The Organisation Communiste Internationaliste Breaks with Trotskyism
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Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
Britain and the Greek Colonels: Accommodating the Junta in the Cold War by Alexandros Nafpliotis (Review)
Britain and the Greek Colonels: Accommodating the Junta in the Cold War by Alexandros Nafpliotis (review) Neovi M. Karakatsanis Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Volume 38, Number 1, May 2020, pp. 258-262 (Review) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2020.0017 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/754273 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] 258 Book Reviews men invert the ideologies of the secondary texts that they employ and engage in polemics against their contemporaries (Byron satirizes Robert Southey while Roidis lampoons Panagiotis Soutsos). With inspiration from Byron’s mock epic, Roidis not only was able to find the right tone for his own history (which acted as a critique of historical fiction of the period) but also “contributed to the differentiation and therefore to the generic evolution of the novel itself” (233). This chapter is a highlight of the book. Near the end of the book, however, Lika writes that “even though Pope Joan traces back her lineage to Swift and Sterne, we can swiftly and sternly state that she is a Byronic offspring after all” (235). Lika thus unnecessarily pigeonholes her own study. Roidis and the Borrowed Muse is a meticulous book that evinces deep research into, and knowledge of, the sources that inspired Roidis’s Pope Joan. As this book has cross-disciplinary potential, it would have benefitted from a more thorough background on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British historical and literary practices for readers unfamiliar with British writing of this period. -
Britain and the Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944
VOL. XV, Nos. 1 & 2 SPRING-SUMMER 1988 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: MARIOS L. EVRIVIADES ALEXANDROS KITROEFF PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Managing Eidtor: SUSAN ANASTASAKOS Advisory Board: MARGARET ALEXIOU KOSTIS MOSKOFF Harvard University Thessaloniki, Greece SPYROS I. ASDRACHAS Nlcos MOUZELIS University of Paris I London School of Economics LOUKAS AXELOS JAMES PETRAS Athens, Greece S.U.N.Y. at Binghamton HAGEN FLEISCHER OLE L. SMITH University of Crete University of Copenhagen ANGELIKI E. LAIOU STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS Harvard University Baruch College, C.U.N.Y. CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS University of Athens The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora is a quarterly review published by Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and December. Copyright © 1988 by Pella Publishing Company. ISSN 0364-2976 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS DAVID GILMORE is professor of anthropology at the State Uni- versity of New York at Stony Brook . MOLLY GREENE is a doc- toral candidate at Princeton University . CLIFFORD P. HACKETT is a former aide to U.S. Representative Benjamin Rosenthal and Senator Paul Sarbanes. He is currently administering an exchange program between the U.S. Congress and the European Parliament and is also executive director of the American Council for Jean Monnet Studies . JOHN LOUIS HONDROS is professor of history at the College of Wooster, Ohio ... ADAMANTIA POLLIS is professor of political science at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Re- search . JOHN E. REXINE is Charles A. Dana Professor of the Classics and director of the division of the humanities at Colgate Uni- versity . -
University of California Santa Cruz Marxism
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MARXISM AND CONSTITUENT POWER IN LATIN AMERICA: THEORY AND HISTORY FROM THE MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY THROUGH THE PINK TIDE A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY OF CONSCIOUSNESS with an emphasis in POLITICS by Robert Cavooris December 2019 The dissertation of Robert Cavooris is approved: _______________________________________ Robert Meister, Chair _______________________________________ Guillermo Delgado-P. _______________________________________ Juan Poblete _______________________________________ Megan Thomas _________________________________________ Quentin Williams Acting Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Robert Cavooris, 2019. All rights reserved. Table of Contents Abstract iv Acknowledgements and Dedication vi Preface x Introduction 1 Chapter 1 41 Intellectuals and Political Strategy: Hegemony, Posthegemony, and Post-Marxist Theory in Latin America Chapter 2 83 Constituent Power and Capitalism in the Works of René Zavaleta Mercado Chapter 3 137 Bolivian Insurgency and the Early Work of Comuna Chapter 4 204 Potentials and Limitations of the Bolivian ‘Process of Change’ Conclusions 261 Appendix: List of Major Works by Comuna (1999–2011) 266 Bibliography 271 iii Abstract Marxism and Constituent Power in Latin America: Theory and History from the Mid-Twentieth Century through The Pink Tide Robert Cavooris Throughout the history of Marxist theory and practice in Latin America, certain questions recur. What is the relationship between political and social revolution? How can state institutions serve as tools for political change? What is the basis for mass collective political agency? And how can intellectual work contribute to broader emancipatory political movements? Through textual and historical analysis, this dissertation examines how Latin American intellectuals and political actors have reframed and answered these questions in changing historical circumstances. -
NATO As a Value Institution: Do Democracy and Human Rights Matter?
NATO as a Value Institution: Do Democracy and Human Rights Matter? The Spanish, Greek and Turkish Cases Georg Agnalt Edell Fall 2019 Master's thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies, Department of Political Science Word count: 24.734 Preface: I wrote this thesis in order to shed some light on a subject that came to fascinate me through my time in college. Are the rules regarding democracy and human rights in NATO just words on a page or do they carry any weight in real life too? As each alliance member have had different political trajectories and histories, I thought that the importance they put into these values should also differ. By focusing on a broader range of cases than other writers have done before me, this topic also enabled me to fill a knowledge-gap, something I put great value in doing. This thesis would not have been possible without the help, love and support of my fellow students, friends and family. A special acknowledgment should also be given to Janne Haaland Matlary, whose guidance and scholarship have been invaluable in writing this thesis. Lastly I would be remiss to not acknowledge my own effort and hard work. I thank you all from the bottom of my heart. 2 Table of Contents Abstract:.....................................................................................................................................................5 1.1: Introduction:........................................................................................................................................6 1.2: NATO and cooperation:......................................................................................................................7 -
Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil View, and I Was Quite Impressed by It
Tvvo Vievvs on the Dialectics of Nature To William F. Warde tal to Sartre and Hyppolite. There is and I hope it will precipitate in this I have just read your article, "Is Na one point in your article, however, with country a greater appreciation of the ture Dialectical?" in the Summer 1964 which I would take some exception. problem and wide discussion of it. That is when you argue against the issue of the International Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil view, and I was quite impressed by it. anti-dialecticians by pointing out the Although I must plead guilty to a advances made in science, especially by November 15, 1964 rather superficial knowledge of Marx Oparin, through the use of dialectical ism, I am very interested in Hegel's method. Dialectical logic may help the Reply work. During my study of Hegel, I have scientist reach some useful hypotheses Here are some comments on the main come to the conclusion that the ques for later investigation, but this is not questions of theoretical interest raised tion of the philosophy of nature is a the essential point here. by this friendly letter. crucial one. In my opinion, Hegel's I t seems to me that the method or 1. Would knowledge of the method of philosophy falls apart into a dualism of means by which scientific discoveries the materialist dialectic, which is based mind and matter instead of being the are made is secondary in this argument. on the most general laws of being and synthesis he desired just because of the What is really vital is the fact that only becoming, assist the physical scientist failure of his philosophy of nature. -
"Why It Is Worth Preparing for Breaches to Open in These Two Systems and Strive for Socialism"
"Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article6854 Book review "Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" - Reviews section - Publication date: Tuesday 13 October 2020 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/5 "Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" Livio Maitan, Memoirs of a critical communist. Towards a History of the Fourth International, Preface by Daniel Bensaid, translated by Gregor Benton, edited and with an introduction by Penelope Duggan, Resistance Books, IIRE, Merlin Press, 2019, 455 pages. Livio Maitan was born in Venice in 1923 ; he was politically active from 1943 until his death in 2004. During this period, both the world capitalist system and the bureaucratic countries that escaped its grip, generated great discontents, social movements and crises. Unfortunately none of these upsurges was able to establish a society that was democratic and egalitarian in a lasting way. As a young socialist in postwar Italy, Livio could see the problem as it was crystallizing into the Cold War. [1] When he met the Fourth International in Paris in April 1947, he decided to dedicate his life to making the perspective of socialist democracy a real political alternative for militants searching a way out of the "Washington or Moscow" dilemma. He stood by this commitment all his life. What was needed, he thought, was not just more brilliant books like The Revolution Betrayed by Trotsky, but a network of militants organized on a global scale and sharing information, analysis and at times, a helping hand. -
Pendakis Katherine
POLITICAL GENEALOGIES OF A GENERATION: KIN, MOVEMENT AND PARTY IN THE GREEK DIASPORA KATHERINE L. PENDAKIS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN SOCIOLOGY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, CANADA APRIL 2015 © Katherine Pendakis, 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation is about the struggle of one generation of men in the Greek diaspora to come to terms with––and act within––political genealogies that had shaped their everyday lives since childhood and with which they remain in an ongoing relation of (dis)identification today. The Greek civil war (1946-1949) had bestowed upon these men an inheritance of polarized associations: nationalism, religiosity, order, on the one hand; anti-Greek communism, on the other. Their childhood and adolescence in the post-civil war years were shaped by state practices that polarized the Left from the Right. By the time of the dictatorship in 1967, which was the catalyst for many to leave, families in Greece had experienced decades of institutionalized marginalization. The focus here is on the intersection of this legacy with the political activities and sensibilities of those who arrived in Toronto and mobilized themselves against the Greek regime. While the anti-dictatorship movement they created was originally heterogeneous, it became concentrically organized around the Panhellenic Liberation Movement (PAK) and the leadership of Toronto-based professor Andreas Papandreou. After the fall of the dictatorship in 1974, PAK became the foundation for a new political party, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), with Andreas Papandreou as leader once again. -
Anti-Capitalism Or Anti-Imperialism? Interwar Authoritarian and Fascist Sources of a Reactionary Ideology: the Case of the Bolivian MNR
Anti-Capitalism or Anti-Imperialism? Interwar Authoritarian and Fascist Sources of A Reactionary Ideology: The Case of the Bolivian MNR Loren Goldner Abstract The following recounts the evolution of the core pre-MNR intelligentsia and future leadership of the movement and its post- 1952 government from anti-Semitic, pro-fascist, pro-Axis ideologues in the mid-1930's to bourgeois nationalists receiving considerable US aid after 1952. The MNR leadership, basically after Stalingrad, began to "reinvent itself" in response to the impending Allied victory, not to mention huge pressure from the U.S. in various forms starting ca. 1942. However much the MNR purged itself of its "out-of-date" philofascism by the time it came to power, I wish to show it in the larger context of the top-down, state-driven corporatism that developed in key Latin American countries in this period, specifically Argentina, Brazil and (in a different way) Mexico through the Cardenas period. The following is a demonstration that, contrary to what contemporary complacent leftist opinion in the West thinks, there is a largely forgotten history of reactionary populist and "anti- imperialist" movements in the underdeveloped world that do not shrink from mobilizing the working class to achieve their goals. This little-remembered background is all the more important for understanding the dynamics of the left-populist governments which have emerged in Latin America since the 1990’s. Introduction The following text is a history and analysis of the fascist and proto- fascist ideologies which shaped the pre-history and early history of the Bolivian MNR (Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario) from 1936 to its seizure of power in 1952. -
Trotskygrad on the Altiplano by Bill Weinberg
JANUARY/FEBRUARY 2011 reviews Trotskygrad on the Altiplano By Bill Weinberg a militant (at times, even revolution- ian labor movement (from the 1930s ary) labor movement that aligned through the 1980s) with articles with Leon Trotsky and his Fourth from the left and especially Trotsky- International, and rejected Joseph ist press of the day, in both Bolivia Stalin and his Kremlin successors. In and the United States—rescuing a Bolivia’s Radical Tradition: Permanent wealth of information from falling Revolution in the Andes, S. Sándor John into pre- digital oblivion. The book explores the roots of this exceptional- is illustrated with reproductions of ism. To his credit, he resists the temp- radical art and propaganda as well as tation of mechanistic explanations— period photos. John also offers first- but the answer is pretty clearly rooted hand interviews with veterans of the in sheer oppression. miners’ struggle. Faced with a nasty, brutish, and The POR and the PIR were both short life in the tin mines of the founded in the aftermath of the di- altiplano (chronic silicosis made sastrous Chaco War (1932–5), a for an average lifespan of 40 years), senseless and costly conflict with Bolivia’s miners had little patience Paraguay, in which Bolivia’s old oli- for the Moscow-mandated line of garchic political class lost much “two-stage” revolution, which urged credibility—in John’s words, “the subordination to the “bourgeois- death throes of the ancien régime.” BOLIVIA’s Radical TRADITION: democratic” political process un- More enlightened sectors of this PERMANENT REVOLUTION IN THE til feudalism was dismantled and class subsequently began affecting a ANDES by S.