Cold War Timeline
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project JOHN W. MCDONALD Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: June 5, 1997 Copyright 2 3 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in Ko lenz, Germany of U.S. military parents Raised in military bases throughout U.S. University of Illinois Berlin, Germany - OMGUS - Intern Program 1,4.-1,50 1a2 Committee of Allied Control Council Morgenthau Plan Court system Environment Currency reform Berlin Document Center Transition to State Department Allied High Commission Bonn, Germany - Allied High Commission - Secretariat 1,50-1,52 The French Office of Special Representative for Europe General 6illiam Draper Paris, France - Office of the Special Representative for Europe - Staff Secretary 1,52-1,54 U.S. Regional Organization 7USRO8 Cohn and Schine McCarthyism State Department - Staff Secretariat - Glo al Briefing Officer 1,54-1,55 Her ert Hoover, 9r. 9ohn Foster Dulles International Cooperation Administration 1,55-1,5, E:ecutive Secretary to the Administration Glo al development Area recipients P1480 Point Four programs Anti-communism Africa e:perts African e:-colonies The French 1and Grant College Program Ankara, Turkey -CENTO - U.S. Economic Coordinator 1,5,-1,63 Cooperation programs National tensions Environment Shah of Iran AID program Micro2ave projects Country mem ers Cairo, Egypt - Economic Officer 1,63-1,66 Nasser AID program Soviets Environment Surveillance P1480 agreement As2an Dam Family planning United Ara ic Repu lic 7UAR8 National -
Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory. -
In a Rather Emotional State?' the Labour Party and British Intervention in Greece, 1944-5
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE 'In a rather emotional state?' The Labour party and British intervention in Greece, 1944-5 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL The English Historical Review DEPOSITED IN ORE 12 February 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/18097 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45* Professor Andrew Thorpe Department of History University of Exeter Exeter EX4 4RJ Tel: 01392-264396 Fax: 01392-263305 Email: [email protected] 2 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45 As the Second World War drew towards a close, the leader of the Labour party, Clement Attlee, was well aware of the meagre and mediocre nature of his party’s representation in the House of Lords. With the Labour leader in the Lords, Lord Addison, he hatched a plan whereby a number of worthy Labour veterans from the Commons would be elevated to the upper house in the 1945 New Years Honours List. The plan, however, was derailed at the last moment. On 19 December Attlee wrote to tell Addison that ‘it is wiser to wait a bit. We don’t want by-elections at the present time with our people in a rather emotional state on Greece – the Com[munist]s so active’. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
Sdi and Arms Control
McNAIR PAPERS NUMBER FOUR SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By _HQ_WARD _G_._DEWQLE ................... THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES .-. ~L~lL-"u~c'4r, l.~ ,n ,m-J,,t/,wliTtl SDI AND ARMS CONTROL SDI AND ARMS CONTROL By HOWARD (3. DEWOLF ~ RESIDENT REAGAN'S Strategic Defense Initiative, or SDI, and the pursuit of defenses to protect against ballistic missile attack are issues of significant debate. Some praise the proposal, first made in a presidential address to the nation on 23 March 1983, as a grand vision that will abolish nuclear blackmail by adopting a totally defensive posture. Others condemn it as being destabilizing, a Pandora's box of strategic transition that could precipitate armed conflict. To date, the focus primarily has been on questions of technology. Are defenses feasible? Will they work? How effec- tive can they be? In addition, many have addressed the impact of defenses on US-Soviet stability. Will SDI defenses seem threatening? Will they destabilize the strategic equation? Is a shift toward defense necessarily away from offense? Perhaps the real questions to ask concern the strategic direction cur- rently being pursued, how strategic defense will or should interact with strategic offense, and the relationship of strategic defense to arms control. The vision of SDI originally portrayed in March 1983--ultimately eliminating the threat of strategic nuclear missiles--is now a longer-term goal. Now deterrence is, as before, the byword; perfect defenses are recognized as being unattainable, and continued dependence on offensive ballistic missiles is envisioned. These considerations, once accepted, may precipitate further nuclear arms control agreements--with SDI as the catalyst. -
Britain and the Greek Colonels: Accommodating the Junta in the Cold War by Alexandros Nafpliotis (Review)
Britain and the Greek Colonels: Accommodating the Junta in the Cold War by Alexandros Nafpliotis (review) Neovi M. Karakatsanis Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Volume 38, Number 1, May 2020, pp. 258-262 (Review) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2020.0017 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/754273 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] 258 Book Reviews men invert the ideologies of the secondary texts that they employ and engage in polemics against their contemporaries (Byron satirizes Robert Southey while Roidis lampoons Panagiotis Soutsos). With inspiration from Byron’s mock epic, Roidis not only was able to find the right tone for his own history (which acted as a critique of historical fiction of the period) but also “contributed to the differentiation and therefore to the generic evolution of the novel itself” (233). This chapter is a highlight of the book. Near the end of the book, however, Lika writes that “even though Pope Joan traces back her lineage to Swift and Sterne, we can swiftly and sternly state that she is a Byronic offspring after all” (235). Lika thus unnecessarily pigeonholes her own study. Roidis and the Borrowed Muse is a meticulous book that evinces deep research into, and knowledge of, the sources that inspired Roidis’s Pope Joan. As this book has cross-disciplinary potential, it would have benefitted from a more thorough background on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British historical and literary practices for readers unfamiliar with British writing of this period. -
Britain and the Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944
VOL. XV, Nos. 1 & 2 SPRING-SUMMER 1988 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: MARIOS L. EVRIVIADES ALEXANDROS KITROEFF PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Managing Eidtor: SUSAN ANASTASAKOS Advisory Board: MARGARET ALEXIOU KOSTIS MOSKOFF Harvard University Thessaloniki, Greece SPYROS I. ASDRACHAS Nlcos MOUZELIS University of Paris I London School of Economics LOUKAS AXELOS JAMES PETRAS Athens, Greece S.U.N.Y. at Binghamton HAGEN FLEISCHER OLE L. SMITH University of Crete University of Copenhagen ANGELIKI E. LAIOU STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS Harvard University Baruch College, C.U.N.Y. CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS University of Athens The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora is a quarterly review published by Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and December. Copyright © 1988 by Pella Publishing Company. ISSN 0364-2976 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS DAVID GILMORE is professor of anthropology at the State Uni- versity of New York at Stony Brook . MOLLY GREENE is a doc- toral candidate at Princeton University . CLIFFORD P. HACKETT is a former aide to U.S. Representative Benjamin Rosenthal and Senator Paul Sarbanes. He is currently administering an exchange program between the U.S. Congress and the European Parliament and is also executive director of the American Council for Jean Monnet Studies . JOHN LOUIS HONDROS is professor of history at the College of Wooster, Ohio ... ADAMANTIA POLLIS is professor of political science at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Re- search . JOHN E. REXINE is Charles A. Dana Professor of the Classics and director of the division of the humanities at Colgate Uni- versity . -
Europe's Rebirth After the Second World War
Journal of the British Academy, 3, 167–183. DOI 10.5871/jba/003.167 Posted 5 October 2015. © The British Academy 2015 Out of the ashes: Europe’s rebirth after the Second World War, 1945–1949 Raleigh Lecture on History read 2 July 2015 IAN KERSHAW Fellow of the Academy Abstract: This lecture seeks to explain why the Second World War, the most destruc- tive conflict in history, produced such a contrasting outcome to the First. It suggests that the Second World War’s maelstrom of destruction replaced a catastrophic matrix left by the First — of heightened ethnic, border and class conflict underpinned by a deep and prolonged crisis of capitalism — by a completely different matrix: the end of Germany’s great-power ambitions, the purging of the radical Right and widescale ethnic cleansing, the crystallisation of Europe’s division, unprecedented rates of economic growth and the threat of nuclear war. Together, these self-reinforcing components, all rooted in what soon emerged as the Cold War, conditioned what in 1945 had seemed highly improbable: Europe’s rise out of the ashes of the ruined continent to lasting stability, peace and prosperity. Keywords: Cold War, Germany, ethnic cleansing, economic growth, matrix, Europe’s division, radical Right, nuclear war. It is a great honour to deliver this Raleigh Lecture. When invited to do so, I was asked, in the context of the 70th anniversary of the end of the most terrible war in history, to speak on some topic related to the end of the Second World War. As the war recedes into history the recognition has grown that it was the epicentre and determin- ing episode in the 20th century in Europe. -
NATO As a Value Institution: Do Democracy and Human Rights Matter?
NATO as a Value Institution: Do Democracy and Human Rights Matter? The Spanish, Greek and Turkish Cases Georg Agnalt Edell Fall 2019 Master's thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies, Department of Political Science Word count: 24.734 Preface: I wrote this thesis in order to shed some light on a subject that came to fascinate me through my time in college. Are the rules regarding democracy and human rights in NATO just words on a page or do they carry any weight in real life too? As each alliance member have had different political trajectories and histories, I thought that the importance they put into these values should also differ. By focusing on a broader range of cases than other writers have done before me, this topic also enabled me to fill a knowledge-gap, something I put great value in doing. This thesis would not have been possible without the help, love and support of my fellow students, friends and family. A special acknowledgment should also be given to Janne Haaland Matlary, whose guidance and scholarship have been invaluable in writing this thesis. Lastly I would be remiss to not acknowledge my own effort and hard work. I thank you all from the bottom of my heart. 2 Table of Contents Abstract:.....................................................................................................................................................5 1.1: Introduction:........................................................................................................................................6 1.2: NATO and cooperation:......................................................................................................................7 -
Yalta, a Tripartite Negotiation to Form the Post-War World Order: Planning for the Conference, the Big Three’S Strategies
YALTA, A TRIPARTITE NEGOTIATION TO FORM THE POST-WAR WORLD ORDER: PLANNING FOR THE CONFERENCE, THE BIG THREE’S STRATEGIES Matthew M. Grossberg Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Department of History, Indiana University August 2015 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Master’s Thesis Committee ______________________________ Kevin Cramer, Ph. D., Chair ______________________________ Michael Snodgrass, Ph. D. ______________________________ Monroe Little, Ph. D. ii ©2015 Matthew M. Grossberg iii Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the participation and assistance of so many of the History Department at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis. Their contributions are greatly appreciated and sincerely acknowledged. However, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the following: Dr. Anita Morgan, Dr. Nancy Robertson, and Dr. Eric Lindseth who rekindled my love of history and provided me the push I needed to embark on this project. Dr. Elizabeth Monroe and Dr. Robert Barrows for being confidants I could always turn to when this project became overwhelming. Special recognition goes to my committee Dr. Monroe Little and Dr. Michael Snodgrass. Both men provided me assistance upon and beyond the call of duty. Dr. Snodgrass patiently worked with me throughout my time at IUPUI, helping my writing progress immensely. Dr. Little came in at the last minute, saving me from a fate worse than death, another six months of grad school. Most importantly, all credit is due Dr. -
The Organisation Communiste Internationaliste Breaks with Trotskyism
TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY VOLUME SIX The Organisation Communiste Internationaliste breaks with Trotskyism NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY edited by C. Slaughter VOLUME SIX The Organisation Comtnuniste Internationaliste breaks with Trotskyism NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS Pubtiahcd by New Park PuWic«ioMLtd.. ItSTaStomHi* Stmt, London SW4 7UG 1975 Set up, Printed and Bound by Trade Union Labour Distributed in the United States by: Labor Publication! Inc., 13S West 14 Street, New York, New York 10011 ISBN 0 902030 73 6 Printed in Great Britain by New Press (T.U.) 186a Oapham High Street, London SW4 7UG Contents FOREWORD xli CHAPTER ONE: THE BOLIVIAN REVOLUTION AND REVISIONISM Document 1 BoMa: Biter Lessons of Defeat, by Tim WohBorth August 30,1971 2 Document 2 What Happened In BoMa? by QuWermo Lore September 1971 8 Document 3 Statement by the OCI Central Committee, September 19,1971 19 Document 4 Statement by the OCI, the POR and the Organizing Committee of Eastern Europe, October 12,1971 23 CHAPTER TWO: THE SPLIT Document S Statement by the International Committee (Majority), October 24,1971 28 Document 6 Declaration of the Central Committee of the OCI, November 24,1971 45 Document r Statement by the International Committee (Majority), March 1,1972 72 CHAPTER THREE: THE FOURTH WORLD CONFERENCE Document • Report of the Fourth Conference of the International Committee, April 10-15,1972 104 Document 9 Manifesto of the Fourth Conference of the International