DOCSLIB.ORG

Because the Participants in the Geneva Summit

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Because the Participants in the Geneva Summit Book Reviews Because the participants in the Geneva summit were concerned most of all with domestic and bloc consolidation, they came away from the meeting reasonably satisªed, even though the sessions yielded few concrete results and the post-Geneva agendas of the powers were largely incompatible.Soviet leaders were pleased that they had held their own with the stronger and more sophisticated Western powers.Despite the careful show of Western unity and the invocation of four-power rights and respon- sibilities going back to Potsdam, the shrewd Khrushchev could discern in Geneva the bipolar, arms control–centered U.S.-Soviet détente that would emerge in the 1960s Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/4/3/146/700250/jcws.2002.4.3.146.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 and eventually push German unity off the political agenda until 1989.Dulles was re - lieved that the West had survived Geneva without falling prey to Soviet propaganda, and he was hopeful that the summit had initiated a diplomatic process that would gradually enable the West, proceeding from its “position of strength,” to secure Ger- man unity and the liberation of Eastern Europe.Britain and France were reasonably satisªed that they had bolstered their countries’ great-power status. Needless to say, these conºicting expectations about the post-Geneva world could not all come true.As John W.Young shows in his chapter on the conference of foreign ministers in the fall of 1955, the Soviet Union, having beneªted from the im- proved political climate in the wake of the summit, was not interested in revisiting the question of German uniªcation that the leaders had mandated to their foreign minis- ters.With “socialism” under construction in East Germany, the German question was closed—a position that the Soviet authorities held until the upheavals of 1989. Cold War Respite adds signiªcantly to our understanding of this key episode of the high Cold War, demonstrating how and why Geneva ultimately failed what Eisen- hower called the “acid test” of détente.If failure was already apparent at the foreign ministers’ conference, it was to become even more obvious a year later during the Suez and Hungarian crises, which highlighted the emergence of strategic bipolarity, shat- tered illusions about the great-power status of France and Britain, and ended any lin- gering hopes that Eastern Europe might be liberated or Germany united through the diplomacy initiated at Geneva.Ultimately the 1955 summit was indeed just a respite. Final resolution of the issues on the Geneva agenda—above all German unity and Eu- ropean security—had to wait another thirty-ªve years for the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse from within of the entire Soviet system. ✣✣✣ Robert G.Darst, Smokestack Diplomacy: Cooperation and Conºict in East-West Envi- ronmental Politics. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2001. 300 pp. $22.95. Reviewed by Brent S. Steel, Oregon State University Well before the demise of Communism environmental problems in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had reached grave levels.Environmental disasters such as the nu - clear power plant accident in Chernobyl and the nuclear weapons production facility 146 Book Reviews accident in Chelyabinsk; the poisoning of lakes, waterways, and seas (notably the Aral and Caspian Seas and Lake Baikal); the widespread air pollution; and the contamina- tion of agricultural land all contributed over time to the undermining of Commu- nism.These conditions prompted Murray Feshbach and Alfred Friendly, Jr.to re - mark, in their book Ecocide in the USSR (New York: Basic Books, 1992), that “no other great industrial civilization so systematically and so long poisoned its land, air, water and people.” After Communism collapsed in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/4/3/146/700250/jcws.2002.4.3.146.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 most of the new governments initiated at least a modicum of democratic reform and market-oriented economic policies.Although the results varied from country to coun - try, the one thing that did not change—at least immediately—was the grave nature of environmental problems in the region.The health and long-term livelihood of the people and ecosystems in the former Communist world remain under threat.Because the new governments have had to cope with acute social, economic, and political is- sues, most of them have done little or nothing to redress damage to the environment. Robert Darst’s Smokestack Diplomacy examines international efforts to promote environmentally responsible policies in the former Soviet Union and ªve post-Soviet republics—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia, and Ukraine.Starting in the 1960s and continuing to the present, the book focuses on three environmental issues facing the post-Soviet states and their Western neighbors: Baltic Sea pollution, transboundary air pollution, and nuclear energy.According to Darst, East-West cooperation on environ- mental issues was greatest in the aftermath of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster, when the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, undertook several unprece- dented initiatives with the West to mitigate transboundary environmental pollution. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, however, East-West relations concerning the environment reverted to a more confrontational approach, described by Darst as “smokestack diplomacy.” The former Soviet states have been much less willing to work together to address transboundary environmental problems and at times have threatened their Western neighbors with “greater transboundary dangers in order to exact payments from them—a form of environmental blackmail never employed by the USSR, even during the darkest days of the Cold War” (p. 3). Darst attributes the changing nature of East-West environmental relations in the Cold War and post–Cold War periods to the “instrumental manipulation of external environmental concerns” (p.3).During the ªnal years of the Cold War the Soviet Union sought to moderate East-West hostility by displaying a willingness to cooperate on certain international environmental issues of great interest to the West.Gorbachev shared formerly secret environmental information with the West and undertook sev- eral costly and ambitious efforts to cut transboundary emissions.After 1991, however, Russia and the other former Soviet republics began to manipulate the more afºuent and environmentally concerned Western states to secure resources for economic devel- opment and the resolution of their own internally generated environmental problems. In response, Western governments disbursed billions of dollars through direct grants and low-interest loans to ªnance economic development and environmental protec- 147 Book Reviews tion measures.Two of the most prominent examples of manipulation include Russia’s threat to resume dumping of radioactive waste at sea unless its more afºuent Western neighbors ªnanced alternative methods of disposal and Ukraine’s threat to continue the operation of the Chernobyl nuclear plant unless the West paid for cleanup and re- placement of the plant. Darst concludes with a list of factors that help to explain the degree of conten- tiousness and cooperation in East-West environmental negotiations.These include, among other things, the overlap of East-West environmental interests and the eco- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/4/3/146/700250/jcws.2002.4.3.146.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 nomic, political, and administrative capacity of the former Soviet states to implement agreements and policies.The conclusion also contains a detailed list of lessons for Western governments to consider when pursuing environmental protection efforts in the former Soviet Union.Although the lessons are not pathbreaking by any means (e.g., “never pay for reductions that have already occurred and cannot easily be re- versed,” p.211), they do bear serious consideration by Western states and donor agen - cies when crafting and negotiating environmental aid projects. Smokestack Diplomacy provides a fascinating and signiªcant contribution to our understanding of the domestic constraints on, and possibilities for, cooperation in in- ternational environmental policy.With its exhaustive use of ªeld research and inter- views of relevant actors, including scientists, diplomats, government ofªcials, and ac- tivists, the book provides an innovative theoretical framework for the analysis of international environmental policy and a much needed contribution to our under- standing of Cold War and post–Cold War perspectives on transboundary pollution policy.Darst has produced a thoughtfully written and well-documented study that will be of great interest and utility to scholars and donor agencies alike. ✣✣✣ Andrew Bennett, Condemned to Repetition? The Rise, Fall, and Reprise of Soviet-Russian Military Interventionism, 1973–1996. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999.370 pp. $21.95. Reviewed by Robert D. English, University of Southern California Many political scientists will admire this book, and most historians will not.Testing an intricate theory (a multilevel learning model) across a series of diverse cases (Soviet- Russian “interventionism” in mid–, late–, and post–Cold War circumstances), the book is an ambitious effort that reºects both the promise and the pitfalls of a highly systematized approach to complex political phenomena.Ultimately Bennett succeeds in establishing the centrality of political learning to policy change, but this success sometimes comes despite, rather than because of, his search for analytical rigor. Bennett’s thesis is straightforward: that “the lessons Soviet and Russian leaders learned from their direct experiences with [previous] military interventions explain much of the variance” in subsequent policy (p.3).He begins by detailing the analyti - 148.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sdi and Arms Control
    McNAIR PAPERS NUMBER FOUR SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By _HQ_WARD _G_._DEWQLE ................... THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES .-. ~L~lL-"u~c'4r, l.~ ,n ,m-J,,t/,wliTtl SDI AND ARMS CONTROL SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By HOWARD (3. DEWOLF ~ RESIDENT REAGAN'S Strategic Defense Initiative, or SDI, and the pursuit of defenses to protect against ballistic missile attack are issues of significant debate. Some praise the proposal, first made in a presidential address to the nation on 23 March 1983, as a grand vision that will abolish nuclear blackmail by adopting a totally defensive posture. Others condemn it as being destabilizing, a Pandora's box of strategic transition that could precipitate armed conflict. To date, the focus primarily has been on questions of technology. Are defenses feasible? Will they work? How effec- tive can they be? In addition, many have addressed the impact of defenses on US-Soviet stability. Will SDI defenses seem threatening? Will they destabilize the strategic equation? Is a shift toward defense necessarily away from offense? Perhaps the real questions to ask concern the strategic direction cur- rently being pursued, how strategic defense will or should interact with strategic offense, and the relationship of strategic defense to arms control. The vision of SDI originally portrayed in March 1983--ultimately eliminating the threat of strategic nuclear missiles--is now a longer-term goal. Now deterrence is, as before, the byword; perfect defenses are recognized as being unattainable, and continued dependence on offensive ballistic missiles is envisioned. These considerations, once accepted, may precipitate further nuclear arms control agreements--with SDI as the catalyst.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolt and Crisis in Greece
    REVOLT AND CRISIS IN GREECE BETWEEN A PRESENT YET TO PASS AND A FUTURE STILL TO COME How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe? Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund. In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome.
    [Show full text]
  • Gunter Bischof, Saki Dockrill, Eds.. Cold War Respite: the Geneva Summit of 1955
    Gunter Bischof, Saki Dockrill, eds.. Cold War Respite: The Geneva Summit of 1955. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000. x + 319 pp. $60.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8071-2370-6. Reviewed by Kathryn Statler Published on H-Diplo (December, 2000) A Very Brief Cold War Respite tion of resolving outstanding issues at the cost of While much attention has been devoted to the undermining their own interests. A fourth theme, origins and the numerous conflicts of the Cold not explicitly mentioned yet apparent throughout War, possibilities for an easing of East-West ten‐ the essays, is how domestic politics (and especial‐ sions have received far less scrutiny. Conferences ly the internal Soviet power struggle) helped devoted to diplomacy, such as the 1954 Berlin and shape the outcome of the summit. While the pur‐ Geneva conferences and the 1955 Geneva summit, ported goal of the summit was to address the Ger‐ remain underexplored. Gunter Bischof and Saki man problem, European security, and disarma‐ Dockrill thus make an important contribution to ment possibilities, no concrete discussion of these Cold War scholarship with their international his‐ issues occurred. At the same time, all the partici‐ tory of the 1955 Geneva summit-the frst (and last) pants were hopeful that a four-power meeting meeting of the heads of state from the United would provide an opportunity to gradually reduce States, the Soviet Union, Britain, and France dur‐ East-West tensions. ing the Cold War. Their edited compilation, Cold Ernest May provides a short but detailed War Respite: The Geneva Summit of 1955, is com‐ background chapter on the early Cold War-prior prised of thirteen well-documented essays that ex‐ to the summit.
    [Show full text]
  • Bailout Reform Talks to Be Cont Greek-American Recruit from Texas
    S O C V st ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ W ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ E 101 ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald anniversa ry N www.thenationalherald.com A wEEkly GrEEk-AmEriCAN PuBliCATiON 1915-2016 VOL. 20, ISSUE 1002 December 24-30 , 2016 c v $1.50 Bailout Greek-American Recruit from Texas Became ISIS Prince Reform John Georgelas, now known as Yahya Abu Talks to Hassan, converted to Islam in college TNH Staff pushed for a Caliphate, a Mus - lim state, and the death of non- Be Cont On Dec. 8, 2015, a voice was believers – which would include heard on Al Bayan radio – the his own parents and even Mus - voice of the Islamic State – one lims he feels do not embrace the Tsipras’ Turnabout unknown outside the violent most radical tenets the group world of jihad, but not to a fam - holds dear. Causes Delays ily in Plano, TX. After getting his family out into Next Year It was that of an Islamic of Syria in 2013, Georgelas – scholar known as Yahya, so for - whose garb and beard and eyes midable in his knowledge of the locked on his new life make him TNH Staff Koran and Arabic and religion resemble not an American but that even hardened devotees of a passionate follower of Islam – ATHENS – Prime Minister ISIS bowed to him and showed he was free, as Wood wrote, to Alexis Tsipras' handout to pen - respect. “pursue his dreams unencum - sioners has delayed third bailout But it was also that of a once- bered by a wife and children.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016
    NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016 An essential Alliance in a more dangerous world The Warsaw Summit comes at a defining moment for the security of the North Atlantic Alliance. In recent years, the world has become more volatile and dangerous with Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and destabilisation of eastern Ukraine, as well as its military build-up from the Barents Sea to the Baltic, and from the Black Sea to the eastern Mediterranean; turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa, fuelling the biggest migrant and refugee crisis in Europe since World War Two; brutal attacks by ISIL and other terrorist groups, as well as cyber attacks, nuclear proliferation and ballistic missile threats. NATO is adapting to this changed security environment. It also remains committed to fulfilling its three core tasks: collective defence, crisis management and cooperative security. And, in the Polish capital, the Alliance will make important decisions to boost security in and around Europe, based on two key pillars: protecting its citizens through modern deterrence and defence, and projecting stability beyond its borders. NATO member states form a unique community of values, committed to the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. In today’s dangerous world, transatlantic cooperation is needed more than ever. NATO embodies that cooperation, bringing to bear the strength and unity of North America and Europe. This Summit is the first to be hosted in Poland and the first to be chaired by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, who took up his post in October 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategic Cooperation Against the Communist Threat in the Asia- Pacific During the Early Cold War
    H-Diplo H-Diplo/ISSF Review Essay 53 on Divided Allies: Strategic Cooperation against the Communist Threat in the Asia- Pacific during the Early Cold War Discussion published by George Fujii on Wednesday, September 23, 2020 H-Diplo | ISSF Review Essay 53 Thomas K. Robb and David James Gill. Divided Allies: Strategic Cooperation against the Communist Threat in the Asia-Pacific during the Early Cold War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019. Reviewed by Michael D. Cohen, Australian National University Published 23 September 2020 | http://issforum.org/to/RE53 Edited by Robert Jervis and Diane Labrosse Production Editor: George Fujii Despite the COVID-19 pandemic and perhaps in some ways because of it, conflicts of interest between the United States and China seem only likely to increase in the coming years. As conflicts of interest between these two states increase, one central question for scholars and policy-makers is the probability of different causal mechanisms whereby a conflict of interest generates a crisis and the crisis becomes a limited, conventional or even nuclear war. Another important and closely related question is which allies Washington and Beijing can count on to do what as these conflicts of interest grow. Unlike China, the United States has alliances that span the world, with formal defence commitments throughout Europe and Asia. If alliances do more than aggregate but substantially multiply U.S. power, exactly what do they bring to the table? Many would agree that of Washington’s many formal allies, those with which it shares the same language, democratic and political culture, and war-fighting experience might be those that can be counted on the most to share threat perceptions with the United States and join it in an armed conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cuban Missile Crisis and Its Effect on the Course of Détente
    1 THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS AND ITS EFFECT ON THE COURSE OF DÉTENTE 2 Abstract The Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union began in 1945 with the end of World War II and the start of an international posturing for control of a war-torn Europe. However, the Cold War reached its peak during the events of the Cuban Missile Crisis, occurring on October 15-28, 1962, with the United States and the Soviet Union taking sides against each other in the interest of promoting their own national security. During this period, the Soviet Union attempted to address the issue of its own deficit of Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles compared to the United States by placing shorter-range nuclear missiles within Cuba, an allied Communist nation directly off the shores of the United States. This move allowed the Soviet Union to reach many of the United States’ largest population centers with nuclear weapons, placing both nations on a more equal footing in terms of security and status. The crisis was resolved through the imposition of a blockade by the United States, but the lasting threat of nuclear destruction remained. The daunting nature of this Crisis led to a period known as détente, which is a period of peace and increased negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union in order to avoid future confrontations. Both nations prospered due to the increased cooperation that came about during this détente, though the United States’ and the Soviet Union’s rapidly changing leadership styles and the diverse personalities of both countries’ individual leaders led to fluctuations in the efficiency and extent of the adoption of détente.
    [Show full text]
  • Cold War Timeline
    Cold War Timeline Jun 44 – D-Day, allied invasion at Normandy. Provisional French government headed by Gen Charles DeGaulle formed. Jul 44 – Bretton Woods Conference Aug 44 - Paris liberated, Soviet territory is liberated of all Axis troops Sep 44 – Oct 44 – Morganthau Plan to pastoralize Germany. Churchill and FDR agree that post- war Germany should have no heavy industry. Nov 44 – Dec 44 – Jan 45 –. Soviets on the Oder River 28 miles from Berlin Feb 45 – Yalta conference of allied leaders. New United Nations will replace failed League of Nations. Mar 45 – Apr 45 – Italy liberated. FDR dies, Truman becomes president May 45 – Soviet ultimatum to Turks for Bosphorus/Dardenelles for unlimited naval access. German surrender Jun 45 – Truman rejects Morganthau Plan for Germany. Unity government established in Poland between London Poles (western-supported govt. in exile) and Lublin Poles (Soviet supported govt.). Mikoljczk is western allies’ choice for president. Jul 45 – Potsdam Conf., plans announced for 4-power occupation of Berlin. Truman tells Stalin about atomic bomb. Churchill replaced by Clement Atley halfway through conference. Konigsberg to remain with Soviet Union until final peace treaty (it is still with Russia today). Aug 45 – Potsdam Conf, USSR enters war against Japan, New borders for Poland agreed upon. Atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima & Nagasaki Sep 45 – Japan surrenders on USS Missouri, Council of Foreign Ministers meet (COFM- 1) in London to draft peace treaties Oct 45 – Nov 45 – International Military Tribunal (IMT) begins in Nuremberg, Air corridor agreement for Berlin. Dec 45 – COFM 2 Moscow, Soviet Marshall Zhukov rejects free interzonal trade Jan 46 – Austria reconstituted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cold War As Context George C
    The Cold War as Context George C. Herring 1961–1981: by any measure, an extraordinary age. It was a time of political giants, JFK, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ronald Reagan; of larger-than-life politicians with feet of clay—LBJ and Richard Nix- on. It was an era of cultural icons, Elvis, Marilyn Monroe, Bob Dylan, the Beatles, Mu- hammad Ali, of economic ups and downs, the boom of the1960s, the “stagflation” of the 70s, with its long lines at gas stations. It was a time of intellectual ferment, of revo- lutions in civil rights, women’s Panmunjom cease fires talks, Korea, October 11, 1951 rights, and sexual mores, not the least, a technological revolution that by 1969 would place astronauts on the moon. Throughout this time of massive change, there was one constant—the Cold War— although my central point this morning is that this colossal struggle, during these particular years, went through various metamorphoses. In fact, it came full circle. Nineteen sixty-one marked the start of the most dangerous phase of the Cold War, a time when the two superpowers came perilously close to nuclear conflagration. After a period of decompression—what came to be called detente—the Cold War heated up again in the late 1970s, helping to sway Ronald Reagan’s 1980 electoral victory and leading to a further escalation of Soviet-American tensions. What I will do in this talk is sketch out these changing contours of the Cold War as a backdrop for other discussions at this conference.1 George C. Herring is Professor of History Emeritus, University of Kentucky.
    [Show full text]
  • George Shultz, Nuclear Statecraft and the Vision for a World Free of Nuclear Weapons1 Stephan Kieninger
    George Shultz, Nuclear Statecraft and the Vision for a World Free of Nuclear Weapons1 Stephan Kieninger Summary As Secretary of State, George Shultz worked hard to help protect Ronald Reagan’s and Mikhail Gorbachev’s shared goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. This article looks into Shultz’s contribution to Reagan’s groundbreaking arms control diplomacy and its pivotal role for the peaceful end of the Cold War highlighting the contemporary significance of Reagan’s and Shultz’s vision at a time when the global challenge is to build from scratch a new arms control architecture for the 21th century, something that will need strength, patient statecraft and the long-term management of adversarial relations with Russia and China. The article sheds new light on the complexities of Ronald Reagan’s approach: On the one hand, Reagan wanted America’s victory in the battle with the Soviet Union. At the same time, he wanted to abolish nuclear weapons, and reducing nuclear weapons required patient statecraft and the relaunch of U.S.-Soviet cooperation. Ronald Reagan and George Shultz managed to weave these aims together combining strength and diplomacy in new ways in an effort to advance freedom and promote democracy. About the Author Stephan Kieninger is an independent historian and the author of two books on the history of détente and Euro-Atlantic security: The Diplomacy of Détente. Cooperative Security Policies from Helmut Schmidt to George Shultz (2018) and Dynamic Détente. The United States and Europe, 1964– 1975 (2016). He received his PhD from Mannheim University. Formerly, he was a postdoctoral fellow at Johns Hopkins SAIS, a fellow at the Berlin Center for Cold War Studies, and a senior researcher at the Federal German Archives.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuban Missile Crisis
    VOLUME FOR TEACHERS ONLY 2 OF 2 The University of the State of New York DBQ REGENTS HIGH SCHOOL EXAMINATION UNITED STATES HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT Thursday, January 27, 2011 — 9:15 a.m. to 12:15 p.m., only RATING GUIDE FOR PART III A AND PART III B (DOCUMENT-BASED QUESTION) Updated information regarding the rating of this examination may be posted on the New York State Education Department’s web site during the rating period. Visit the site http://www.p12.nysed.gov/osa/ and select the link “Scoring Information” for any recently posted informa- tion regarding this examination. This site should be checked before the rating process for this examination begins and at least one more time before the final scores for the examination are recorded. Contents of the Rating Guide For Part III A Scaffold (open-ended) questions: • A question-specific rubric For Part III B (DBQ) essay: • A content-specific rubric • Prescored answer papers. Score levels 5 and 1 have two papers each, and score levels 4, 3, and 2 have three papers each. They are ordered by score level from high to low. • Commentary explaining the specific score awarded to each paper • Five prescored practice papers General: • Test Specifications • Web addresses for the test-specific conversion chart and teacher evaluation forms Copyright 2011 The University of the State of New York THE STATE EDUCATION DEPARTMENT Albany, New York 12234 UNITED STATES HISTORY and GOVERNMENT Mechanics of Rating The following procedures are to be used in rating papers for this examination. More detailed directions for the organization of the rating process and procedures for rating the examination are included in the Information Booklet for Scoring the Regents Examination in Global History and Geography and United States History and Government.
    [Show full text]
  • What Was the Cuban Missile Crisis?
    aol1 Revision for Spring Mocks A War of Words In 1947, Stalin and Churchill engaged in a ‘war of words’ which revealed that trust had completely broken down and misunderstandings were shaping policies. Source 1 - Churchill’s ‘Iron Curtain’ speech in March 1946 “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an ​ iron curtain has descended across the continent. ​ Behind the line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe… all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in the Soviet sphere and are all subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and ​ increasing measure of control from Moscow.” ​ Source 2 - Stalin’s Response to Churchill’s speech, also in March 1946 “Essentially Mr Churchill now adopts the ​ position of the warmonger* and in this Mr ​ ​ Churchill is not alone. He has friends not only in Britain but in the United States of America as well. A point to be noted in this respect is that Mr Churchill and his ​ friends bear a striking resemblance to Hitler and his friends.” ● A person who wants war What was the impact of this ‘war of words’? In the light of these speeches, Truman and Stalin were very concerned about the possibility of a new war. Each leader asked for secret reports from their embassies, to help them understand what their opponents were thinking. Both reports were sent as telegrams. These ​ ​ reports were very important because they greatly influenced the thinking and policies of Truman and Stalin.
    [Show full text]