thinly or other printed indications, veiled mocking, critical various clues in graphic tones—glossed over tidbits style, as well as coinciding of the British press.’ dates and places, suggest 52 . See Lascialfari 2002: the graphic design of these 445, 447, 449. Cf. Alberto anthologies was done by Mondadori in Tempo no.55 Munari: if not exactly in (13 June 1940) quoted in the whole layout, his style Carpi 2002: 124. can be seen in the covers as 53 . Lascialfari 2002: early as the second volume 445.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 readings and anecdotal news and played an very start: ‘Because the Italian photography important role in the magazine’s growing market was fairly slim, Alberto Mondadori popularity.54 began with an absolute masterstroke; he snatched Life’s best photographer, John 184 Phillips, and hired him for his weight in 185 Photography gold. The slightly less expensive but equally As Tofanelli later surmised, ‘Reportage in good Federico Patellani—Italy’s sole great both black-and-white as well as colour photographer—was also brought aboard photographs, accompanied by three or four with an exclusive agreement (…)’.60 The highly researched, news-rich, well-docu- photographic editorial staff, led by Patel- mented and well-edited pages of text was lani,61 included first-rate photographers one of Tempo’s key characteristics’.55 For its like Eugenio Haas, Francesco Pasinetti, Al- launch issue, Tempo featured a reportage berto Lattuada, Giuseppe Pagano (as well on the miners of Carbonia (Sardinia), and as rationalist architects Enrico Peressutti its cover depicted a black-and-white pho- and Leonardo Belgioioso).62 Among the tograph of a miner taken at a sharp angle editors’ official objectives was the intent of from below; the accompanying article was creating an Italian photo agency (api Foto), seven pages long, but the text ran to only

two columns; the remaining space was 54 . See Lascialfari 2002: 60 . Sorrentino 1984: 65. filled by the photos.56 As Sorrentino recalls, 451. 61 . Patellani, quoted in 55 . Arturo Tofanelli, Aprà 2007. See also Patel- ‘in the excitement-filled six months spent quoted in Schwarz 1977: 7. lani’s text ‘Il giornalista 56 . Lascialfari 2002: nuova formula’ in Fotogra- preparing the weekly, one of the many 444. fia. Prima rassegna dell’at- new things we came up with was the com- 57 . Sorrentino 1984: tività fotografica in Italia 65–6. Following his debut (Milano: Editoriale Domus, positional approach we termed fototesto article in the first issue, 1943), in which he defined (phototext), a neologism we coined (…) the first reportage to be the new photojournalism in officially termed ‘photo- terms of clarity, comunica- |213| My phototexts were received well from the text’ appeared in no. 8 (20 tion, speed, a good handle July 1939), and was cred- on framing and cropping, very first issue (…) For each photo I wrote ited to Domenico Meccoli. and an avoidance of com- a really long caption, such that the editors Cf. Schwarz 1977. monplace subjects, ‘such 58 . A note by Ezio Maria that the images look alive, could then cut it to fit the layout. And then Gray (publicist and direc- current, throbbing [with I gladly sat down to write the article that tor at Mondadori, as well energy], like stills from a as a prominent figure in the film.’ Federico Patellani 57 tied it all together’. regime) to Alberto Monda- (1911–1977) began his pho- dori is quite symptomatic tography career in 1935, Although it did meet with some initial of the cultural climate and leaving his profession as a criticism,58 the substantial originality of reading habits at that time: lawyer. His work for Tem- Gray complained there was po together with Lamberti Mondadori’s new weekly won it an imme- ‘too little text compared to Sorrentino documents the diate readership, with print runs oscillating the excess of photographic birth of the photojournal- material (…) one can easily ist in Italy. After the war he between 100,000 copies the first week and read Tempo and its 56 pages, contributed to many Italian 59 cover to cover, in a quarter and foreign titles including, 700,000 by the summer of 1943. A keen hour or so. A cover-to-cover Epoca, La Storia Illustrata, awareness of their new photographic for- read of Oggi, at only 32 La Domenica del Corriere. pages, takes at least an hour. During this same period, mula directed editorial decisions from the You need some text, too’ Patellani devoted himself (quoted in Lascialfari 2002: to film production, collabo- 444–5). rating with Mario Soldati 59 . Print-runs calcu- and Alberto Lattuada, and lated from those indicated shooting several television by Arturo Tofanelli (cited documentaries. in Murialdi 1986: 183n) and 62 . Cf. Ennery Tara- Decleva (1993: 258–9)— melli, ‘Federico Patellani’ whose numbers for 1943 in Viaggio nell’Italia del Ne- are rather doubtful, i.e. far orealismo. La fotografia tra too small as compared to letteratura e cinema (Turin: the official overall print- Società editrice internazi- runs—and corrected based onale, 1995), cit. in Musto on research by Pasqualino 2007: 37n. Schifano.

Wartime art director which would enjoy exclusive rights on for- right crop (…) One thing Tempo took from eign sales and distribution of photographic its model across the Atlantic was the custom 63 of acknowledging all its collaborators on the material related to Italy and its empire. In colophon (…) the photographers, the graphic any case, a large part of the photojournal- designers, everybody, just like in cinema.66 ism related to foreign affairs was consist- 186 ently acquired from major agencies, includ- Aside from their editorial innovations, the ing the Istituto luce, Black Star, Keystone phototext was born of Press, and the Associated Press. The editors ‘always held onto the idea of building and the intention to realise film-like produc- tions, to make documentaries with all arranging the pieces, articles, and report- those photographic images. But there were age like film shorts (…) above all when they Lamberti Sorrentino’s photos, and then started compiling descriptions of events there were Federico Patellani’s photos (…) [which] were in a class of their own: because unfolding in the war and on the various he started out as a painter, he really knew fronts, to the point that they virtually filled how to frame things, and what an image is the entire magazine.’64 As Paolo Lecaldano, with respect to its surrounding space. The literary guys did not really understand the one of the first editors, recalled, grammar of images, they shot photos with- out really considering the frame—to such Alberto was the one who basically forced us a degree that when their images were used, all to take photos. We used the Leica and, on they were adapted, cropped, “framed” by the the way back after we’d done fieldwork, he graphic designers who did the layouts.67 expected us to have three or four rolls of film to develop. Munari always managed to find Photography was such a key element in something of use in all that material. That’s how the first phototexts came about. (…) Tempo’s success that the editorial office Alberto cared a lot about the quality of the even promoted a few initiatives aimed at images, as he did for the texts, and as for sensitising a broader public to the impor- Munari, he never once made a layout with- out having the photographer on hand’.65 tance of the image and modern advertising: for example, they launched a photographic And it was precisely the photography that |194| contest targeted at ‘all amateur photog- became the common ground, the shared raphers working in documentary photog- terrain uniting an artist like Munari, who raphy. Every submission must include a was open to all types of visual expression, series of at least fifteen photographs illus- to his journalist colleagues in the editorial trating an exceptional event or daily life, department, who had fairly typical back- provided that the images contain a comic, grounds in literature: tragic, or otherwise significant note. Above all, submissions must: be full of curious, I think I gave a useful suggestion to a lot of particular things or events; be captured amateur photographers—I recommended that, after choosing their subject, they take the with a vivid, acute sense of observation; shot from a few steps back, in order to widen be realised with the intent of creating and the visual field, thereby leaving some room sharing a contemporary, timely point of for the person doing the layout to choose the view—a clear, evident, interesting film of

63 . Cf. Alberto Mon- 64 . Lascialfari 2002: dadori’s letter (27/4/1939) 456. addressed to the Istituto dei 65 . Paolo Lecaldano, in- cambi in Rome to guaran- terviewed in Schwarz 1977. tee the necessary supply of 66 . Bruno Munari, in- foreign currency to acquire terviewed in Schwarz 1977. images from foreign photo 67 . Bruno Munari, inte- agencies. Quoted in Lascial- viewed in Schwarz 1977. fari 2002: 443.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 sorts dealing with a fact or event and con- temporary yet explanatory title. The concept ceived of with a journalistic, narrative sen- is basically a year in review issue covering 1939, 68 since the idea was to repeat the special edition sibility’. Zavattini’s influence can clearly once every year, every two years, or every four be seen in such initiatives.69 In December years: it could bee the quadriennale (quadren- 186 1939 an advertising competition was even nial) of the Italian spirit—of Italian ingenu- 187 ity. We would invite about sixty or so people, proposed on the best adverts published in telling each one: ‘Here’s a page—do whatever the magazine, which echoed themes of the you want on this page, follow the most ideal controversial debate on modern typogra- sense of liberty wherever your spirit wants to take it. In a certain sense, it means acting phy: not only did the competition aim to as a tuning fork of sorts, taking the pulse of ‘elevate the quality of advertising in Italy’, the Italian intelligentsia. It would suffice to but the jury brought together alongside just choose sixty names with extraordinary rigour and care, ranging from poets to archi- Bruno Munari such prominent figures as tects to draughtsmen and painters—and, look the typographer Guido Modiano, Guido out!—journalists and typographers and print- Mazzali of L’Ufficio Moderno, the painter ers and photographers, and from the fashion world to the sciences. We’re approaching the Carlo Carrà, Alberto Mondadori, Federico eve of e42’s unveiling. This overview would Patellani. have particular value in light of the upcom- ing e42, an indicative, polemic, international value. The beauty and intelligence expressed by the crème de la crème of humankind will Munari’s contributions be seen in the architectural plans of a house, Despite the tight editorial schedules for the in a typographic letter, in an advertising poster, in a garment: it will give a unity to all Mondadori weeklies, it seems Munari was these separate branches, all the various indi- particularly active in this period, through vidualisms of the Italian creative spirit—eve- various initiatives that in one way or an- rything there is that’s new, and I don’t mean amateurish (…) Uomini nuovi could be an other were all characterised as initial at- extraordinary gift supplement to Tempo (…).71 tempts at updating and reviving, or rather democratising visual culture. One under- Zavattini also emphasised the minimal cost taking that was closely linked to his own this supplement would incur, and in order experience as a graphic designer, as well as to prevent it being bogged down by adverts, his intent to reinvigorate culture in general, he suggested a sponsor might be involved. was an idea he developed together with Ce- A proposal of this sort—in both the ‘choral sare Zavattini—a special publication that 68 . Quoted in Carpi tant graphic designers, and would appear alongside Tempo, which was 2002: 124. also worked as an illustrator, unfortunately never followed through with. 69 . Schwarz provides an painter, and glass artist. He interesting neorealist read began his artistic career in In July of 1939 Zavattini sent the publisher of the Italian photography Milan in the early thirties, a proposal he, Munari and Fulvio Bianconi that appeared in Tempo, in working for various publish- which he detects ‘a way of ing houses, and Garzanti in 70 had put together: looking, with and through particular. In the early fif- the camera, that is quite ties he became a contribu- different from American tor to Epoca; his friendship (…) A file of a hundred-odd pages, some in photojournalism, and with Munari evidently dat- colour, titled Uomini nuovi (New Men)— a rather closer to the cin- ed back to before the war, ematographic neorealism when both worked at Tempo. presaged by Alessandro See Fioravanti, Passarelli, Blasetti’s 1942 film Quat- Sfligiotti 1997: 122. tro passi fra le nuvole (Four 71 . Cesare Zavattini, in Steps in the Clouds) and a letter to Alberto Mon- seen at its peak in Luchino dadori dated 21/07/1939 Visconti’s 1943 film Osses- on api letterhead; quoted sione (Obsession)’ (Schwarz in Carpi 2002: 125–6. e42 1977: 2). Not surprisingly, stood for Esposizione 1942, Zavattini was one of the the international exposi- screenwriters for Blasetti’s tion scheduled to be held film. in 1942 in Rome, for which 70 . Fulvio Bianconi an entirely new city quarter (1915–1996) was one of his was being built (which later generation’s most impor- came to be known as eur).

Wartime art director survey’ approach and the pro-nationalistic own photographs, were later collected in ambitions, not to mention the exceptional- a volume as Fotocronache, which Munari ity of the event—was reminiscent of the Al- published in 1944 with Editoriale Domus. manacco dell’Italia veloce, the failed publish- In fact, the Mondadori weekly gave Mu- ing initiative conceived of by the Futurists nari the possibility to refine his work as an 188 in 1930. With respect to that first attempt, author which began in 1936 in La Lettura, a decade later Munari not only had signifi- and he produced a particularly significant cant (and in many ways avant-garde) pro- number of articles in ’41 and then again in fessional experience under his belt, but the ’43 and ’44 with an average of 7–8 articles very context in which the new project was per year. When Tempo closed because of the being proposed had undergone a notewor- German invasion in northern Italy, Muna- thy evolution: the festivities and exhibition ri resumed publishing in Domus where he marking the tenth anniversary of the Fas- would continue to contribute until the end cist revolution made celebratory compila- of ’44. tions of this sort familiar to a broad pub- Munari must have found a lot inter- lic.72 The exact reasons why Uomini nuovi esting cues and inspiration in the popular never came to be are not known, but the science articles that appeared in Tempo or plans, in any case, display the dynamism elsewhere in the press at that time, and and breadth of Munari’s interests. such sources would end up being useful in During his four years in the editorial his later research on materials and tech-

|196| office of Tempo Munari published no less niques. They also helped him develop his |197| than twenty or so articles, essentially based own clear, level, rational language, which |198| |199| on the image and dedicated in general to would become a key characteristic of his |200| curiosities73 or especially in ’43 during the writing and pedagogical philosophy in gen- |201| most critical stage of the war, to pleasant- eral after the war: ries, always resolving with a humorous quip;74 at times even intentionally on top- 72 . Similar objectives Mun., ‘La giornata del Trio ics of war propaganda, in that case in a can be found in the general Lebùscano’ in Tempo no.112 75 setup of some large-format (17–24 July 1941): 11–2; or paternalistic tone. In any event, besides illustrated publications B.M. ‘Tacere’ ivi no.101, 1–8 a few popular articles on shop window dis- produced by Domus pub- May 1941): 28–31. lishers, from the volume 76 . Mu. [Bruno Muna- plays, printing types or trends in photogra- entitled Arte Romana edited ri], ‘Vendere’ in Tempo phy,76 Munari also had the opportunity to by Edoardo Persico (1935) no.80 (5 December 1940): to Italiani curated by Gio 32–6; Bruno Munari, ‘abc- publish more experimental articles on Tem- Ponti (1937); as well as in defg’ ivi no.83 (26 Decem- L’Italia fascista in cammino ber 1940): 16–20; ‘Fermare po’s pages, including: ‘Letterina di Natale (Rome: Istituto Nazionale l’immagine’ ivi no.206 (6– 1940’,77 ‘Inez, l’isola dei tartufi’ or ‘L’uomo luce, 1932) or Italia Impe- 13 May 1943: 12–3). 78 riale (Milan: Rivista Illu- 77 . Munari, ‘Letterina del mulino’, with a similar layout; and strata del Popolo d’Italia, di Natale 1940’ in Tempo the amusing roundup of modern artistic 1937. no.29 (14 December 1939): 73 . See for example 20. 79 trends in ‘L’arte è una’. Most of these ar- Bruno Munari, ‘Fantasia 78 . Bruno Munari, ‘Inez, materia prima’ in Tempo l’isola dei tartufi’ in Tempo ticles, in many cases accompanied by his no.91 (20–27 February no.88 (30 January–6 Febru- 1941): 11–2; ‘Un leone in ary 1941): 16–7; according salotto’ ivi no.101 (1–8 May to Schwarz, this was ‘an 1941): 17–9; ‘Barba e veloci- incredibly lucid example of tà’ ivi no.183 (26 Novem- photographic de-montage ber–3 December 1942): carried out on a banal Ali- 21–3, respectively. nari postcard’. Idem, 74 . See for example ‘L’uomo del mulino’ ivi Bruno Munari, ‘Per futili no.191 (21 January 1943): motivi’ in Tempo no.180 23. (5–12 November 1942): 79 . Bruno Munari, 32–3; ‘A tu per tu col qui ‘L’arte è una’ in Tempo pro quo’ ivi no.203 (15–22 no.197 (4–11 March 1943): April 1943): 16–7. 34–5. 75 . See for example

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 Another person I owe a lot to was an engineer, Our was a rapport (…) of expertise—that is, Rinaldo de Benedetti [a.k.a. Didimo]. He was we trusted one another’s expertise—but with a journalist, and wrote for the Corriere della a few doubts, in the sense that a large part sera. I admired his clarity, his simplicity, and of the literati completely ignored the exist- so I tried to copy the way he wrote, and I often ence of even the slightest possibility of such a 188 went to pay him a visit: [that’s how] I learned thing as visual communication (…) The only 189 to write in a clear way, accessible to all.80 ones you could really talk about visual com- munication with were the photographers.82

The beginnings of some of his visual exper- Munari went on to extend the discussion imentation and research also surfaced dur- to a more general pedagogical terms: ing his years at Tempo; although many were never realised or never appeared in article (…) You could say that that was when a real visual discourse began to develop, and form, they contain core ideas that Munari even today its still in the process of be- would later explore in the post-war period. coming clearer: [it dealt with] the use of the image as a means for communicat- I remember proposing a series of topics that ing things that, if communicated ver- might still be current. One of them was the bally, would require a certain number of colour of cities, in which you could really words—with no guarantee that the reader, see that Bologna is orange, Venice is white when he begins to imagine whatever it is the text describes, comes up with the thing and grey, Turin is brown, Alberobello is black 83 and white. Another idea was to photograph you ultimately want to communicate. streets [associated by name]—via Roma in Turin, via Torino in Milan, via Milano in Rome—with a whole description of every- Life vs. Tempo dispute thing that happens on these streets, to see how one city treats the other. Or show some In confirmation of the relevance a pub- masterpieces of classical art in colour but in lication of this sort had in Italy, Tempo’s negative, do an article on a factory of geo- launch was met by coverage in several graphic relief maps and world maps, where there are different scales that would allow newspapers, including Il Popolo d’Italia and the photographer to show in a radically the Corriere della Sera. ‘Munari’s graphic 81 new way something that isn’t new at all. design for Tempo was proof that the main objective was to bring a new kind of illus- It was in this same period that his deep trated weekly to Italian readers, inspired by interest in the foundations of visual com- weeklies from abroad, and above all Life’.84 munication—which would later become When interviewed many years later regard- a consistent methodological orientation ing the weekly’s beginnings, Munari de- of his investigations—grew increasingly tailed its inspirations: evident. Speaking of his role as art depart- ment director in relation to his journalist As far as Italian publications are concerned, [we looked at] Illustrazione italiana and Leo colleagues, Munari explained: Longanesi’s Omnibus; with regard to foreign ones, [we looked at] France’s Vu, Germany’s Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung and München Illus- trierte, Britain’s Picture Post, and America’s

80 . Bruno Munari, 82 . Ibid. quoted in Catalano 1994. 83 . Ibid. See also Biagi 1998: 156. 84 . Lascialfari 2002: 81 . Bruno Munari, 444. quoted in Schwarz 1977.

Wartime art director Look and Life. (…) Actually, at Mondadori Milan, although possibly inspired by ex- they really wanted Tempo to be a copy of Life. emplary issues of Signal—relied above all At the time, I was working at Alberto’s new weekly, and—naturally—I tried to do some- else on the rational use of colour and il- thing different: but the trend back then was lustration; thanks to the explanatory role it to copy the American model, because Ital- played it soon became one of Tempo’s more 190 ians always have a foreign model for every- thing they do. The imitation was so close distinctive characteristics, since through- and so evident, in the first few issues, that a out the wartime period the weekly analysed few witty readers commented “Those who the evolution of the conflict on multiple have Tempo don’t wait for Life” [Those who have time don’t wait around for life].85 fronts, often in lengthy, well-investigated articles.90 This is an interesting graphic Indicative as this was of Mondadori’s at- development, which Munari would have a tention to the latest trends of the interna- chance to perfect further in the layout and tional press, it is unlikely that the periodi- in original contributions which appeared cals mentioned by Munari (above all be- in Domus during the time of his collabora- cause of their heterogeneity) actually were tion there (following the closing of Tempo taken as precise models either for Tempo’s and Grazia at the end of ’43), which con- editorial style or typographic layout.86 stituted his main body of work during the Alberto Cavallari, editor of Epoca in the turbulent period of the Salò Republic (Ital- early 1950s, also mentioned the magazine ian Social Republic). Signal as one of their models.87 This was a With regard to content, and especially propagandistic German biweekly distribut- the use of photographic material, Schwarz ed in most European countries, including estimates that it was precisely the attempt Italy. In reality, the reverse is more likely true: Signal was only launched in April of 85 . Bruno Munari, in- are another matter, and 88 terviewed in Schwarz 1977. those relationships lasted 1940, almost a year after Tempo debuted. 86 . On the other hand, throughout the war). Epoca Only later, when Mondadori launched its in the many interviews he was launched in 1950. gave over the years, Muna- 87 . Quoted in Ferretti foreign editions after an agreement was ri’s recollections are often 1996: xxx. somewhat imprecise. For 88 . Aside from Mayer’s made with the Ministry of popular culture, instance, see Catalano 1978 volume, which con- was the German edition of Tempo (…) ‘ex- 1994: 153: ‘[During the war] sists solely of reproductions 89 I was lucky, I was at Monda- from the English editions, changed for the Italian edition of Signal’. dori. That was the only only the most historically up-to- The German publication likely did, how- stable, salaried job I ever date synthesis can be found had; I was what would now in Rutz 2007: regarding ever, act as a model of communicative ef- be called art director for competition with Tempo, see Mondadori’s magazines. At pp.69–72, 84–85. Detailed fectiveness with the special approach taken the time (1938), Mondadori technical and historical toward the information-based graphics— had stipulated an accord information can be found with the English Time Life at scholar and collector e.g. maps, diagrams, plans, tables—that ac- to do a magazine titled Tem- Pasqualino Schifano’s site, companied the text and photo-essays. This po (which I did the layouts http://www.giornalidiguer- for, in addition to Grazia ra.com (last accessed in new graphic aspect—most likely developed and Epoca). Throughout the February 2009). entire war I worked there, 89 . Arturo Tofanelli, independently by the editorial offices in and then I left.’ Aside from quoted in Schwarz 1977: 6. the understandably impre- This was a concession ar- cise date (1938 vs. 1939) ranged by both the Italian and nationality of Time Life, and German ministries it seems Tempo never had whereby Italian copies of Si- any accord with the Ameri- gnal were literally traded for can publishers of Time German copies of Tempo. Life—only in the fifties and 90 . Lascialfari 2002: sixties did Mondadori man- 454. Information graphics age to acquire the rights to were also effectively used produce an Italian edition in the popular scientific of some of Time Life’s series and technical columns (for (the contracts with Ameri- subjects as varied as medi- can and English photo cine, physics, urbanism, agencies to purchase im- economics). ages for the Italian weekly

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 at inventing an updated type of journal- among illustrated periodicals of the day, as ism based upon a new kind of relationship can also be seen for instance from Britain’s between the visual realm and the verbal Picture Post (which debuted in 1938). realm, which clearly distinguished Tempo The magazine’s interior has rather 190 from Life.91 From a graphic standpoint, on more subtle, less evident resemblances, 191 the other hand, it cannot be denied that but many of the typographic details belie the dispute regarding Tempo’s originality Mondadori’s more or less direct imita- had some element of truth to it. Before tion. The table of contents, for example, is all else, its format is striking, as it was similar in both: it takes up a (vertical) half based on the exact same proportions and page, with a small title in grey at the top, |202| was virtually identical.92 The most glaring and reproduces the cover image in a small similarities appear right on the cover: in inset; the few differences found in Tempo both cases the layout had a red rectangle occur in the composition, which is asym- in the upper left corner, atop a full-bleed metrical with respect to the main column, black-and-white photo, with the title ap- uses a more contemporary face like Landi95 pearing in white, sans-serif, full caps: the and sets the colophon opposite the table of letters of Life were generously spaced, in a contents, instead of at the bottom of the boldface version of Alternate Gothic No.393; page. Tempo’s letters were more tightly spaced, The layout of the average photographic and based on the narrower proportions |203| spread also betrays close similarities be- of Alternate Gothic No.1 (with a couple of tween the two magazines: not so much in the letters, p and o, slightly modified). In main compositional frames—which vary any case, whereas the American weekly from three to four columns for both text featured a swath of red along the bottom, and photos—as in the typographic details: listing the date and price (justified on the from the type chose for the main body of right, diagonally opposite the title), Tempo text (be it Scotch Roman for Life or Cen- was more discreet in inserting such de- tury Linotype for Tempo, both looked to the tails, and used a thin black stripe above same neoclassical English models) to the the title block for the date, while the price was listed in red within a white circle at 91 . Schwarz 1977. in its headlines and in its the lower right (again, diagonally opposite 92 . Life measured captions was a narrow bold- 26.5×35.5 cm; Tempo meas- face variant, possibly Bold the title). Finally, in both cases, the cover ured 27×36.5 cm. Condensed Titling (cf. Jas- story’s title appears to the lower left, atop 93 . Designed by Mor- pert, Berry, Johnson 1970: ris Fuller Benton for the 287–91). the photo, in black or reversed out, tightly American Typefounders 95 . Introduced to the spaced, full caps—Alternate Gothic No.1 for Company in 1903 and dis- Italian market by the Fon- tributed by Linotype, this deria Nebiolo, this typeface 94 Life, Monotype Grotesque for Tempo. On typeface consisted of three is the same as Welt, created more or less narrow, bold by Hans Wagner in 1931 and the other hand, imitation—above all in variations, from No.1 to produced by the German cover style, in order to ride the success of No.3. It is, essentially, a foundry Ludwig & Mayer. narrower version of Ben- It is an Egyptian typeface, the American model—was quite common ton’s other typeface designs, characterised by thick, including Franklin Gothic geometric serifs, associ- (atf, 1903–12) and News ated (like many German Gothic (atf, 1908). sans-serif typefaces of the 94 . Based on nine- period) with the rational- teenth-century models ist bent of new continental issued by the English typography. Alessandro foundry Stephenson Blake, Butti, art director of the Monotype Grotesque, created Studio artistico at Fonderia in 1926 under the supervi- Nebiolo in Turin, added two sion of F.H. Pierpont, was ornamental versions, Landi one of the first revivals Linear and Landi Echo. See of a Victorian sans-serif Jaspert, Berry, Johnson typeface. The version that 1970: 132, 239; Rattin, Ricci appeared on Tempo’s cover, 1997: 99.

Wartime art director small sans-serif letters used at the open- Thus, aside from a few minimal differ- ing of each article; from the page numbers, ences, Tempo’s adherence to the American justified with the text at the top of the model seems undeniable. Even when Life page, along the inner margin, to the cap- updated its graphic design in 1939, adopt- tions, with a few words in boldface leading ing a more varied and refined typography, 192 into the main caption text; and finally to Mondadori had evidently decided that Tem- the section heads, all caps and in Futura po should follow the early issues of Life in framed by an outlined box. In general, the every single aspect. margins were slightly broader in Life than in Tempo, while the latter had more effec- tive title layouts, often spanning four col- Foreign editions umns and featuring a broader variety of While Tempo’s foreign editions were an in- typefaces. tegral part of an ambitious marketing strat- On a technical level, however, a clear egy Mondadori adopted to help guarantee difference can be felt in the higher qual- significant participation in the periodical ity and finer finish of the American maga- export market of Axis-occupied coun- zine’s paper, which—combined with its off- tries,96 they were also a direct response to set printing (except the section reserved for the competition introduced by the Ital- the photo-essay, which was printed in roto- ian edition of Signal, which had caused gravure)—understandably made for a phys- a fair amount of apprehension among ically superior product. This was especially Italian publishers upon its debut in April true with regard to the text’s legibility, as |204| of 1940.97 The German publication had Tempo was printed entirely in rotogravure, briefly appeared in an Italian edition titled which meant that the text was composed Segnale, which was replaced after a few is- of dots just like the images. The internal sues by a bilingual edition titled Signal, the distribution of advertising and informa- result of heated negotiations between the tion within each magazine was equally two country’s Ministries of Propaganda. different: in the pages of Life these are There is no evidence to disprove the idea distributed in roughly equal measure be- that Mondadori was already considering tween the three main components of text, an expansion into foreign markets, but the photography, and adverts; in Tempo, on the competition of the German biweekly—the other hand, the space occupied by adverts first instance of a multilingual magazine is still rather modest, and relegated to the distributed in multiple countries—certainly opening and closing pages. Colour was also more present in Life, appearing throughout 96 . See Ferretti 1996: all European languages. Be- both photo-reportage and adverts, whereas xxxiii–iv; Decleva 1993: cause Signal was a foreign 256–9; cf. Albonetti 1991: tool for propaganda pro- Tempo occasionally used it for art reproduc- 393–400. duced by the Wehrmacht’s tions and the duotone covers of the issues 97 . An Italian edition Propaganda Kompanie (and of Signal was available under direct oversight of published between 1940 and 1941. upon its debut in April of Goebbels’ Propagandami- 1940, simultaneous with nisterium), the magazine the French, English, and was never distributed in German editions. Italian Germany (Pasqualino publishers responded im- Schifano, in conversation mediately, and by putting with the author, 25 Febru- pressure on the ministry ary 2009). In 1941 Tempo they managed to block dedicated an entire article distribution of the second to its competitor, signed by issue, while waiting for ad- Alberto Mondadori as war equate protective measures correspondent: ‘Compagnie to be formulated through P.K. La guerra vista dal sol- official venues. Overall, by dato’, in Tempo no.91 (20– 1945 a total of 26 editions 27 February 1941): 21–5. were released, in practically

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 sped up the process. Mondadori’s first expressed, to make the magazine sell like contacts with the Minister of Popular Cul- hotcakes up there. Goebbels never realised ture, Alessandro Pavolini, date back to July that, but he did cancel the print run when of 194098 and led to an initial commercial he found out how unexpectedly high it had 192 agreement in October of that same year, climbed’.102 Over the following months 193 permitting the creation of a German-lan- further agreements were reached with the guage edition of Tempo ‘as a quid-pro-quo Ministry of Popular Culture that allowed response to the bilingual edition of Sig- for a successful launch of other foreign edi- nal.’99 This agreement also provided im- tions targeted for the areas of geopolitical portant economic support, in the form of influence closest to Mussolini’s Italy: 1941 a subsidy for each copy printed, depending brought editions for Spain, Croatia, Greece upon the various editions, with an inverse and Romania; in 1942 came editions for relationship such that as the print run in- Albania, France and Hungary.103 The maga- creased, the subsidy decreased. zine was also distributed for free to Italian The Deutsche Ausgabe (German edi- soldiers in the occupied territories, as well tion) debuted in October 1940. The fact as in Turkey and, through Italian embassies, that it appeared biweekly, rather than in countries throughout South America. In weekly, echoed the model set by Signal, total, by 1943 the various editions of Tempo while both the graphic design and contents officially exceeded one million copies,104 logically followed the Italian edition of and the high demand required that the Tempo. The magazine’s content included a printing facilities be moved from Milan’s selection of the best material published in Vitagliano printing facilities to Monda- the corresponding two issues of the Italian dori’s own plants in Verona, which had a edition as well as new articles and photo- large man continuous-printing rotogravure essays.100 As for the initial print run of press. 50,000 copies, the success of German sales 98 . Lascialfari 2002: by the Ministry of Popular was surprising: in just a few weeks, with 447 quotes as evidence the Culture. the Italian edition still at about 200,000 undated memorial written 103 . The precise launch by Alberto Mondadori and dates of each foreign edition copies each week, the German edition enclosed to his application are as follows: German edi- grew to 100,000 copies.101 As Tofanelli re- to the Psiup (Partito Socia- tion, 3 October 1940; Span- lista Italiano di Unità Pro- ish, 16 January 1941; Croa- calls, ‘We really did not get why there was letaria) between 1944 and tian, 22 May 1941; Greek, ‘46. About Tempo’s foreign 28 August 1941; Romanian, such a boom in Germany (…) And then editions, see ibid.: 447–8. 4 September 1941; Albanian, we came to understand that German read- 99 . Decleva 1993: 258. 15 January 1942; French, 19 The bilateral accord stipu- March 1942; Hungarian, 26 ers detected a certain wave of revolt in the lated ‘lockdown’ conditions March 1942. Cf. Albonetti Colloqui con Bontempelli, and therein for both magazines with 1991: 413n: these data were regard to their frequency, corrected based upon infor- caught a glimpse of the truth. Goebbels’ number of pages, number of mation provided the author colour spreads (as indica- by Pasqualino Schifano (3 lockdown was so fierce that all it took was tive of paper quality) and March 2009). a few modest reservations, the hermetic cover price (Pasqualino 104 . The print run re- Schifano, in conversation corded in issue no.70 of allusions our writer Massimo Bontempelli with the author, 25 Febru- the German edition (1–15 ary 2009). July 1943) is 1,312,120 cop- 100 . See letter Alberto ies (Lascialfari 2002; cf. Mondadori to Alessandro Schwarz 1977) based on Pavolini, undated, quoted in information included in Lascialfari 2002: 448. the colophon of the parallel 101 . Decleva 1993: 259. Italian issue. See also De- 102 . Tofanelli 1986: 15. cleva 1993: 258–9. Detailed What the journalist offers edition print runs for July here is but the official ver- 1943 are as follows: German sion of the story: the print edition, 500,000 copies; runs for Germany (and French, 135,000; Romanian, possibly other foreign edi- 50,000; Spanish, 25,000; tions) were actually used as Greek, 27,000; Hungarian, a cover for secret funding 30,000; Croatian, 40,000;

Wartime art director The competition posed by Signal, as Considering the support received from some scholars have pointed out, ‘was a the Ministry in the form of both declared thorn in Arnoldo’s side throughout that contributions as well as secret funding, the entire period’.105 It was clear that the cover free distribution to Italian soldiers in oc- price would not cover the high costs of cupied countries and the overall success of 194 printing; whereas Signal’s budget gap was the various editions, indeed Tempo ended covered by the German Propagandami- up being ‘a good business deal for Mon- nisterium, entrepreneur Mondadori had dadori in his relationship with the regime, to beg for the support—both direct and which ultimately gave him noteworthy indirect—of the Italian Ministry of Popu- economic advantages and vast marketing lar Culture and, ultimately, the regime’s strategies.’110 The foreign editions were sus- protection. Domestic distribution data106 pended, upon Ministerial decree, after the indicate that in 1942 Signal not only saw 25 July 1943.111 Tempo’s competition, but also raised it; the German magazine not only had strong ad- Albanian, 40,000—for a to- soldiers (Pasqualino Schifa- tal of approx. 850,000 cop- no, in conversation with the vertising, but it also enjoyed the advantage ies. According to the official author, 25 February and 2 data, then, the Italian edi- March 2009). of receiving photo-essays from the Eastern tion must have been around 105 . Cf. Albonetti 1991: front, under the auspices of the Propa- 450,000 copies, which 397–8. The author cites a 107 does not seem to match the letter (dated 26 November ganda Kompanie. Indeed, ‘up until the weekly’s actual distribution 1941) in which Arnoldo spring of 1943 Mondadori never stopped in Italy, and listing a print Mondadori, complaining run even smaller than the about the preference both battling Signal for their market share, and German edition. However, distributors and newsstand the print runs billed by owners granted his Ger- even carried out tight customs checks Vitagliano (now in Fonda- man competitor, refers on all the trucks coming over the Bren- zione Arnoldo e Alberto not only to his own desire 108 Mondadori) indicate that to defend the magazine ner Pass’. The recollections of journalist the German edition was ‘with any and all necessary Gaetano Afeltra—a longtime friend and printed in quantaties that means’ (as Tempo had been were roughly half of the called ‘api’s backbone’), but colleague of Alberto Mondadori—concur: officially declared amount. also to ‘higher authorities’ This would support the who would share his point hypothesis that such in- of view (preserved in Fon- What you have to keep in mind is the fact flated numbers served to dazione Arnoldo e Alberto that all that [Tempo’s propagandistic role] was obtain greater contribu- Mondadori). part of the magazine’s business sphere, and tions from the ministry via 106 . Reports from sise was led and managed by the publishing house secret means—a manoeuvre (Società anonima impor- fully in keeping with the tatori stampa estera, an on behalf of much larger interests. It was an protectionist politics Tempo association of foreign press intermediary for a whole slew of concessions enjoyed at the time. Clearly importers), quoted in Albo- Germany had made, such as the one regard- any knowledge of such ac- netti 1991: 399, 412n. ing foreign editions, which were paid for. All cords would have been kept 107 . Contrary to Tofa- that was part of the illicit activity going on from editorial staff like To- nelli’s account that ‘[Signal] fanelli, who cites the official was not widely distributed at the time, it was a bona fide exchange. It data. Additionally, based on in Italy’ (Tofanelli 1986: 15). was, if you will, a form of protectionism that the print runs of the most 108 . Albonetti 1991: 399. was necessary in order to move forward. And widely distributed illus- Schifano cites a document that was the reason, above all, that Mon- trated magazines in France (preserved in Fondazione dadori was quarantened—because, basically, (Match) and England (Pic- Arnoldo e Alberto Monda- 109 ture Post), charted at ap- dori) with a list of domestic everyone knew about its precedents. proximately one million periodicals featuring adver- copies per week at the time, tisement inserts for Signal and considering the ex- (conversation with the treme ease with which one author, 2 March 2009). can still find copies of Tem- 109 . Statement quoted po on the Italian antiques in Lascialfari 2002: 448. market today (compared to 110 . Ferretti 1996: xxxiv. the rarity of the German 111 . Schifano cites min- edition on the German isterial correspondence market), one could reason- (preserved in Fondazione ably estimate the 1942–43 Arnoldo e Alberto Monda- Italian print runs at ap- dori) regarding the suspen- proximately one million (at sion of support (conver- least no less than 700,000) sation with the author, 2 copies each week, including March 2009). the 30,000 distributed to

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 Nineteen forty-three in some cases destroyed, the various offices: The fall of Mussolini, announced on the the director’s office, the magazine divi- radio the evening of 25 July 1943, con- sion’s editorial office and the advertising firmed the arrival of a new situation, and office.115 The sixty airstrikes on Milan be- 194 with it a shift in Tempo’s style, albeit a shift tween 1940 and ’45 caused, in all, approxi- 195 that was anything but radical. Despite the mately 2,000 deaths and the destruction spontaneous demonstrations of the gen- of nearly one third of the city.116 Atop all eral public nationwide, the press was ini- this came the practical difficulty of procur- tially rather cautious, and limited itself to ing paper supplies, not to mention the fact reporting events as they unfolded, without that staff members were continually being any additional commentary; this was in summoned to military service.117 As Muna- part because Pietro Badoglio’s military rule ri recalls, had immediately instituted not only a cur- few, but also a preventive censorship of the At the beginning I wasn’t sent to war; I was dismissed for a thoracic ‘insufficiency’, (…) press, which ‘forbade it from dealing with and finally they summoned me that last the responsibilities of Fascism’.112 This was year to serve at an empty anti-aircraft bat- the line of prudent non-involvement the tery just outside Milan (…) It was a really sad experience, under a mafioso, profiteer- directors of Tempo assumed at such a time ing commander. (…) At the time I was hav- of historic uncertainty.113 In early August, ing stomach problems, and I kept going to in an editorial titled ‘Libertà è responsa- the infirmary, but to no avail, and finally a doctor sent me home by diagnosing me with bilità’ the editors committed to ‘working something I did not have—that, too, was together to document the efforts of the just another part of the surrealism…118 Italian people to achieve justice and liberty’, but the articles and photo-essays inside The first serious British air attacks on dealt with both fronts, as if from some Milan came in October of 1942, and de- neutral observatory room. A week later spite the modest amount of destruction Tempo’s fundamental alignment with the they caused, they nevertheless provoked government and its various entities became a civilian exodus: ‘There was a lot of fear, clear in an editorial in which Indro Mon- and even more fear that the city wasn’t tanelli invited people to remain calm: ‘Yes, we want Fascism to be put on trial, but not 114 112 . Del Buono 1971: xv. 114 . See Tempo issues right now, in arbitrary, empty gestures’. Cf. Decleva 1993: 272–5. no.219, 4–11 August 1943 In addition to the political dimension, 113 . See Lascialfari and no.220, 12–19 August 2002: ‘In the week leading 1943, quoted in Lascialfari the publishing house’s situation was par- up to 25 July 1943, only a 2002: 455. ticularly uncertain because of all the credit few hours apart, two edi- 115 . Cf. Decleva 1993: tions hit the newsstands. 274–5. they owed the state government and for- In the first (…) the articles 116 . See Mauro Co- were the same as always, lombo, ‘I bombardamenti eign distributors—credit that would prove without any real changes. aerei su Milano durante difficult to pay off. Heavy bombardments The second, however, an- la II guerra mondiale’ at nounced the lead-up to http://www.storiadimilano. throughout August heavily damaged, and what would become the it/Repertori, last accessed tragic epilogue, (…) and the January 2011. cover shows an Italian flag 117 . Cf. Decleva 1993: with a declaration in red: 259. “The enemy attacks, on the 118 . Interviewed in Fatherland’s own ground— Branzi 1984: 42. Munari did Rise up, Italians!”.’ Inside, his military service toward an editorial by Alberto the end of ’41 (cf. the letter Mondadori, free of any to Zavattini cited thereinaf- reference to the regime’s ter, which mentions a ‘one typical rhetoric, called upon month leave’ (licenza di un Italians to defend their mese) (in the Cesare Za- country in a staunchly na- vattini Archives, Biblioteca tionalistic tone (ibid.: 467). Panizzi, Reggio Emilia, file m844/4).

Wartime art director mounting any sort of defence (…) People the editorial staff to Arona, but only for began to evacuate. Families were sepa- a short time. If Munari’s family had not rated, those who had work in Milan stayed already fled to the countryside by the end there, and everyone else fled to find ref- of ’42 —first to Badia Polesine, home to uge in the countryside, at the lakes, in Munari’s parents, then to Vaciago and later 196 the foothills and lower mountains, with to Monte Olimpino, a fraction outside relatives, friends, farmers’.119 By the end Como124— it is quite likely they had by Au- of November 1942 Mondadori’s adminis- gust of ’43, although it is not clear whether trative offices were moved to Verona, and Munari was still working with the rest of the business headquarters moved to Arona, the editorial staff at Arona during Badog- on Lake Maggiore; the other Milan offices, lio’s reign, as by 1942 Tempo’s colophon no including the magazine editorial offices, longer listed the names of its contributors remained in up and running.120 During and editors.125 the interval under the brief rule of General Upon hearing the ‘bitter news of ar- Badoglio following Mussolini’s fall, and mistice’,126 Tempo’s editors produced one for obvious reasons of political opportun- last issue dedicated to socialist politician ism, Tempo was directed by Arturo Tofa- |208| Filippo Turati in an eloquent attempt at |209| nelli, ‘Not because I was some conspirator situating the magazine more to the left.127 embedded in the press, but rather because I was the least Fascist of all the profes- 119 . Tofanelli 1986: [Allied] bombardments—af- 102–3. ter the armistice had been sionally qualified journalists in manage- 120 . Decleva 1993: 267. signed, and as Badoglio’s 121 121 . Tofanelli 1986: government was looking for ment’. The Allies’ heavy bombardment 14. Tofanelli confirms that a way out—never really was of Milan, in particular those unleashed be- he was charged with the explained. There was noth- weekly’s directorship by the ing in Milan that would’ve tween the 10 and 15 of August 1943, caused Comitato di Liberazione been worth wasting a single major damages that paralysed a large part Nazionale Alta Italia (cln, bomb: no major troops (…); Upper Italian Committee no major arms or muni- of the city’s print and publishing hous- for National Liberation), tions depots; no spectre of 122 but that group was formed anti-aircraft capabilities es. ‘Arnoldo Mondadori told me the new only after the armistice was (…). Their sole aim was to Tempo offices in Arona were ready. We all announced; therefore, the terrorise (…)’. position could only have 123 . Tofanelli 1986: rushed out of Milan to reach Lake Mag- been conferred by the cln 112–3. giore, where we were going to try and re- after 9 September. This 124 . Alberto Munari, does not exclude that To- correspondence with au- group.The first few Germans showed up on fanelli might have acted as thor, 13 November 2009. managing director as early Cf. Marcello Piccardo, the lake toward 10 September. (…) Tempo’s as August 1943, when the unpublished manuscripts, editorial office on Lake Maggiore worked as editorial offices were moved ‘Monte Olimpino’ and ‘Mi- to Arona, but the editorial lano’ (courtesy Andrea well as it could for a few weeks. We man- line nevertheless remained Piccardo). aged to get a couple of issues to the news- one of non-involvement. 125 . Even today there is A political shift became no stable archive of Tempo, stands, and then we were forced to close evident only in September, perhaps due to the fact that dedicating issue no.224 to it passed through various shop. A lot more Germans had arrived, anti-Fascist activist Filippo ownerships, or due to a de- and they began dealing with other groups, Turati—which was the last liberate destruction of com- 123 one ever to hit newsstands. promising or ‘inconvenient’ not just the Jews’. Munari also followed Tofanelli, like the Monda- documents. The archive of dori family, went to Switzer- Epoca met with a similar land on the 20 September fate, despite the fact that it 1943; upon his return to remained in Mondadori’s Italy in April 1945, Tofanelli stable (Ferretti 1996: xlvii). was nominated editor of 126 . Correspondence L’Avanti!, a publication of Arnoldo Mondadori to avv. the Partito Socialista Italia- Mauri, Arona, 9 September no (Italian Socialist Party), 1943, in Fondazione Ar- which at the time was one noldo e Alberto Mondadori, of the few daily newspapers Api (quoted in Albonetti nationally circulated. 1991: 400). 122 . Cf. Tofanelli 1986: 127 . Issue no.224, 9–16 101: ‘The reasoning be- September 1943. hind the Anglo-American

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 After that, as German troops took control absolutely necessary to praise, if you want- of Northern Italy, magazine printing came ed (…) not only to become a serious pub- to a halt, for obvious political and eco- lisher, but a veritable colossus of Italian nomic reasons.128 Arnoldo Mondadori and publishing.’134 The fact that a lot of non- 196 his sons Alberto and Giorgio fled to Swit- Fascist and Jewish intellectuals continued 197 zerland, while the ‘Verona offices, which to work at Mondadori, as well as the com- were immediately occupied by the Nazis, pany’s refusal to obey the requests of anti- were largely dismantled; the presses were Semitic publications following the racial forcibly shipped to Germany, where they laws of 1938, have often been cited to miti- were used to print propaganda’.129 Ironi- gate any moral judgment of the publishing cally enough, the ‘reborn’ Italian edition of house.135 This rather ambivalent attitude is Signal that appeared in October 1943 would also reflected in the judgements passed on be the only illustrated weekly available in Tempo: there has been a recurrent attempt German-occupied Italy.130 at justifying, or at least minimising, the magazine’s political orientation by citing its noteworthy, yet certainly not prevalent, Propaganda and consensus cultural offerings. Lecaldano observed: Tempo expressed ‘before all else, and despite ‘Naturally, the magazine was accepted by all else, the Mondadori company’s adhe- the regime, it toed the line of the regime, sion to the regime, in view of precise edito- but there’s never been a more anti-Fascist rial and economic interests’.131 During the 128 . Cf. Decleva 1993: he spoke: in order to under- wartime period, the Ministry of Popular 274–5. stand what he was trying to Culture orchestrated privileged relation- 129 . Lopez 1972: 63. Cf. say, you had to be part of also Tofanelli 1986: 15. the tiny circle familiar with ships and mutually beneficial arrange- 130 . At least up until the labyrinthine structures ments between Mondadori and the regime, the launch of Ora in July of of his sarcasm. Policemen 1944. Cf. Rutz 2007: 83–6 easily mistook him for a and although there certainly was no short- and Schifano’s website, fervent ‘new Italian.’ And 132 www.giornalidiguerra.com we also had Ugo Arcuno age of clashes with the censors, Tempo (last accessed 26 February [on the editorial staff], an effectively played a key propagandistic role, 2009). openly communist journal- 131 . Ferretti 1996: xxxiii. ist from Naples, a disciple in particular through its innovative use 132 . See Lascialfari of [Amadeo] Bordiga. No of photography, which ‘could guarantee a 2002: 456–8: ‘In some one could easily explain cases such rebukes and how it was that Ugo Arcano highly effective amplification of propagan- admonitions were made wasn’t in prison. Maybe for 133 with regard to the layout of the opposite reason Quasi- distic messages.’ A lot has been written photographic material (…) modo wasn’t either. Arcuno about the fact that Mondadori’s adhesion in other cases, orders from imperatively boasted about above determined not so his conviction that we’d win, was strictly partial, due solely to company much the specific subjects with the same degree of interests—it was anything but ideologi- that were to be addressed, incisiveness, standing tall, but focussed more on the his eyes flashing the same cal. Guido Lopez, who was a young editor amount of space they were way Mussolini’s did when to be given.’ Ferretti also he preached. His behaviour at the time, commented: ‘Arnoldo never mentions some political was so daring and audacious really got on with the man in power, who— difficulties—investigations that no one even believed into some of the editors and him (…)’ (Tofanelli, quoted over the following fifteen years—it became friction with some of the in Le persone che hanno fatto higher-ups (id. 1996: xxxii). grande Milano 1983: 38). Cf. 133 . Lascialfari 2002: Sorrentino: ‘When Mon- 457. tanelli resigned, the job 134 . Lopez 1972: 61–2. of editor-in-chief went to 135 . As for Tempo’s Carlo Bernari, the “secret editorial staff, ‘(…) the communist” and author of editorial team included a successful novel titled I Salvatore Quasimodo, an tre operai (The Three La- anti-Fascist who was never bourers), which passed the persecuted for the simple censors not because of their reason that, as hermeti- generosity or tollerance, but cist poet and future Nobel rather because they weren’t Prize-winner, he was also very astute’ (Sorrentino quite hermetic in the way 1984: 66).

Wartime art director group than that of Tempo’s staff.’136 And became a particularly relevant phenome- Tofanelli asserted the degree of intellectual non due to ‘the extreme homogeneity of its autonomy enjoyed by the editors: ‘Tempo thematic content and symbolic evocations’ was a new magazine that met with imme- around the topos of war.141 On an icono- diate success. We introduced black-and- graphic level, this translated in countless 198 white and full-colour photography as an covers depicting soldiers, and harking back informational element, and paired it with to visual repertoires like sharp foreshort- texts and columns written by major jour- ening, extreme close-ups, and the photo- nalists and authors—writers who weren’t graphic blur—all of which had already been servile toward the regime.’137 Yet Sorren- put to extensive use by the regime. tino admitted: ‘We discussed the focus of Beyond Mondadori’s adhesion (or that inaugural article for a long time: we mere pragmatical accommodation) to the wanted it to be clear that we were follow- regime, the presence in Tempo’s pages of ing the guidelines of that period, [to] “get notable writers and intellectuals brings up closer to the people.” This focus on “the the thorny issue of consensus versus disa- people”and “common folk” allowed some greement inherent to the supposed Nicod- really refined columns—like Bontempelli’s emism of the illustrated weekly and its col- Colloqui, Augusto Guerriero’s Tempo per- laborators.142 Any such discussion runs the duto (…), poems by Quasimodo, Eugenio risk—to echo Tranfaglia’s accurate sum- Montale and others, and art reviews by mary of the debate143—of getting bogged Raffaele Carrieri—to be passed over, dis- down in a sterile impasse between generic missed as secondary.’138 Regardless of the positions of absolution or condemnation, nuances and implications of each indi- or getting stuck in the moralism that in vidual’s judgments, however, a close read- the postwar years was an effective strategy ing of the magazine’s many issues reveals for exorcising an embarrassing phenom- that despite its innovative look, ‘its cultural enon—in particular for those who were openness and certain viewpoints inspired one way or other implicated in everything by leftist Fascism shouldn’t be overestimat- that took place during the Ventennio.144 To ed.’139 Conflict was already on the horizon avoid this type of conditioning, the vicis- when Tempo was launched, and the subject situdes of Tempo and, specifically, Bruno of war was, naturally, a central theme for Munari’s artistic direction, must necessar- writers and correspondents to focus on, ‘in ily be viewed within their original context. some cases, with accents of emotional in- This requires an understanding based upon volvement that are difficult to reduce to a merely obedient observance of ministerial 136 . Paolo Lecaldano, and military movements, quoted in Schwarz 1977. the ballistic calculation of 140 instructions.’ Although such a tendency 137 . Tofanelli 1986: 55. munitions (…) or the ton- 138 . Sorrentino 1984: nage of the naval force pre- to combine the need to entertain with 66. Sorrentino was the sented as a shared cultural the need to propagandise is not surprising author of the article on the patrimony, just like the miners of Carbonia, that nation’s literature, cinema, to find at a time of war, in Tempo’s case it appeared in the very first music and theatre might issue. have been’ (ibid.). 139 . Ferretti 1996: xxxi. 142 . See Lascialfari Cf. Lascialfari 2002: 451. 2002: 439, 447; see also 140 . Lascialfari 2002: Ferretti 1996: xxxi-ii. 444. 143 . Nicola Tranfaglia 141 . Lascialfari 2002: 1971: viii–ix. Bergahus too is 458–60. ‘Just consider the critical of such ‘manechean’ extensive, in-depth at- classifications, pointing out tention—in a popular il- how in most cases artists’s lustrated weekly aimed for political orientation was mass consumption—paid to rather contradictory (id. issues dealing with ‘military 1996: 258–61). culture (…) like topograph- 144 . As the twenty years ic descriptions of battles of Fascist rule are known.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 an analysis that is as factual as possible (as to exist and vie for official recognition.148 opposed to emotional), allowing for the The apparatus—albeit far less repressive evaluation of its merits and weaknesses on than in Nazi Germany149—was neverthe- both the synchronic level, that is within less capable of controlling the general con- 198 the broader field of Italian design, and the sensus and artists’ adhesion to it through 199 diachronic level, in view of Munari’s over- its manipulation of commissions, exhibi- all career which spanned 70 years. tions, appointments and acquisitions, not Fascist cultural policies in the 1920s to mention the unions regulating all pro- lacked a definite orientation, relying on fessions.150 Although in the 1930s ‘there ‘a combination of revolutionary rhetoric prevailed a conservative trend towards rep- and conservative praxis’ that attracted resentational, pseudo-classical and natu- many intellectuals.145 From the mid- ralist art’,151 the lack of aesthetic definition twenties, in parallel with the suppression allowed the coexistence of opposing ten- of the political rights and freedom of the dencies—such as Futurism and Novecento— press, the regime gradually brought exist- within an ideal aspiration to the Modern ing cultural institutions under state con- that espoused political ideology. In other trol, and created new ones like the Istituto nazionale di cultura fascista (National 145 . Berghaus 1996: couldn’t kill my mother, or Fascist Cultural Institute), the Accademia 226–7. my wife or my childern—I d’Italia (Italian Academy), and the Istituto 146 . Cf. Del Buono signed up. It’s a terrible 1971: xvi. Journalist Filippo thing, because at the time, dell’Enciclopedia italiana (Institute of the Sacchi’s account is use- you’re looking for some ful for understanding the kind of justification (…)’ Italian Encyclopaedia). Within a few years mood of those who, at the (ibid.: 426–7). the Fascist rule was already requiring that time, decided to become 147 . From the title of a party members even if they collection of intellectuals’ public employees of every type and level were not fully aligned with accounts, edited by Ettore take an oath of fidelity to the party—only its principles: ‘Naturally, Albertoni, Ezio Antonini you had to have a pass from and Renato Palmieri (Later- a handful of university professors refused Rome (…) [which] I eas- za, 1962); this expression ily obtained, on the sole denotes those who, born to do so. As for the press, newspapers and condition that neither my between roughly 1910 and magazines publishers had benefited from signature nor my initials 1915, grew up under Fascism appeared in it [the newspa- and were therefore more important technical upgrades, while jour- per] (…) When I went back inclined to accept it as the nalists were offered a professional regis- to work at the Corriere natural order of things. [della Sera] nobody asked 148 . See Berghaus 1996: ter and an enviable national contract. All me any questions, I had no 229, 231–2 ; Fagone 1982: propitiatory visits, no with- 43–52. these measures effectively increased a drawals, no promises (…) I 149 . From September widespread degree of conformity.146 moved on, deluding myself 1933 on, with the creation that I’d found my little cor- of the Reichskulturkammer In order to understand how the ‘gen- ner of reserved, personal under Goebbels’s control, eration of the difficult years’ ended up activity, where nobody it became increasingly dif- would ever stick their nose ficult, if not impossible, for 147 conforming en masse, it must be kept in into my business—in short, German artists to work my safe little nook. It was, without the ratification of mind that, in the artistic realm at least, the of course, an incredibly stu- conformity (Gleichschal- ambivalence of the regime’s cultural pro- pid delusion… So one fine tung) to Nazi ideology is- day, along comes Aldo Bor- sued by the Reichskammer gramme allowed different artistic groups relli, the director; he calls für Bildende Kunste. For me up and tells me that instance, Jan Tschichold Rome has issued a decree would never be admitted to that, from now on, union the Fachgruppe Gebrauchs- membership is subject to graphik (Burke 2007: 144). official party membership. 150 . The Confederazio- Basically, you had to join ne dei Professionisti e degli the party or quit your pro- Artisti (Confederation of fession. It was quite a slap Professionals and Artists) in the face, quite a blow (…) had more than 425,000 I reviewed my home budget members in its ranks. Cf. and came to the conclusion Cannistraro in Braun 1989: that, without my salary, we 147–54. couldn’t keep the books 151 . Berghaus 1996: 231. balanced (…) So, I decided I

Wartime art director words, for these intellectuals and artists or transparent. Signing up for the union the aesthetic dimension had an explicit was necessary, but not so for the National political significance, in that their activity Fascist Party; moreover, the private sector expressed the values of the new national offered a relatively safe harbour from the identity—a Fascist identity.152 However, government’s interference, at least until 200 even if nationalism was a common ele- the mid-thirties.156 This situation perhaps ment to Futurism and Fascism, political explains how Munari managed, at least positions among that generation of avant- until 1939, to avoid officially signing up for garde artists were rather heterogeneous, the National Fascist Party card, despite the ranging from straight consensus to indif- militant bent of the Futurist group in Mi- ference or veiled resistance—open opposi- lan and the numerous commissions they tion was rare—but in the end ‘the majority received for the Triennale and other exhi- of artists were a-Fascist.’153 It seems the bitions. Ultimately, it was his journalistic most common attitude among artists and contract with Mondadori that made mem- intellectuals was that of opportunistic ac- bership inevitable for him. commodation with the fascist institutions, which translated into ‘paying lip-service When I was art director at Tempo Il- lustrato [sic], Alberto Mondadori was to the régime or demonstrating apparent forced to sign me up as a member of the obeisance so that they might gain relative Fascist Party, and they later summoned freedom to produce their work without in- me for military service at an empty anti- aircraft battery just outside Milan.157 terference from the State.’154 It is not surprising then—given Italians’ deep-seated conformist nature, resulting Apart from his wartime art direction at from centuries of history, counterreforma- Mondadori, in the course of the 1930s Mu- tion and foreign dominion—that Italian nari and Ricas hardly ever dealt as graphic culture was overrun by a general ‘trans- designers with autarchic campaigns, or formism’ and that a vast majority of intel- with advertisements for events sponsored lectuals ‘adapted and acquiesced to that by the regime.158 Interestingly, their work climate out of practical necessity or sheer did not appear in the pages of Pubblicità ambition’.155 For commercial artists like d’Italia (the organ of the National Fascist Munari the principal control system was Syndicate of advertising agencies), nor did represented by the Confederazione nazio- nale dei sindacati fascisti dei professionisti 152 . Branzi 2008: 108, lists of the national Fascist e degli artisti (National Confederation 110–1. unions nor any other such of fascist syndicates of professionals and 153 . Berghaus 1996: 229. documents with Munari’s 154 . Ibid. name. This is the only ex- artists), made up of some twenty trade 155 . Tranfaglia 1971: xii. plicit mention of the issue. For a thought-provoking Nor is it clear whether, in unions. Certainly, in keeping with yet an- reading of Italian history in order to work at Mondado- other typically Italian habit, the rigour of relation to its design culture, ri, Munari signed up as an see Branzi 2008. advertising artist or—as is surveillance was anything but uniform 156 . See Berghaus 1996: more likely—as a journalist. 231–2. Fascist Corporativ- Note Tofanelli’s account in ism was effectively enforced this regard: ‘(…) neither of after 1934; and in 1937 the us had become a member Ministry of popular culture of the party. Piazza never was established. signed up, despite the fact 157 . Munari, quoted that, at a certain point, he in Manera 1986: 153. After was a correspondent for the extensive research carried Popolo d’Italia. As for me, out at the Archivio Centrale later on, I did join’ (Tofa- dello Stato (Central State nelli 1986: 215). Archive) in Rome and at the 158 . For an overview of Archivio di Stato (State Ar- this type of advertising, see chive) in Milan, I was able those reproduced in Guida to find neither membership Ricciardi 1936.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 they ever collaborate with upi (Unione served as a vehicle for conservative val- pubblicità italiana), the agency of choice ues.163 Precisely how modern graphic de- for the collective campaigns for national sign could serve Fascist ideology would be- products.159 These best represented the come a point of contention and misunder- 200 mainstream trend in advertising, in which standing between Munari and Albe Steiner, 201 a realist approach, centered on a straight- despite the two Milanese designers’ long forward presentation of the product or user, friendship.164 On the other hand, Munari often matched with a vigourous appeal to certainly was not alone: several other pio- fascist beliefs, was predominant, while the neers of modern graphic design rather un- modernist idiom developed by the futur- scrupulously collaborated with the Fascist ists and commercial artists working in a regime: Schawinsky, Persico, Nizzoli, Pinto- similar vein was considered inadequate for ri, Depero, to name a few.165 As for Munari, mass communication.160 The only instanc- judging from clues scattered throughout es of advertising work done by Munari in his correspondence and writings from the this nationalistic vein are a poster for upi, 1930s (including his own articles published titled Forze dell’Impero, dated 1936–37 and in Tempo), despite his more mature age, it of which a mockup survives, and the poster does not seem that he was any real excep- for Carboni nazionali, which was shown tion to the exaltation-inclined spirit of at the Mostra grafica at the 1940 Trienna- his generation. Several young intellectuals, le.161 While the first design makes use of architects and artists took awhile to recog- the familiar photomontage technique to nise the error of their former belief in Fas- promote mechanical industries such as Ca- cism, even in the ‘leftist Fascism’ manifest proni, Reggiane, Isotta Fraschini, the latter in the attitudes of Bottai and others, and recurs to the straightforward illustration some of them paid with their own life—like style found in his contemporary magazine cover designs, and portrays an open hand 159 . Published from 162 . Quoted in Schwarz 1937 and directed by Ugo 1977. holding a piece of carbon ore. All told, it Zampieri, an active union 163 . Cf. Eco 1964: 64. does not seem this amounts to a serious leader, Pubblicità d’Italia 164 . Steiner used to was also circulated abroad show around an example political engagement on his part. as part of larger propaganda of what he deemed an aber- À propos of Tempo’s predominant efforts to promote the re- rant use of modern graphic gime on an international language; it was a flier Mu- rhetoric, Munari later noted that ‘many of level. It focused mainly on nari had designed, similar autarchic campaigns, and to the aforementioned Tempo’s photographers had a fairly ironic featured numerous ads by photomontage for ‘Udite! outlook, and as soon as you so much as upi, and as such embodied Udite!’ (conversation with the realist approach fa- Lica and Anna Steiner, 20 even slightly exaggerated it, it fell, or could voured by state functionar- July 2006). easily fall’.162 This is an arguable view, ies. See Arvidsson 2003: 165 . Xanti Schawinsky’s 36–8. 1934 Si poster comes to which Munari has now and again used in 160 . Arvidsson 2003: 38. mind, which was issued as 161 . The original art- an insert in the Rivista Illu- recent years to justify some of his graphic work is now in the Massimo strata del Popolo d’Italia for contributions, in which the use of formal e Sonia Cirulli Archive, New the general elections that York/Bologna; 61×85 cm, year. On the same occasion, innovations from the modernist repertoire photocollage and tempera; Persico and Nizzoli created reproduced in the catalogue a series of Fascist propa- Pellegrini 2009: 189. The ganda posters, mounted second poster appeared in in Milan’s Galleria (that Tempo no.12 (17 July 1939): led Attilio Rossi to dismiss 14, for an article by Arturo himself from the editorial Tofanelli titled ‘La pubblici- staff of Campo grafico in tà è arte?’. It is reproduced disagreement about their in colour (light blue, red, publication). Even Pintori and black); size unknown designed war propaganda (from photographs taken at posters prized at a national the VII Triennale it would contest in 1942–43 (cf. Re- seem to have been rather nato Zveteremich, ‘Rubrica small). della pubblicità’ in Domus no.174, June 1942: iiiff).

Wartime art director Giuseppe Pagano and Ludovico Belgioio- tended toward a democratisation/desa- so.166 It does not seem Munari ever admit- cralisation of art and, on the other hand, ted to or denied having such sympathies; in tended to hint at the idea that designers any case, he always demonstrated a degree be more actively involved in contempo- of reticence when asked to speak of the rary society. As a logical consequence of 202 work he had done under the twenty years his reflection on the social role of design, of Fascist rule—although here one might which he felt deeply about, he undertook a also invoke the attenuating role played by series of didactic design projects focussed his fundamental indifference to politics. on children; and in these projects we are led back to the very root of his ambition From 1939 to September 1943 I worked side- to bring about social reform (or even cre- by-side with Bruno Munari. The rest of us were the sad, fibbing, terrible words—he was ate a utopia, some would say). This was an the drawings, the creativity, the shelter from integral part of modernism in its original the storm. Our editorial team was rather conception, regardless of the successive unique, as it was that of a magazine that went along with the regime during wartime transformations the term took in the sec- (…) Munari waited for us in his somewhat ond half of the twentieth century.168 This secluded art director’s office. He swiftly did involvement, this intellectual lucidity con- the layouts for the texts and photographs we brought him, without ever really getting into stitutes the awakening of Munari’s politi- their content. There was nothing to remind cal awareness. you of the war on his walls, just his things: compositions, abstractions, drawings. One day I walked in and saw his first macchina inutile (useless machine) hanging from the The new typography and popular weeklies ceiling; it was an indescribable gadget with Within the history of Italian publishing revolving colours, but it was no less explicit or major than everything the world outside and graphic design, Tempo was the first il- that magical little room had to offer.167 lustrated weekly to fully include photog- raphy as an integral informative element. This reluctance to any public political en- This was, effectively, a modern update in gagement came to characterise his overall response to new needs expressed across career in the post-war period—and clearly the fields of advertising and the graphic marked his distance from the kind of po- arts. Like many other illustrated periodicals litical commitment displayed by fellow produced throughout Europe in the late designers Albe Steiner or Enzo Mari—even 1930s, Tempo was not substantially differ- in the case of projects entailing major so- ent from its American model. Aside from cial implications. Which is not to say that its memorable covers combining full-bleed Munari eschewed any political dimension photographs with the magazine’s title in his work. One could in fact legitimately graphic, the layout of Tempo did not show assert that, from 1945 onward, Munari pro- any signs of influence from the New Typog- ceeded with a series of graphic and object- raphy, which had been the object of much oriented projects that, on the one hand, debate. Despite the unquestionable novelty

166 . See Zangrandi 168 . In this regard see 1962: 210–1. Norman Potter, What is a 167 . Arturo Tofanelli, designer: things, places, mes- quoted in Le persone che sages (Londres: Hyphen hanno fatto grande Milano Press, 2002): 36–45 in 1983: 38. particular.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 of a photographically illustrated magazine, somewhere between the eclectic and the Tempo was, all told, not very innovative popular—ended up becoming a longstand- from a design point of view—if compared ing success in Italian publishing. To such to publications like Casabella and Campo a degree that a similar approach would 202 grafico. It features few formal innovations: return in the immediate post-war years to 203 its use of the typeface Landi is its sole con- help establish Mondadori’s new illustrated cession to rational typography. Indeed, it magazine, Epoca—once again overseen by looks more closely related to the typo- Munari. graphic eclecticism of French publications like Paris-Soir, Vu or Match. In his advertising work Munari had Domus (1943–44) proved to be able to skilfully assimilate new Given the continued good relations be- graphic idioms. If, therefore, Tempo does tween the two artists, it is plausible that not seem a particularly vanguard piece of the dissolution of Munari’s and Ricas’ publishing in its layout, as its association joint studio was brought about by Ricas with Munari might lead one to believe, it being hired to join Editoriale Domus. If might well be attributable to a deliber- this were the case, it may have been Ricas ate choice on the publisher’s part, aiming himself who suggested Munari’s name either for a reassuring repeat of the style to run the campaigns for the companies already seen in Life or to adopt a more con- in the Montecatini group. Whatever the servative guise in order to appeal to the course of events, with the exception of the predominantly conservative taste of the relationships with the various magazines Italian public. If anything, the quality of which (aside from La Lettura published by Munari’s artistic directorship at Tempo is the Corriere della sera) belonged to modest- manifested in the skilful editing of pho- sized publishing companies/that did not tographic material, as well as his intuitive have the same industrial size as Mondadori development of the potential inherent to or Rizzoli, by the end of the decade, Munari graphic tools such as diagrams, charts and had two main clients; on the one hand, he explanatory drawings to visualise infor- was connected to Bompiani (as an editorial mation. Munari must also be recognised contributor) and on the other hand to Edi- for maintaining the magazine’s graphic toriale Domus (as an advertising graphic coherence, despite the difficult condi- artist). His entry into the editorial world tions in which the production team often of Mondadori was probably helped along worked,169 and nevertheless doing so with- by Bompiani or Zavattini, both, as we have out emerging as a noted personality—that seen, involved in the launch of Grazia, who is, without leaving a visible, personal im- may have suggested him as art director for print in its layout.170 In any case, when put the new weekly. When, in September ’43, to the test, the magazine’s photographic formula and its graphic design —which lay 169 . Alberto Mondado- the paper and ink supplies ri, in a note written to the might improve; indeed, we public toward the end of cannot rule out the pos- 1942, admits the difficulty, sibility they might in fact in wartime, of maintain- worsen’ (Tempo no.187, 24 ing impeccable production December 1942: 25; quoted standards: ‘(…) to obtain in Lascialfari 2002: 456). [high-quality photographic 170 . As happened, albeit prints] one needs good in a rather different context, paper and good inks—two during that same period things that, at the moment, under the artistic director- are quite lacking. (…) Un- ships of Alexander Liber- fortunately, we cannot yet mann, Alexey Brodovitch say with any precision when and Mehmet Agha.

Wartime art director the Tempo venture came to an abrupt end, direction was the single-subject specializa- Munari re-established relations with the tion of Casabella, especially after ’32 under editorial office of Domus (following the the direction of Pagano who would make break in advertising work in ’39 after being it the mouthpiece of Italian rationalism. hired by Mondadori). The editorial staff— Thus, Domus took the subtitle ‘L’Arte nella 204 Ponti had not been at the helm of the casa’ (Art in the Home), while Casabel- magazine for a few years—included a team la was called the ‘Rivista di architettura comprised of Melchiorre Bega along with e di tecnica’ (Review of Architecture and Lina Bo and Carlo Pagani, and without his Technique).172 In November 1940 Ponti former partner Ricas. In his new relation- left Mazzocchi to go to work on the new ship with the editorial office, Munari as- magazine Stile, published by his competitor sumed the role of the magazine’s graphic Garzanti.173 Thus, beginning the following art director and also wrote provocative ob- January, the direction of Domus was taken servations on design/aesthetic issues. The over by a trio comprised of writer Massi- importance of this new relationship was mo Bontempelli and architects Melchiorre confirmed in 1944 with the publication of Bega and Giuseppe Pagano, who steered his collection Fotocronache for Editoriale the magazine more decisively towards ar- Domus. chitectural subjects.174 In addition, in 1940 Domus was an integral part of that fer- Mazzocchi also enlisted Pagano to run the vent intellectual period open to modernity bimonthly Panorama (at first run by the which, in the 1930s, was centered in Milan. same editor), in which Munari published More eclectic and general than its coun- one of his typical photomontage exercises terpart Casabella, the magazine founded in a propaganda article in which he quips by Gio Ponti in 1928 represented a meet- ironically about the United States.175 ing point for applied arts, architecture and graphic arts. The two magazines—since 171 . In ’29 Gianni Maz- came to a mutual under- zocchi and Gio Ponti went standing in ’47, when the 1932 both titles belonged to the same pub- into partnership and took founder took back control lishing company—were initially focused on over the magazine, with of his magazine. In 1938 Ponti as president and Aldo Garzanti acquired the modernity in the sense of new culture for editor-in-chief and Maz- Treves publishing house and the home, that is where decorative arts and zocchi as managing direc- with it two magazines, Ar- tor. Cf. Gianni Mazzocchi chitettura by Marcello Pia- architecture converge. More than pursu- editore 1994; Fossati 1972: centini and the historic Illu- 31; Spinelli 2006 (1): 8–11; strazione italiana (De Giorgi ing an organic discourse, Ponti offered a ibid (2): 6–9; Irace 2006 2006 (2): 10–3; Martignoni varied range of items corresponding to his (1): 15–7). 2002: 12–4). 172 . Baglione 2008: 174 . Baglione 2008: personal eclecticism which allowed him to 99–100, 105–6. 105–6; Martignoni 2002: address a cross-section of the middle-class, 173 . The disagree- 12–4. The editorial of- ment between Mazzocchi fice was constantly being not an exclusively technical audience, and and Ponti originated from reshuffled: in ’42 Pagano a re-organization of the (who directed Casabella at with a strong female impact, fostered by publishing company which the same time) was called columns on interior design, gardening and took place in February of up and then replaced by 171 that year. This left Ponti in Giancarlo Palanti; Bon- cuisine. In comparison with this general charge of Domus decreas- tempelli left in January ’43. ing his administrative role. Guglielmo Ulrich joined the There was also an irrecon- two editors, Bontempelli cilable difference in opinion and Bega, from October ’42 between Mazzocchi who to October ’43, leaving his was interested in opening place to Lina Bo with Carlo up the magazine to a wider Pagani (De Giorgi 2006 audience, embracing a di- (2): 10–3). dactic attitude, while Ponti 175 . Munari, ‘L’in- maintained an essentially credibile Delano’ (The elitist attitude. After the Incredible Delano) in Pa- long association, the split norama no.1 (April 1939): even involved legal conse- 39. 14.5×22 cm, pp.160. quences. However, Mazzoc- The article, with 8 b/w chi and Ponti once again photographs annotated by

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 In ‘44 Domus magazine, to which Mu- that was in line with the rational aesthetic nari contributed constantly, had become of Casabella coinciding, as chance would predominantly about architecture. After have it, with Guglielmo Ulrich’s arrival on the allied bombings of Milan in the sum- the editorial scene. During the war, the 204 mer of ’43, the editorial team set up a tem- scarcity of materials forced simpler and 205 porary office in Bergamo. After a series of more economical solutions, such as the ups and downs, in January ’44 Bega was on one-color cover repeated identically in ’43, his own and joined by Lina Bo and Carlo with the only changes being a different Pagani. Compared to the rather strict and background color and moving the graphic rationalist direction during the period un- pendulum (cf. no.187). Starting from issue der Bega, Bontempelli and Pagano, during |215| no.191 (November 1943) the cover returned the subsequent period the magazine en- to a rational graphic setup, reflected in the joyed a more open, easy respite, and Muna- table of contents and the magazine layout ri’s presence in the editorial office was not in general which bears Munari’s unmistak- unrelated to this. Growing economic dif- able mark. Without, however, abandoning ficulties connected to locating paper and to the vertical format, the cover designed by distribution in the context of the German Munari took a few cues from Casabella, at occupation of northern Italy halted publi- the same time highlighting his particular cations for the entire year of 1945. way of playing, as if disobeying the strict- ness of the new constructive typography: a It was 1944, a difficult and gloomy year. But rectangular black-and-white photograph Munari’s spirit was always calm, indomi- table, optimistic. He contributed to Domus aligned to the right was placed on a white which I directed as part of a threesome (…) background, under the masthead logo; the There were only a few of us left and Bruno lower portion bore the magazine number- stayed with us. (…) In early ‘44, Bruno of- fered me an analysis of the succession of ing and a black line which cut slantwise styles over time. The graphic that appeared across the page separating the footer and in Domus in February of that year indicated the box containing information on the is- a fluctuation in the line of art between rig- orously controlled forms—Reason—and sue and the publisher. The masthead was highly intricate ones—Imagination. In an in a second color, and for subsequent is- increasingly rapid succession one won- sues, the cover was printed in three colors. dered, ‘What will the new style be like?’176 The table of contents also displayed a new vivacity which stemmed in particular from Compared with the format and the re- a clever use of color. strained typographic appearance (neo- Similarly, the inside of the magazine classical overall, though somewhat open |216| was laid out on a precise modular grid |217| to modern taste) Ponti used beginning |218| with flexible positioning of the text, photo- in ’32, the magazine cover during the war graphs and graphic elements. This reflected years reflected the editorial changes, as the experience he acquired with Tempo. The exemplified in issue no.176 (August 1942) pages seamlessly alternated structures of

Munari, followed an ar- l’autarchia’ ibid: 36–8), and ticle in which the author attacked Roosevelt and vari- declared that the United ous myths in the American States was examining a democratic system. corporative system similar 176 . Carlo Pagani, in to the Fascist one (Odon Finessi 2005: 172–3. Por, ‘Gli Stati Uniti verso

Wartime art director 2, 3, 4 or 5 columns which allowed for a and to the group of contributors who greater variety of rhythms without losing worked in the art department under his sight of an effective division of the content direction (these included Fulvio Bianconi, and the basic coherence between sections. Carlo Dradi and Gelindo Furlan). With remarkable skill and control Muna- In addition to his input in the maga- 206 ri seemed to adopt the best graphic solu- zine’s graphic appearance, in ’44 Munari tions previously tested in Tempo to visually |219| often contributed with articles that dealt, translate complex information, which from his artistic point of view, with sub- can be likened in many aspects to what is jects tied to issues of reconstruction (a today called information design. Simple trend shared by Ponti’s Stile during those two-color designs or overprinting on pho- dramatic events) or more general aes- tographs and line drawings or architectural thetic questions, already projected beyond sketches made it possible to liven up the the end of the war. In these articles, writ- pages. Furthermore, the second color was ten in a tone that shifted between didac- used to serve as a visual accent, giving the tic intention and ironic provocation, the page depth, and to divide the information visual support was essential; the text, in effectively, with the white of the paper fact, often functioned as a simple ‘lead’ to coming into play with the rhythmic struc- the photomontages, sequences of unusual ture of the pages. One could say that the photographs or effective graphic diagrams. materials at Domus were more suited to This then was the general impression taken this kind of work and stimulated Munari from his presence behind the page, where, towards this research on the visual com- beyond the precision of the typographic munication of complex information. On choices, the use of images taken from old the other hand, the gradual movement prints or manual interventions tempered from collage and photomontage to inde- the seriousness (in certain cases, the dra- pendent photographic narration, seen in matic nature) of the subjects at hand. the brief period of the 1930s, was clearly demonstrated in the editorial work for Tempo where the phototext institutional- Inside the cultural industry ized, so to speak, this documentary-related In fully considering Ricas’ and Munari’s tendency.177 In addition, numerous articles professional paths following their separa- created for the Mondadori weekly during tion, they shared a common trait, beyond |210| |211| the four-year span showed this new inter- their common experience in the Futur- |212| est in an informative graphic approach; the ist movement and advertising graphic articles in question were on architecture,178 arts from the early 1930s onward: dur- and later war reports,179 or columns on the ing the brief decade, in fact, both left economy.180 Herein the analytical/infor- mational factor was predominant, and its 177 . Schnapp reported 179 . For example, ‘Eco- similar observations in ref- nomia di guerra’ in Tempo merit must justly be attributed to Munari erence to several of the ar- no.25, 16 November 1939; ticles cited (which, among ‘Il bloccante bloccato’ ivi other things, confirms our no.64, 15 August 1940: interpretation) (Schnapp 25–7; ‘Risorse economi- 2008: 149–50, 154–6). che dell’America latina’ 178 . See for example ivi no.71, 3 October 1940: ‘Il dramma della città’ in 25–9; ‘Un bilancio ammoni- Tempo no.26, 23 Novem- tore’ ivi no.141, 12 February ber 1939: 9–15; ‘La città in 1942: 3–9. cura’ and ‘La città nuova’ ivi 180 . For example, Gae- no.27, 30 November 1939: tano Ciocca, ‘Discorsi sulle 13–20, as well as the cover cose reali’ in Tempo no.204, 4th—articles created work- 22–29 April 1943: 18–9. ing side-by-side with bbpr architects.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 the avant-garde field to join the cultural for the Almanacco Letterario which con- industry, the Milanese publishing sec- tinued uninterrupted until 1938, and the tor in particular. This early entry into the graphic work on the covers of published industry—Editoriale Domus and Monda- volumes, which occurred on a less regular 206 dori, respectively—placed the two artists basis. Beginning in 1932, that is, starting 207 in an uncommon position for the time, in from the novels by Körmendi, it seems Mu- certain respects anticipating later consoli- nari worked on the graphic look of novels dations which did not occur in the Italian |222| for Letteraria, the publishing house’s main graphic arts world until the ‘50s. While at series devoted to Italian and foreign con- the time Olivetti (with Pintori and Nizzoli) temporary fiction, for which Munari de- was practically the only instance, during signed a fair number of book jackets—and the postwar period there were various ex- it is possible that he had a role in some amples of synergies between intellectuals other series (such as La Zattera, launched and a cartel of large, most advanced indus- in ’42).183 It is no surprise that Bompiani, tries (Olivetti, Pirelli, Italsider, Rinascente, being a publisher particularly aware of all Rai).181 the modern types of advertising promotion, In the early 1940s, therefore, Munari sought out Munari’s talent for those pub- had the opportunity to forge a permanent lishing products intended for a more gen- relationship with the publisher Monda- eral audience, which therefore demanded dori which was not, however, limited to covers with great visual appeal. Compared directing the art department for the peri- to the graphics for the ‘Hungarian’ nov- odicals branch. In fact, by 1940 his name els featuring the nearly exclusive presence |220| was already associated with I Libri per of informal handwriting, which was also Tutti—an inexpensive series with texts on reused in several advertisements,184 in political, scientific and literary history—for the middle of the decade and especially in which he designed the graphic format for the early ‘40s, a different kind of graphic the cover. The layout Munari created had research prevailed, wavering between a rather austere style, featuring a simple two somewhat anti-figurative styles: one background in color (solid or shaded) and that focused on exploring the values of a black square bearing the title and name material textures created by drawing or of the author (in a neoclassical typeface), 182 181 . For an examina- historical catalogue in the placed high on the bookplate. tion of the peculiar season Fondazione Arnoldo e Al- Munari’s relationship with the Bom- of Milanese graphic arts berto Mondadori, Milan. connected to businesses like 183 . The reconstruction piani publishing company was the long- Olivetti, Pirelli, and Italsid- of Munari’s graphic arts est and most well-defined and it would er following wwii until the production for the Bompia- sixties, see Vinti 2007. ni publishing house in the extend to after the war, but as it happens, 182 . The series I Libri thirties is based (often to a per Tutti was launched by decisive extent) on analysis it had already gotten a solid start in the Mondadori in 1940 and of the covers, crosschecking ‘30s. In fact, it is important to distinguish included a handful of titles: this with the information in Antonio Beltramelli, L’uomo the Catalogo generale Bom- between his editorial consulting, such as nuovo (Benito Mussolini) piani 1929–2009 (Milan: (1940); Mario Appelius, Bompiani, 2009) and in Asia tragica ed immensa Piazzoni 2007. (1940); Silvio Crespi, Alla 184 . See the covers for difesa d’Italia in guerra e Ferenc Körmendi, Un’av- a Versailles (1940); René ventura a Budapest (1932) Fülöp-Miller, Rasputin e and Via Bodenbach (1933); l’ultimo zar (1940); Guido the later La generazione Milanesi, Racconti di tutti i felice (1934) is an excep- mari (1941–1944). Munari’s tion, featuring a decisively role in creating the covers is constructivist style. Cf. also expressly indicated on the Guido Piovene, Lettere di promotional flyer for the una novizia (1941), where series (coll. Giorgio Maffei, handwriting and script type Turin). Cf. Mondadori’s are combined.

Wartime art director photography;185 the other that tended rath- for Munari and was an early indication er towards dividing the cover space in order of what his predominant interest in the to create a central area that would then be graphic arts field would be in the 1950s and filled with typography.186 These graphic de- ‘60s. In that which we could call his matu- vices almost seemed to undo the realistic rity, whether it be for stage-of-life reasons 208 depiction, even to ‘pierce’ the two-dimen- (Munari was approaching forty years of sionality of the paper. This was achieved age) or for his extensive professional ex- both through the layering of shapes which perience (also in journalism, as we have accentuate the illusion of depth (somehow seen), during the war Munari came to con- reminiscent of aeropainting) and through tend with the conception of books also as a marked stylization of shapes to the point an author. In the span of three years, from of turning them into abstract patterns. As 1942 to 1944, the Milanese designer pub- for the typographic choices, the titles un- lished no less than five books for different mistakably show a retrieval of neoclassical publishing houses. The volumes were all letterforms, that were revised by Munari by rather heterogeneous in nature as well as adapting (by hand) alphabets taken from in the degree of involvement in the content typographical specimens. It is also impor- production, and they revealed his personal tant to recall Munari’s contribution to the areas of interest: humor, photography highly successful Enciclopedia pratica, one and, a significantly new focus, the world of of the first large works put out by Bompia- children. ni. Conceived and compiled by Bompiani Once again it was his friend Zavatti- and Cosimo Cherubini, the encyclopedia ni who introduced Munari to Einaudi, a drew on the contribution of many intel- small but firmly established publishing lectuals, professionals and political fig- house founded in Turin in 1933 by a group ures to write the subject entries, including of young intellectuals centered around Munari. And considering the project’s Giulio Einaudi.188 Einaudi began as a pub- complexity, as well as a few stylistic indi- lishing house fundamentally dedicated to cations in the cover illustrations and the essays, yet in late ’41 it put out a series of illustrations on the box that held the two wide-ranging editorial publications with volumes, it is not unlikely that Munari also the purpose of expanding on the national played a role, though not exclusively, in the market. Responding to this ambition to layout of the volumes and in creating the position itself in new market sectors, such illustrations.187 as contemporary fiction and inexpensive books, Einaudi’s new collections demon- strated an openness to a wider, less edu- Munari as author cated and more diverse audience. Relying This kind of work on the exterior graph- ics of book products for large publishing 185 . See the covers for Bompiani, 1938. 2 vol. (see M.K. Rawlings, Il cucciolo Piazzoni 2007: 120–1; and houses represented a new area of endeavor (ca.1942) and Donald J.Hall, Catalogo generale Bompiani Spinosa ospitalità (1944) 1929–2009). and, in the La Zattera series, 188 . With Giulio Ei- Indro Montanelli, Gente naudi, son of economist qualunque (1942). and journalist Luigi Einaudi 186 . See Archibald (and future president of the J Cronin, Caleidoscopio Italian Republic) were Leo- (1940), Mario Sobrero, Di ne Ginzburg, Massimo Mila, padre in figlio(1942), Er- Norberto Bobbio and Ce- skine Caldwell, Il piccolo sare Pavese, later joined by campo (1940), John Stein- Natalia Ginzburg and Giai- beck, La battaglia (1940). me Pintor. Cf. http://www. 187 . Enciclopedia pratica einaudi.it, last accessed 3 Bompiani. La cultura, la vita February 2011. civile, la famiglia. Milan:

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 on the Roman editorial office, assigned to contribution to defining the Turin publish- Mario Alicata and Carlo Muscetta, it un- ing house’s distinct image. dertook ambitious projects (such as the Published in the fall of ’42, the Mac- new collection, Biblioteca Universale and chine book displayed a cover in red with a 208 the Enciclopedia Einaudi which, in addition collage of found letters which formed the 209 to an economic commitment, demanded title, and an image made up of clippings of a significantly wider circle of authors and illustrations, old prints and photographs contributors. Alicata was in charge of sev- forming a kind of puzzle which hinted eral projects including the series Libri per at the book’s content.192 The inside pre- l’infanzia e la gioventù created according sented some fifteen ‘humorous machines’ to an innovative vision of children’s liter- redrawn in color, accompanied by the ature—‘the education of children granted original text which describes each device among adults on an equal footing’, this presented on the facing page, in a tone was the series’ pronounced intent—with an that lies somewhere between nonsense and editorial plan that included authors such scientific language. Munari’s original de- as Morante, Brancati, Alvaro, Vittorini and sign was for a long, narrow format, and a Longanesi.189 As for Munari, it was Zavat- cover with only the typographic collage on tini who, in a letter written at the end of a black background;193 logically, therefore, ’41, told him about his proposal to create the actual format must have been imposed a book out of his humorous illustrations by the publisher. During the print prepa- which had already appeared in Settebello.190 ration, then, Munari and Einaudi corre- Munari responded to this by offering, in sponded closely to discuss many details re- turn, to redo the drawings and person- garding the layout: from the type to use for ally see to the book’s layout. Negotiations the text to the appearance of the title page, with Einaudi proceeded quickly and even to choices concerning the binding.194 The planned for a second volume for the same

series, almost surely suggested by Muna- 189 . To enjoy the good three-color printing inside. ri; Alicata, in requesting that the contract graces of Giuseppe Bottai, 193 . See original mock- then Minister of National up, 12×35 cm; now in the be sent to Munari for the Abecedario (abc Education (Mangoni 1999: Giancarlo Baccoli coll., Riva |223| Book) and Le Macchine di Munari (Mu- 116n). However, only 4 titles del Garda. |224| appeared in the series: Le 194 . Einaudi insisted on nari’s Machines) expressed his pleasure bellissime avventure di Ca- using Landi roman instead terì dalla trecciolina by Elsa of Bodoni black condensed at having ‘snatched’ him away from Mon- Morante, Caccia grossa fra recommended by Muna- dadori.191 In much the same way as with le erbe by Mario Sturani, as ri, but he accepted doing well as two titles by Muna- the title, text and notes in Bompiani and Mondadori, this marked ri—all published in 1942 (cf. the same typeface. Einau- the beginning of a long and profitable Cinquant’anni di un editore di, about the introduction: 1983: 567). ‘I am thinking of absorb- relationship with Einaudi during which 190 . See Munari’s let- ing into one page the title ter to Zavattini, s.d. [end of page—which in of itself is time, in the years following the war, the 1941 or January ’42], in the not necessary, since we are Milanese designer would make a definite Cesare Zavattini Archives, dealing with a sort of album, Biblioteca Panizzi, Reggio but would nonetheless be Emilia, file m844/4. Cf. also missed—and the introduc- a later letter from Munari tion, decorating it with the to Zavattini, s.d. [1942], ivi wonderful drawings stolen file m844/1. here and there from your 191 . Correspondence tables (…)’. Munari, for his from Alicata to Einau- part, recommended cutting di, March 10, 1942; cit. in the hard paper cover on a Mangoni 1999: 121. edge with the pages, and the 192 . Le macchine di black cloth spine (Einaudi Munari (Munari’s Ma- Archives at the Archivio chines). Turin: Einaudi, di Stato, Turin: Italian col- 1942. 21.5×28.5 cm, pp.32 laborators/Bruno Munari n.n.; hard paperback bind- fonds: file 140 (pages 7, 9, ing, black cloth spine. 12, 20, 21, 23, 30, 34). Cover illustrated in color,

Wartime art director layout used color for the illustrations and by images of objects with corresponding the cover only, leaving the other (few) pag- initials.200 Created in collaboration with es in black: the author’s photographic self- an illustrator,201 the book had an unu- portrait on the inside flap; the preface (the sual square format, suggested, it seems, by famous nonsense ‘Attenzione attenzione’) Munari.202 Both the front and the back 210 which was the first clear example of those of the cover displayed nine colored circles ‘semantic disturbances’ which best express containing letters and objects; inside, the the typical Munariesque humor; and final- left pages displayed the upper-case ver- ly a black square with a false errata corrige sion and their respective italic versions on at the end of the book.195 a colored background, while the pages on Einaudi and Munari did not meet in the right had the lower-case version with person until after the war, but Munari the illustrations overprinted in black. Even was not short on suggestions for the book though the book’s contents did not stray launch. He proposed setting up the win- substantially from the usual style of this dow displays with objects taken from his kind of tool, Munari’s Abecedario was dis- ‘machines’ or with an upside-down um- tinct in the lightness and simplicity of the brella filled with books (he even offered layout, livened up by the expressive use of to take care of this personally for the Mi- color, and in its emphasis on the alphabeti- lan area…), or a blurb on the book which cal shapes chosen, which make (as was would read ‘A book for children from 8 to the artist’s intention) the book especially 80’—ideas that, albeit somewhat costly ac- accessible and stimulating for preschool cording to the publisher, would in part be children.203 carried out.196

From another point of view, the cover 195 . The semantic dis- 200 . Abecedario (abc of Macchine demonstrated those alpha- turbances (or as defined by Book). Turin: Einaudi, 1942. Gillo Dorfles, lexical leaps) 23.5×23.5 cm, pp.40 n.n. bet shapes that captured Munari’s inter- ‘are based on a slight shift Hardbound cover, printed in meaning, for example in four colors, with cloth est during that period, attested to by other between the definitions of spine; illustrations in two attempts by the artist, though in single, two synonymous terms, and colors. especially on their light- 201 . Cf. letter Munari Dadaist examples: the collage series en- ning-fast conciseness’ (Um- to Einaudi, 20 July 1942 (Ei- |225| titled ABC Dadà (1944),197 the ABC book berto Eco, in Finessi 2005: naudi Archives, cit). The de- 197). Example: ‘É vietato signer’s name is not known, given by his son Alberto to Anna, Anto- l’ingresso ai non addetti al but it was probably Gelindo lavoro/È vietato l lavoro ai Furlan, which whom Mu- |226| 198 nio Boggeri’s daughter (1944), or the non addetti all’ingresso/È nari also created two paper |227| personal notebook containing clippings ingrassato l’addetto ai non game boxes in the early for- vietati al lavoro/È lavato ties, Il teatro dei bambini and and drawings of letters and alphabets il gessetto ai non addetti Via Mercanti. (c.1940).199 As for the editorial produc- all’ingrosso (…)’. [Play on 202 . Cf. letter Munari words in Italian] to Einaudi, 16 June 1942 |231| tion, in 1942 Munari published the Abece- 196 . See letter Munari (Einaudi Archives, cit), in to Einaudi, 21 October 1941 which Munari explains: ‘the dario for Einaudi, another book belonging (Einaudi Archives, cit). abc book was designed in a to the same children’s series. It presented 197 . ABC Dadà, 1944. square format, and all the Mixed techniques and col- shapes on the pages are in the letters of the alphabet accompanied lage on cardboard, 22 plates harmonic proportion with 21.5×31.5 cm. Now in the the square; even the cover Hajek-Zucconi coll., Novara. made up of nine disks is in 198 . Abecedario, 1944, harmony if it stays closed collage on cardboard. in square of the page (…)’ 9.2×32.5 cm (closed), and suggests trimming 7 cm 36.6×32.5 cm (open). Now off the format of the series in the Boggeri-Monguzzi (21×28) so at to create a coll., Meride (Switzerland). 21×21 square. Einaudi gladly 199 . ‘Appunti grafici accepts. solo visivi (non da legge- 203 . The type is a bold re)’, notebook with collage condensed version of and pencil drawings, 1940. Clarendon and may have 12×35 cm. Now in the Gian- been designed ad hoc, as carlo Baccoli coll., Cavalese. Munari seems to suggest:

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 A few days after the war ended, Muna- pictures in this book. Look at them and be ri quickly wrote Einaudi to propose a new transported on a wonderful journey.’209 book to go with the Abecedario, similar in Also in the early 1940s, in collaboration format and style, dealing with numbers: with Gelindo Furlan—a childhood friend, 210 the Numerario, completed the previous as well as a Futurist painter from the Mil- 211 year—perhaps inspired by a similar book anese group and a contributor with the published by Veronesi in 1944—and left in Mondadori art department)—who created a drawer awaiting a return to normalcy.204 the illustrations, Munari designed two toy On the occasion, in thinking of the next |229| boxes published by Editore Gentile: Teatro reprinting, perhaps together with the third dei bambini (Children’s Theater) and Via book,205 Munari attached a new drawing Mercanti (Merchants Street).210 Overall, to replace an embarrassing illustration for these were inexpensive publishing prod- the letter h (Hitlerian Youth) which could ucts (cut-out toys were common at the no longer be used; but the Abecedario was time), based predominantly on illustra- never reprinted, and the new volume on tion, even if both the album format and numbers remained unpublished.206 In- the typographic cover of the books as well stead, the idea resurfaced at the beginning as the square format of the box for the two of the 1960s with another innovative book toys were graphically interesting. As for the for children on the alphabet, the Alfabetiere, and an original North American edition ‘For the colored back- Alfabetiere. Turin: Einaudi, 207 entitled Munari’s ABC. grounds (…) and for the let- 1960; Munari’s ABC. Cleve- ters of the alphabet (…) you land/New York: The World Munari’s interest in the world of chil- could have wooden blocks Publishing Company, 1960. dren was certainly a reflection of his own made, this would save you By a strange coincidence, considerably’ (letter to Ei- the second volume in Eng- experience with fatherhood (his son Alber- naudi, June 16, 1942, cit). lish which would have been to was born in 1940) and it took on grow- 204 . The Second World called Munari’s Numerary War ended in Italy on 25 was also never published; ing importance in his professional work. April 1945; the letter (hand- in any case, its complete delivered) to Einaudi was mock-up does exist, now in Even before the books for Einaudi, in 1940 dated 8 May (Einaudi Ar- csac, Parma (reproduced in he published a box set of four small books chives, cit). Luigi Veronesi Bianchino 2008: 118–22). had published two similarly 208 . Bruno Munari, |228| called Mondo Aria Acqua Terra (World Air styled children’s books, I Mondo Aria Acqua Terra. Water Land), which, for all intents and numeri and I colori (Milan: Immagini geografiche per ra- M.A. Denti, 1944). gazzi. Milan: Italgeo [1940]. purposes, was the first publication in his 205 . The first edition’s 14.5×19.5 cm; pp.26 n.n.; 208 print runs are not known, 4 staplebound volumes; name. This was a popular scientific text but it is unlikely that they cardboard case. Cover and for children in which Munari once again exceeded 1,000 copies; in illustrations in color. A new any case, the text of the edition was republished by emphasized images, created in the custom- letter seems to indicate that Orlando Cibelli Editore of ary ‘unadorned’ style seen on the covers of the two previous volumes Milan in 1952. had sold out. 209 . From the text, cit. periodicals during this same period (see La 206 . ‘I am also sending in Maffei 2002: 50 (our you a drawing for a hangar italics). Lettura), intended to capture the imagina- to put on the h page in the 210 . Il Teatro de bambini tion of young readers: ‘Arranged like many abc book, in place of the and Via Mercanti. Milan: other drawing with has Editore Gentile, s.d. [1940– movie frames that come one after another fallen out of favor’ (Munari 42c]. Printing: Ricordi & in regular succession, you will find unusual to Einaudi, 8 May 1945, cit). C., Milan. Toy-books with Thanks to Giorgio Maffei cut-out figures. 22×23 cm for pointing it out. These for both. Covers and panels ‘tributes’ to the regime were in color. The first contains somehow necessary in or- a card with four flaps to be der to get permission from mounted in the shape of a the Minculpop, if even an theater, with 5 panels for anti-Fascist publisher like the backdrops; the second Einaudi could endorse these consists of seven punched kinds of illustrations. Curi- out cards to be mounted (in ously, today the book can- the shape of a shop win- not be located in any Italian dow), which can hold the public library. cut-out images of different 207 . Bruno Munari, products.

Wartime art director illustrations, they seemed to take on that Stemming from his experience on set and basic, simplified style that Munari would written during the evacuation after ar- later adopt in the books published for mistice (8 September 1943), Buzzi’s book Mondadori in 1945 immediately following showed quite a bit of affinity with Munari’s the war, those Albi Munari (Munari Pic- style of writing and irony, so that consider- 212 ture Books) that introduced an innovative ing the presence of his work (a photomon- vision in the children’s publishing world of tage, a schematic storyboard), one may the day, distinguishing him as an original suspect his role as co-author in preparing author. the materials. Despite the smaller format, Before the war was over, in ’44, Mu- the book’s layout seems simple yet varied, nari planned and edited the publication of while adhering to the typology of techni- several other books related to his main in- cal manuals put out by the publisher; even terests, not always relevant from a graphic the cover—like the one for Domus edited by arts point of view, but worthwhile exam- Munari during those same months—was ining nonetheless. If Le Macchine took his laid out on a subtle, deliberate, graphic humorous inventions and adapted them imbalance. The central alignment of the in a children’s tone—opening him up to a titles which are put in boxes on a red back- new field of study that would take on ma- ground, is in fact contradicted by a small jor importance in the postwar period—his square photograph (depicting a theater passion for humor offered him the op- curtain) placed on the outer edge. Muna- portunity to edit a collection of cartoons, ri’s participation in the project attests to |230| the Catalogo illustrato dell’umorismo (The his continued interest in cinema, a natural Illustrated Catalogue of Humour), a com- extension of his research on photographic pilation of examples taken from different sequences, indicated in some way by the kinds of publications, rearranged according • successful volume Fotocronache (Photo re- to subject and presented in alphabetical or- ports) published by Editoriale Domus in der.211 In addition to the choice of subjects, 1944.213 This was a compendium of arti- Munari was probably responsible for the cles that had previously appeared in Tempo, short humorous texts that introduce each re-offered here—even if the magazine was chapter. The layout, on the other hand, never mentioned, perhaps to avoid prob- seems rather anonymous; the cover is a lit- lems with censorship—in a new layout that, tle more interesting, with its arrangement although freer in its arrangement as com- of titles and especially the insertion of the pared with the weekly’s dense graphics, es- table of contents, but essentially, it has the sentially respect the original cropping and overall look of a cheap travel book. His work on the layout of Taccuino 211 . Bruno Munari (ed- 63–64). Aldo Buzzi (1910– |232| dell’aiuto regista (The Assistant Direc- ited by), Catalogo illustrato 2009) was a scriptwriter tor’s Notebook) by Aldo Buzzi, edited by dell’umorismo. Milan: Ultra, and author. 212 1944. 18.5×24.5 cm, pp.128; 213 . [Bruno] Munari, Hoepli in 1944, seems more demanding. paperback binding. Print- Fotocronache. Dall’isola dei ing: Stabilimento Grafico tartufi al qui pro quo. Milan: R. Scotti, Milan. Cover in Editoriale Domus, 1944. three colors, illustrations 16.5×24 cm, pp.96, paper- in b/w. back bound. A passage from 212 . Aldo Buzzi, Taccu- the correspondence with ino dell’aiuto regista. Mi- Einaudi implies how proud lan: Hoepli Editore, 1944. Munari was of the articles 12×18 cm, pp.80; paper- published in Tempo: ‘(…) back binding. Inside there and my articles in Tempo, is a small photomontage have you seen them?’ (let- (p.31) and ‘Piccolo film a ter from Munari to Einaudi, colori’ (Small color film), a Einaudi Archives, cit, page schematic example of an 34). illustrated storyboard (pp.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 sequence. The visual index of the photo Rossi, to name but a few of his contempo- credits is interesting, as is the inclusion of raries). Significantly, his name does not a photo report on the river sweeps which appear among the regular contributors to originally appeared not in Mondadori’s Campo grafico,216 nor did he ever publish 212 magazine but in Stile, the magazine under in Il Risorgimento grafico or Graphicus. And 213 Ponti’s direction in the ‘40s.214 The impor- after the war, although his career was pre- tance of Munari’s book for the publishing dominantly focused on editorial graphics, house was underscored by a review and by working for important publishers such as various ads which appeared in Domus in Einaudi, Bompiani, Mondadori and Riz- the fall of ’44.215 zoli on the graphic line of book covers and The events of the war would inevitably series, he would rarely attempt the purely mark an important break in Munari’s ar- typographic work on the page layout, es- |234| tistic path. The last books published, Foto- pecially in text-filled books. Even his own cronache and Taccuino in particular, tend to books—from those published by Schei- confirm the new course, characterised by willer to the later volumes for Laterza and a re-definition of the constructive graph- Zanichelli—confirm in their inside design ics that we have seen Munari develop (not the covers) that his strength did not since the ’30s in an industrial publishing lie in typography, where his solutions look context. This can be resumed as a formula slipshod in the details, clinging to com- that is modern, but not strictly functional, monplace models, hence removed from the intuitive, artisanal and in certain respects preoccupations of functional typography a little negligent in the typographic dimen- that was by then the predominant refer- sion. In order to weigh his achievements, ence worldwide. while in the context of mainstream peri- odicals Munari seemed to proceed with a modern graphic style all his own—corre- sponding to his falling back on more man- nered and intuitive formulas—it should also be pointed out how his layout work for Domus was absolutely some of most ma- ture typographic examples (which should also include the postwar covers for Grazia) wherein he truly demonstrated an uncom- mon skill and verve. And yet, as much as this may seem contradictory, strictly speaking, Munari never was a true typogra- pher, at least not in the sense of a designer whose background or specialization is in printing (like Bertieri, Modiano or Attilio 214 . In the column ‘Cu- Domus, perhaps bringing riosità’ in Stile no.30, June Munari there in the role of 1943: 55. Munari’s relation- art director. ship with Ponti was also 215 . R.G., ‘Munari con attested to (in this issue) la macchina fotografica’ in by the review of the Abec- Domus no.201, September edario and by the report 1944: 335. For the ads, see ‘Una piccola casa a Fiumetto’ nos.202 and 203 (October (A Small House in Fiumetto, and November 1944). pp.18–9) regarding a house 216 . Over the publica- design by Munari. At the tion’s six-year lifespan, Mu- time Carlo Pagani and Lina nari designed not one cover, Bo worked in the editorial and his name appears on office, and towards the end only one of its articles. of the year they moved to

Wartime art director