Cuban Missile Crisis
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
US Army Was Already Upset About Its Losses from Deep Personnel and White House Photo Via National Archives Budget Cuts When Gen
National Park Service photo by Abbie Rowe By John T. Correll US Army was already upset about its losses from deep personnel and White House photo via National Archives budget cuts when Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor arrived as the new Chief of Defense Technical Information Center photo Staff in June 1955. Army strength was down by almost a third since the Korean War and the Army share of the budget was dropping steadily. These reductions were the result of the “New Look” defense program, introduced in 1953 by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and the “Massive Retaliation” strategy that went with it. New Look was focused on the threat of Soviet military power, putting greater reliance on strategic airpower and nuclear weapons and less emphasis on the kind of wars the Army fought. US planning was based on the standard of general war; the limited conflict in Korea was regarded as an aberration. If for some reason another small or limited war had to be fought, the US armed forces, organized and equipped for general war, would handle it as a “lesser included contingency.” New Look—so called because Eisenhower had ordered a “new fresh survey of our military capabilities”—was driven by the belief that adequate security was possible at lower cost, especially if general purpose forces overseas were thinned out. Another factor was the recognition that NATO could not match the con- ventional forces of the Soviet Union, which had 175 divisions—30 of them in Europe—and 6,000 aircraft based forward. So in 1952, the US and its allies had adopted a strategy centered on a nuclear response to attack. -
Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND
DATE DOWNLOADED: Sat Sep 25 03:27:50 2021 SOURCE: Content Downloaded from HeinOnline Citations: Bluebook 21st ed. Edward McWhinney, The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND. L. REV. 202 (1972). ALWD 6th ed. McWhinney, E. ., The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law, 6(2) Ind. L. Rev. 202 (1972). APA 7th ed. McWhinney, E. (1972). The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law. Indiana Law Review, 6(2), 202-219. Chicago 17th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law," Indiana Law Review 6, no. 2 (December 1972): 202-219 McGill Guide 9th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law" (1972) 6:2 Ind L Rev 202. AGLC 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6(2) Indiana Law Review 202. MLA 8th ed. McWhinney, Edward. "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law." Indiana Law Review, vol. 6, no. 2, December 1972, p. 202-219. HeinOnline. OSCOLA 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6 Ind L Rev 202 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at https://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your license, please use: Copyright Information THE MOSCOW SUMMIT MEETING AND THE POST-DETENTE INTERNATIONAL LAW EDWARD MCWHINNEY* I. -
Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75
A Personal Affair : Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 Michael V. Paulauskas A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Donald J. Raleigh Reader: David Griffiths Reader: Chad Bryant ABSTRACT MICHAEL V. PAULAUSKAS: A Personal Affair: Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 (Under the direction of Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis explores how diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR changed during détente , specifically concentrating on the period between the 1972 Moscow Summit and the enactment of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the 1974 Trade Bill . I employ transcripts of diplomatic negotiations to investigate the ways that Soviet and American leaders used new personal relationships with their adversaries to achieve thei r foreign policy goals. In order to gain further understanding of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes toward détente, I also examine how the Soviet government, through Pravda, communicated this new, increasingly complex diplomatic relationship to the Soviet public in a nuanced fashion, with multilayered presentations of American foreign policy that included portrayals of individual actors and not simply impersonal groups . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………..…………………………………………. 1 A Cautious Beginning: Soviet -American Relations before the Moscow Summit ..…………...9 The Lifting of the Veil: The 1972 Moscow Summit …………………………..…………….16 The High -Water Mark of Détente: The 1973 US Summit …..………………………….……30 “Nixon’s Last Friend”: The Watergate Scandal …………………………………………..…37 Détente in Crisis: The Jackson-Vanik Amendment ……………..…………………………..45 Conclusion…………………………………………………..……………………………….53 Appendices ……………………………………………..……………………………………57 Bibliography …………………………………………..……………………………………..65 iii Introduction Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin greeted the news of Richard M. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
Statement of Senator Bob Dole President Reagan Departs for The
This press release is from the collections at the Robert J. Dole Archive and Special Collections, University of Kansas. ews from SenatorPlease contact us with any questions or comments: http://dolearchive.ku.edu/ask OBDOLE (R- Kansas) SH 141 Hart Building, Washington, D.C. 20510-1601 POR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: WALT RIKER, DALE TATE MAY 25, 19 8 8 (202) 224-3135 STATEMENT OF SENATOR BOB DOLE THE PRESIDENT DEPARTS FOR .THE SUMMIT THIS MO R NING, PRESIDENT REAGAN DEPARTS WASHINGTON, EN ROUTE TO HIS FOURTH SUMMIT MEETING WITH SOV IET GENERAL SECRETARY GORBACHEV, SCHEDULED TO BEGIN MAY 29 IN MOSCOW. AS DO ALL SUMMITS, THIS ONE OFFERS THE PROMISE OF PROGRESS ON IMPORTANT BILATERAL AND INTERNATIONAL ISSUES; AND THE PERIL OF NF LATED EXPECTATIONS. AS WITH ALL SUMMITS, THE BEST ATT ITUDE FOR APPROACHING THIS ONE IS TO KEEP OUR EYES AS WIDE OPEN AS OUR MINDS; AND TO KEEP O UR FEET FIRMLY ON THE GROUND. ' WE CAN ACHIEVE MUCH IN MOSCOW; WE CANNOT ACHIEVE VERYTHING. AND WE CAN ONLY BE DISAPPOINTED IF OUR GOALS EXCEED OUR REACH. WE CAN ACHIEVE IMPORTANT RESULTS ON ARMS CONTROL. IF WE IN THE SENATE DO OUR PART, WE CAN PUT INTO EFFECT A GROUND-BREAK ING UCLEAR ARMS REDUCTION AGREEMENT, THE INTERMEDIATE RANGE NUCLEAR FORCES TREATY; THE FIRST EVER TO REDUCE EXISTING NUCLEAR STOCKP ILES, AND ELIMINATE WHOLE CLASSES OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS. WE CAN MOVE CLOSER TO AN UNDERSTANDING ON VERIF ICAT ION REGIMES WHICH COULD YIELD THE REALISTIC PROSP ECT OF SENATE ACTION ON AT LEAST ONE OF THE TWO NUCLEAR TEST ING TREATIES BEFORE US. -
Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf
Roham Alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Alvandi, Roham (2012) Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf. Diplomatic history, 36 (2). pp. 337-372. ISSN 1467-7709 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01025.x © 2012 The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/32743/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. roham alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf* On the morning of May 31, 1972, the shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, received U.S. -
Revolt and Crisis in Greece
REVOLT AND CRISIS IN GREECE BETWEEN A PRESENT YET TO PASS AND A FUTURE STILL TO COME How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe? Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund. In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome. -
Checklist for the Moscow Summit,Briefing
65 1 May 20,1988 CHECKLIST FOR THE MOSCOW SUMMIT,BRIEFING From May 29 to June 2,1988, Ronald Reagan will be in Moscow for his fourth meeting with Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. The first meeting, in Geneva in 1985, restored United States-Soviet summit dialogue after a six-year hiatus caused by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the terminal illness of three Soviet leaders. Reagan and Gorbachev met again in Reykjavik in 1986. That meeting broke down over Soviet insistence that the U.S. abandon its Strategic Defense Initiative. The third summit; .atwhichathe Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was signed, was held in Washington last December. With this fourth Reagan-Gorbachev summit, Reagan will have met the Soviet leader more times than any American President has met any other Soviet leader. In an important sense, therefore, this summit is almost routine. Dramatic agreements should not be expected, nor are they desirable. In keeping with this the Moscow summit should be deliberately low-key. Reagan should downplay arms control issues, except to insist on full Soviet compliance with the INF Treaty and to insist that any strategic arms agreement must include provisions for strategic defense deployment. Items of U.S. Concern. Reagan should emphasize agenda items reflecting U.S. concern over Soviet expansionism abroad and human rights abuses at home. He forcefully should express U.S. opposition to Soviet support for wars that anti-democratic and anti-Western regimes wage against their own peoples. He should tell Gorbachev that the U.S. expects Moscow to end all involvement in Afghanistan; stop its military aid to Nicaragua and pull Soviet-bloc advisors out of that country; support internationally supervised elections in Mozambique and Angola, along with a withdrawal of Soviet and Cuban troops from the latter country; refrain from encouraging the Philippine communist rebels; and end genocide being committed in Ethiopia by the Soviet client regime of the dictator Mengistu Haile Maria. -
Moscow Summit Transcripts
first o.e on one M€etinq se.retary Gorbachev €l- sovier Nsc staff ^ffairs, .*,.r c----+-., A.ting DcFartient section chief, Mfl May 29, 1933, l:26 p.n. - 4:r7 p.m. st. catherine H.LI, The xrenrin, dosco' right away tnat he vas wery deremrined to contiNe t\e qro'inq dialoque whi.h gatrin!.; momentM in soviet-Aneri.an relarlors, ., -y u., o b, 'as that he th.usht that jn recent !.ars, since the statenent they had sisned in Genera, theie not onl? in bilaterai relations, but, ..lo .os po . chanqe was io nake rhe jhternational and 'hole clinate betrer dore it alone, t[e sovi.t leadership could not ha'c donc it a1.r€. The tqo si<res had ro do it roqertrer, .nd hdd. There was o' FE o" . - Luti.n had counLed For a ]ot. Gorbachew €nphasized rh.L he qrs not iust saying ricc {ords- lqr 1rie Preald.nt said th.t botn sides had con. a long lay since lrc -l;at;;tmo eorbachew in 1es5. History {ontil re.oi.r rhe plraod positiv.ry, tfue not just for our r.lati.... rNr A..ord, thay trad nade lhe rorrd a litr1c bit safer with sone ol rhe thinqs they had donc- clrba.hev said he \- P' . ..,| E!!!!- , ilts *,*-"***.*',,,-@ !e was parti.ula!l!. pleas.d litn corb.chew Fis .loinq ir afshani.tan, vithdrawinq'hat his troops. Afghanisian vas a lrob1€m c..bachew had inherit.d, he had nor bcer irwolw€d in rhe ilhore rortd aplroy€d the cotrrase he sas oJngi L -. -
About the Results of the Moscow Summit and Their Impact on U.S
About the Results of the Moscow Summit and Their Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy and Soviet-American Relations. As experience shows, final results of such events as the Soviet-American summits become apparent over more or less extended period of time. So far, we can only talk about preliminary results. Among them, the following are the most significant. First of all, the summit brought substantial political and diplomatic results. It is important that we did not allow any breaks in the process of dialog, even though it was possible and even probably due to the U.S. political calendar (the electoral campaign, the situation in which the outgoing administration now finds itself—according to the American political terminology—the state of “lame duck”). Thanks to the summit, the year 1988 did not fall out of the process of normalization of Soviet-American relations; to the contrary, it already became an important marker in their development, which help ensure the continuity: both most likely presidential candidates are simply forced by the logic of events itself to speak positively about Soviet-American relations, about disarmament and other important issues, which were on the agenda. Thus it is as if they are “taking the baton” from Reagan. Furthermore, the preparation for the summit, the summit itself, and the subsequent realization of those agreements, which were achieved or outlined there, do not just cement the constructive changes in Soviet-American relations, but also give them a new impulse for further development in all the spheres— disarmament, resolution of regional problems, and improvement of bilateral relations. -
Spy Films, American Foreign Policy, and the New Frontier of the 1960S
Central Washington University ScholarWorks@CWU All Master's Theses Master's Theses Spring 2019 Bondmania: Spy Films, American Foreign Policy, and the New Frontier of the 1960s Luke Pearsons Central Washington University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.cwu.edu/etd Part of the Cultural History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Pearsons, Luke, "Bondmania: Spy Films, American Foreign Policy, and the New Frontier of the 1960s" (2019). All Master's Theses. 1202. https://digitalcommons.cwu.edu/etd/1202 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Master's Theses at ScholarWorks@CWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@CWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BONDMANIA: SPY FILMS, AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY, AND THE NEW FRONTIER OF THE 1960s __________________________________ A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty Central Washington University ___________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History ___________________________________ by Luke Thomas Pearsons May 2019 CENTRAL WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Graduate Studies We hereby approve the thesis of Luke Thomas Pearsons Candidate for the degree of Master of Arts APPROVED FOR THE GRADUATE FACULTY ______________ _________________________________________ Dr. Stephen Moore, Committee Chair ______________ _________________________________________ Dr. Daniel Herman ______________ _________________________________________ Dr. Chong Eun Ahn ______________ _________________________________________ Dean of Graduate Studies ii ABSTRACT BONDMANIA: SPY FILMS, AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY, AND THE NEW FRONTIER OF THE 1960s by Luke Thomas Pearsons May 2019 The topic of this thesis are spy films that were produced during the Cold War, with a specific focus on the James Bond films and their numerous imitators. -
The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense : Robert S. Mcnamara
The Ascendancy of the Secretary ofJULY Defense 2013 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Cover Photo: Secretary Robert S. McNamara, Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, and President John F. Kennedy at the White House, January 1963 Source: Robert Knudson/John F. Kennedy Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense July 2013 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Contents This study was reviewed for declassification by the appropriate U.S. Government departments and agencies and cleared for release. The study is an official publication of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Foreword..........................................vii but inasmuch as the text has not been considered by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, it must be construed as descriptive only and does Executive Summary...................................ix not constitute the official position of OSD on any subject. Restructuring the National Security Council ................2 Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line in included.