Picturing the Presidency: President Reagan and the Cold War Table of Contents Introduction Table of Contents Cold War Card 1: President Reagan and the Cold War Evangelical Association Address Cold War Card 2: Address to the National Association of Evangelicals Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983 President’s Backup Copy: Address to the National Association of Evangelicals, March 8, 1983 Draft of the President’s Address to the National Association of Evangelicals, March 8, 1983 Geneva Summit Cold War Card 3: Summit in Geneva, Switzerland Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan-Gorbachev Meetings in Geneva Second Plenary Meeting, November 19, 1985 Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan-Gorbachev Meetings in Geneva Second Private Meeting, November 19, 1985 Strategic Defense Initiative Cold War Card 4: Strategic Defense Initiative President’s Backup Copy: Address on Defense, March 23, 1983 Picturing the Presidency: President Reagan and the Cold War Table of Contents Reykjavik Summit Cold War Card 5: Reykjavik Summit, Iceland Memorandum of Conversation, October 12, 1986 Brandenburg Gate Cold War Card 6: Remarks on East-West Relations at the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin President’s Backup Copy: Remarks at Brandenburg Gate Berlin, Germany, June 12, 1987 Draft of the President’s Remarks at Brandenburg Gate Berlin, Germany, June 12, 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty Cold War Card 7: President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev signing the INF Treaty in the East Room of the White House Remarks on Signing the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty December 8, 1987 President’s Backup Copy: Signing Ceremony for I.N.F. Agreement Tuesday, December 8, 1987 Fall of the Berlin Wall Cold War Card 8: The Fall of the Berlin Wall Power Map of the World, Cold War Era Picturing the Presidency: President Reagan and the Cold War Table of Content Correspondence To President Brezhnev, From President Reagan, August 24, 1981 To President Reagan, From President Brezhnev Translation and Original Version in Russian, October 15, 1981 To President Brezhnev, From President Reagan Final Version and Draft, November 17, 1981 To General Secretary Andropov, From President Reagan, July 11, 1983 To President Reagan, From General Secretary Andropov August 27, 1983 To General Secretary Gorbachev, From President Reagan April 4, 1985 To General Secretary Gorbachev, From President Reagan November 28, 1985 To President Reagan, From General Secretary Gorbachev December 5, 1985 Cold War Social Science Standards Connections to California State Curriculum Standard .

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Sdi and Arms Control
McNAIR PAPERS NUMBER FOUR SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By _HQ_WARD _G_._DEWQLE ................... THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES .-. ~L~lL-"u~c'4r, l.~ ,n ,m-J,,t/,wliTtl SDI AND ARMS CONTROL SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By HOWARD (3. DEWOLF ~ RESIDENT REAGAN'S Strategic Defense Initiative, or SDI, and the pursuit of defenses to protect against ballistic missile attack are issues of significant debate. Some praise the proposal, first made in a presidential address to the nation on 23 March 1983, as a grand vision that will abolish nuclear blackmail by adopting a totally defensive posture. Others condemn it as being destabilizing, a Pandora's box of strategic transition that could precipitate armed conflict. To date, the focus primarily has been on questions of technology. Are defenses feasible? Will they work? How effec- tive can they be? In addition, many have addressed the impact of defenses on US-Soviet stability. Will SDI defenses seem threatening? Will they destabilize the strategic equation? Is a shift toward defense necessarily away from offense? Perhaps the real questions to ask concern the strategic direction cur- rently being pursued, how strategic defense will or should interact with strategic offense, and the relationship of strategic defense to arms control. The vision of SDI originally portrayed in March 1983--ultimately eliminating the threat of strategic nuclear missiles--is now a longer-term goal. Now deterrence is, as before, the byword; perfect defenses are recognized as being unattainable, and continued dependence on offensive ballistic missiles is envisioned. These considerations, once accepted, may precipitate further nuclear arms control agreements--with SDI as the catalyst.
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Book Reviews Because the participants in the Geneva summit were concerned most of all with domestic and bloc consolidation, they came away from the meeting reasonably satisªed, even though the sessions yielded few concrete results and the post-Geneva agendas of the powers were largely incompatible.Soviet leaders were pleased that they had held their own with the stronger and more sophisticated Western powers.Despite the careful show of Western unity and the invocation of four-power rights and respon- sibilities going back to Potsdam, the shrewd Khrushchev could discern in Geneva the bipolar, arms control–centered U.S.-Soviet détente that would emerge in the 1960s Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/4/3/146/700250/jcws.2002.4.3.146.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 and eventually push German unity off the political agenda until 1989.Dulles was re - lieved that the West had survived Geneva without falling prey to Soviet propaganda, and he was hopeful that the summit had initiated a diplomatic process that would gradually enable the West, proceeding from its “position of strength,” to secure Ger- man unity and the liberation of Eastern Europe.Britain and France were reasonably satisªed that they had bolstered their countries’ great-power status. Needless to say, these conºicting expectations about the post-Geneva world could not all come true.As John W.Young shows in his chapter on the conference of foreign ministers in the fall of 1955, the Soviet Union, having beneªted from the im- proved political climate in the wake of the summit, was not interested in revisiting the question of German uniªcation that the leaders had mandated to their foreign minis- ters.With “socialism” under construction in East Germany, the German question was closed—a position that the Soviet authorities held until the upheavals of 1989.
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The Reagan Doctrine: an Analysis of the President's Role in The
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