Comrade Warhol

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Comrade Warhol Edinburgh Research Explorer Comrade Warhol Citation for published version: Davis, G 2016, 'Comrade Warhol', Journal of European Popular Culture, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 107-122. https://doi.org/10.1386/jepc.7.2.107_1 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1386/jepc.7.2.107_1 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Journal of European Popular Culture General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 Comrade Warhol Essay for ‘Warhol in Europe’ issue of JEPC Glyn Davis, University of Edinburgh In a 1977 interview with Glenn O’Brien for High Times magazine, Andy Warhol was asked about his current painting projects. His response outlined a political theme connecting together works made across the decade: We’ve been in Italy so much, and everybody’s always asking me if I’m a Communist because I’ve done Mao. So now I’m doing hammers and sickles for Communism, and skulls for Fascism. (Goldsmith 2004: 239) This brief comment serves to link two of Warhol’s major groups of works of the 1970s, the Skull and Hammer and Sickle series; it also partially reprises Warhol’s common tactic of attributing creative ideas to others, the notion of making ‘Communist paintings’ here seeming to originate with unidentified interrogators. Notably, Warhol does not express any personal political sympathies in his response: Communism and Fascism are topics, themes for art to engage with, rather than allegiances. This essay focuses on the Hammer and Sickle series, and the place of politics, especially Communism, within Warhol’s drawings, paintings, and photographs. Warhol’s mention of Italy in his retort to O’Brien is of crucial significance. In an essay on the Skulls, Trevor Fairbrother notes that in the mid-1970s ‘Warhol and his Factory circle were working with the European art market more closely than ever before’ (Fairbrother 1989: 108). He suggests that ‘it is tempting to read into [the Skulls] a new strategy to engage in pictorial traditions that have always been a part of the Old World art market.’ (108) Such tactics could enhance the appeal of the works to European dealers and buyers, and thus potentially boost Warhol’s finances, as well as his cultural currency in Europe. Fairbrother connects Warhol’s Skull works to a historical genealogy of other paintings featuring skulls, including a vanitas still life by Jacques de Gheyn the Elder and a number of paintings by Cézanne. Beyond this particular lineage, it may also be profitable to situate both the Skull and 1 Hammer and Sickle series in relation to the lengthy European history of still life painting. I will return to this topic, but in this essay I primarily want to interrogate an implication lodged within Fairbrother’s comment about the European art market. Specifically, I want to explore what value there is in reading the Hammer and Sickle series as ‘European’. With these works, did Warhol attempt to tailor his output to what he perceived as European themes and concerns? Most commentary on the Hammer and Sickle series has stressed the power of the symbol in the United States, reading Warhol’s images in relation to the history of Communism in North America. However, as Warhol was attempting at this time to position his work within a European context – to exhibit and sell it there, as a potential source of financial and cultural capital – then it is imperative the Hammer and Sickle series is framed from a European perspective. What European resonances and implications have been omitted from the few critical accounts of this significant series of works? Parts and Labour The mid-seventies was an especially productive period for Warhol: he received a large number of commissions for portraits; he worked on the Ladies and Gentlemen series of portraits of drag queens; he produced the American Indian and Cats and Dogs series. Warhol began working on the Hammer and Sickle series in 1975, in the midst of this prolific run. The series included drawings, photographs, and paintings. According to Bob Colacello, the germ of the idea for the Hammer and Sickle works was fomented at the Italian opening of the Ladies and Gentlemen series in Ferrara: The left-wing Italian art critics went wild, writing that Andy Warhol had exposed the cruel racism inherent in the American capitalist system, which left poor black and Hispanic boys no choice but to prostitute themselves as transvestites. At the press conference in Ferrara, a reporter wanted to know if Andy was a Communist. In Italy in the mid- seventies, the expected answer was yes. “Am I a Communist, Bob?” said Andy. “Well”, I said, “you just painted Willy Brandt’s portrait, but you’re trying to get Imelda Marcos.” “That’s my answer,” said Andy, as 2 the translators scratched their bearded chins. But back at the hotel that night, he said, “Maybe I should do real Communist paintings next. They would sell a lot in Italy.” Thus was conceived the 1977 Hammers and Sickles series. (Colacello 1990: 228) Ronnie Cutrone, Warhol’s studio assistant at the time, identifies the origin of the Hammer and Sickle series in Italian graffiti uses of the emblem. Warhol, comments Cutrone, ‘had just come back from Italy, and he said, “Gee, when you walk around Italy, all over the walls no matter where you go, there’s in chalk or paint, there’s all these images scribbled on everything with hammers and sickles.” So, in a way, that sort of makes it Pop, in a funny way.’ (Smith 1986: 278) The wide deployment of the reified symbol of the hammer and sickle by street artists in Italy as part of their lexicon – swiftly and cheaply mass-reproduced, and of denigrated cultural status – unsettled the power of the emblem in a manner analogous to the high/low reversals of Pop art. This may have boosted its appeal to Warhol as a potential theme. Appropriately enough for a series of images of tools of work, a considerable amount of labour went into the production of the Hammer and Sickles. Cutrone’s role in Warhol’s studio was, as he put it in a 1978 interview, to ‘photograph anything that's not people’ (Smith 1986: 277). Warhol’s appropriation of images made by others – such as his use of a photograph by Patricia Caulfield as the basis for his Flower paintings of the 1960s – had previously landed him in trouble (Morris 1981). As Cutrone noted, the photographs he took prevented Warhol ‘get[ting] sued from magazines if he cuts pictures out and things like that.’ (Smith 1986: 277). Despite this, Warhol initially sent Cutrone out around New York to look for pictures of hammers and sickles. This involved visiting Communist bookstores, which caused Cutrone concern: I would find myself sneaking along the skyscrapers of the Big Apple and darting into a Red bookstore, looking over my shoulder. I’d find a couple of books and brown-bag them and nonchalantly walk out into the broad daylight. I’d return with the books, heart racing, and Andy would say, half-joking, half-serious, “Were you followed by anybody?” I would answer, “I don’t think so, but if I was, I think I’m a little too old to 3 say I’m a college student studying the Russian Revolution.” (Cutrone 2004) After three weeks of fruitless searching, Warhol and Cutrone decided to use the actual items. Cutrone went to a number of hardware stores, selected a hammer and sickle, and then photographed them in the studio with ‘three or four rolls of film, all different ways, using different lighting’ (Smith 1986: 279). Warhol’s Hammer and Sickle works began to appear in late 1975. As Neil Printz notes, in a videotaped interview with Warhol from late October of that year, ‘the Italian art critic Janus remarked upon a Hammer and Sickle drawing that he had seen the day before.’ (Printz 2014: 329) David Bourdon reviewed a Minnesota exhibition of flower illustrations by Warhol in November of 1975; he commented in the review that Warhol was currently making drawings of ‘the Soviet hammer and sickle, rendered as three-dimensional objects’ (Bourdon quoted in Printz 2014: 329). Printz also notes that correspondence from early 1976 reveals that Hammer and Sickle works ‘were already far enough advanced for Warhol to offer them for sale to other dealers in Europe’ (Printz 2014: 329). From mid-November to mid-December 1976, Warhol exhibited some of the Hammer and Sickle drawings at the Visual Arts Museum in New York City, under the title ‘Andy Warhol: Drawings’. In January 1977, Hammer and Sickle works were shown at the Leo Castelli Gallery in New York City in an exhibition called ‘Still Lifes’. According to Arthur Danto, the works shown in an exhibition entitled Hammer and Sickle Series at Daniel Templon Gallery in Paris, 31 May to 9 July 1977, sold out (Danto 1992: 132). In comparison to the abstracted iconographic form of the hammer and sickle Communist emblem, the tools in Warhol’s images are resolutely solid and everyday.
Recommended publications
  • Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
    Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia,
    [Show full text]
  • I.V., Campus Voter Registration Campaign Shifts Into Overdrive
    T VOL. 53-N O . 9 TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26,1972 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. SANTA BARBARA ■ I.V., campus voter registration campaign shifts into overdrive By DAVE CARLSON Building, Library, and McGovern organizer for Gary Hart, is If you have changed your, Headquarters at 6527 Madrid are particularly concerned. address in any way since you last other sites where registrars w ill be " I f people register in I.V .," he registered to vote, you must located. said, "they're more likely to have re-register or you , will be an effect because of the marginal ineligible. Assembly race. Also, it's a If your 18th birthday falls on genuine hassle to get absentee any date before November, you ballots in time." should register now. Supporters of Hart and Tim October 8 is the last day to ■ Lemucchi, who is running for photo: Tom Lendino register for the November Congress in the Bakersfield REPUBLICAN ASSEMBLYMAN Bill Ketchum: candidate for re-election. elections. District to which I.V. is These are the messages that connected, are basing much of partisan campaigners are trying to their hopes on a huge Isla Vista convey to Isla Vista's 13,000 flore. Daus io turnout. young and mobile inhabitants. Santa Barbara County is now Ketcham’s platform: The McGovern-Shriver and Gary Registern Wok over 50 percent Democratic, Hart for Assembly campaigns are thanks to I.V.'s contributions to working hard to register at least Persons need only register 30 the Democratic voters column. 8,000 Isla Vista ns- on the days before an election to qualify The Republicans will also be ‘cat, squeeze, trim’ assumption that the populous for voting, according to the working in Isla Vista, "but only enclave is rich in liberal Supreme Court, which struck on a door-to-door, personal By SCOTT LARSON The Paso Robles assemblyman Democratic voters.
    [Show full text]
  • Storm Disrupts Power Service, Halts Traffic
    -Pi^U'< s- 10-year Jail Sentence r" SEE STOKY BELOW' TheWeatnw Mostly sunny, less warn FINAL and humid today; clear and T Red Bank, Freehold f cool tonight Mostly sonny and l_ Long Branch 7 pleasant tomorrow. EDITION nr • ' • Monmouth County's Outstanding Home Newspaper 34 PAGES VOL.95 NO. 22 RED BANK, NJ. WEDNESDAY, JULY 26,1972 TEN CENTS niraimiii Affected Towns Ponder Beach Fee Ruling A state Supreme Court rul- decision is made on a course Bright charges residents ?5 decision "ridiculous,1' and Mayor Norton said, "is a democracy," she said, "but nicipal beach would not make George Hoffman said the new ing that shore communities of action. per year for season passes added, "It may certainly grave problem in our then sometimes we wonder if as much profit. "We would state ruling will not have cannot charge nonresidents "We have instructed our and $10 for nonresidents. At bring more people to our borough. If the governor we do." lose approximately 4Q to 59 much effect on the city. higher beach fees than they borough attorney, Richard L. the same time, a. 50-cent ad- beach on season passes, but at wants this decision to apply Mayor Sidney B. Johnson of per cent of our revenue." "The only effect it will charge residents will have Bonello," said Mayor Cecile mission is charged for the, the same time this would then i>e should make available Monmouth Beach said he had He saw no plans for appeal- have," he said, "would be on little U any effect on Bayshore F.
    [Show full text]
  • Fifteen Minutes of Fame, Fame in Fifteen Minutes
    Andy Warhol and the Dawn of Modern-Day Celebrity Culture 113 Alicja Piechucka Fi!een Minutes of Fame, Fame in Fi!een Minutes: Andy Warhol and the Dawn of Modern-Day Celebrity Culture Life imitates art more than art imitates life. –Oscar Wilde Celebrity is a mask that eats into the face. –John Updike If someone conducted a poll to choose an American personality who best embodies the 1960s, Andy Warhol would be a strong candidate. Pop art, the movement Warhol is typically associated with, !ourished in the 60s. It was also during that decade that Warhol’s career peaked. From 1964 till 1968 his studio, known as the Silver Factory, became not just a hothouse of artistic activity, but also the embodiment of the zeitgeist: the “sex, drugs and rock’n’roll” culture of the period with its penchant for experimentation and excess, the revolution in morals and sexuality (Korichi 182–183, 206–208). "e seventh decade of the twentieth century was also the time when Warhol opened an important chapter in his painterly career. In the early sixties, he started executing celebrity portraits. In 1962, he completed series such as Marilyn and Red Elvis as well as portraits of Natalie Wood and Warren Beatty, followed, a year later, by Jackie and Ten Lizes. In total, Warhol produced hundreds of paintings depicting stars and famous personalities. "is major chapter in his artistic career coincided, in 1969, with the founding of Interview magazine, a monthly devoted to cinema and to the celebration of celebrity, in which Warhol was the driving force.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Irvine UC Irvine Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Irvine UC Irvine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Revealing the Monsters Within: Andy Warhol, the 1972 Mao series, and Vote McGovern Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9k15w3vs Author Kasimoff, Naomi Michael Publication Date 2017 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Revealing the Monsters Within: Andy Warhol, the 1972 Mao series, and Vote McGovern THESIS submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Art History by Naomi Michael Kasimoff Thesis Committee: Professor Cécile Whiting, Chair Associate Professor Roberta Wue Assistant Professor James Nisbet 2017 © 2017 Naomi Michael Kasimoff DEDICATION To my parents Mike and Laura, my brothers Michael and Jacob, and my wonderful Michael who helped me get through this year with their unending love and support. I am forever grateful for your confidence in me. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS v INTRODUCTION 1 The Public Mao 3 The Public Nixon and the Infamous Meeting 7 Andy and Horror Films 10 Andy and Mao 16 Andy and Nixon 19 Andy and the Double Persona 21 BIBLIOGRAPHY 23 iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my committee chair, Professor Cécile Whiting, for her patience and guidance, without which I would not have been able to complete my thesis. I am grateful for having been able to work with you. I would like to thank my committee members, Professor Roberta Wue and Professor James Nisbet, for always giving me great advice and for helping me to grow.
    [Show full text]
  • Art and Transformation
    ISSUES IN INTEGRATIVE STUDIES No. 16, pp. 57-71 (1998) Art and Transformation by Debora Wood Artist and Critic Abstract: Many contemporary artists intend to challenge the viewer’s modes of perception by manipulating traditional imagery, but does this transformation of cultural stock images consti- tute a transformation in the audience? This paper will examine artists who appropriate images using reproductive technologies in an attempt to reach a large audience and initiate social change. Printmaking plays a significant role in ethical discourse. Since its inven- tion more than 500 years ago, printmaking has been the most economical way to disseminate information. Artists have been using prints to encourage social reform ever since print technology allowed. Today, with the advent of digital cameras, photocopy machines, and inexpensive computer equipment, it is easy to reproduce pre-existing images. These reproductions can then be transformed by cropping, enlarging, erasing part of the image, drawing on top of it, or combining it with other previously unrelated imagery or text. In this way, the altered works acquire new meanings as well as make reference to the original images. This kind of appropriation can be used to raise the moral consciousness of the viewer by using traditional imagery alongside contemporary text or manipulations in order to challenge social norms. The question is whether or not this transformation of cultural imagery con- stitutes a transformation in the audience. This is not an automatic process. For example, if an artist alters a reproduction in an effort to highlight dis- crimination, it does not automatically follow that the community will no longer discriminate.
    [Show full text]
  • THE INDEPENDENT VOICE of the VISUAL ARTS Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, Miami, Milwaukee, Nashville, New York, St
    THE INDEPENDENT VOICE OF THE VISUAL ARTS Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, Miami, Milwaukee, Nashville, New York, St. Louis Volume 34 No. 3 January/February 2020 Established 1973 INSIDE NATHAN WORCESTER examines Warhol at AIC while MICHEL SÉGARD tackles Silver Clouds at Lawrence & Clark CHICHAN KWONG covers two NYC Pope.L shows while NOA/H FIELDS critiques the catalog to Pope.L’s MoMA show In separate reviews, K.A. LETTS and STEVIE HANLEY immerse themselves in Art Basel Miami Beach and surrounding art fairs $8 U.S. KELLI WOODS surveys Nashville’s vibrant, thriving art scene NEW ART EXAMINER Cover: Top, Silver Clouds at Lawrence & Clark. Photo courtesy of Lawrence & Clark. Side, Maurizio Cattelan's Comedian. Photo by Sarah Cascone. Source: artnet News. Bottom, Pope.L The Great White Way, Contents 22 miles, 9 years, 1 street. 2000-09. Performance. © Pope.L. Courtesy of the artists and Mitchell–Innes & Nash, New York. State of the Art Scene 3 Introduction 4 “Andy Warhol—From A to B and Back Again” NATHAN WORCESTER provides a realistic, unsentimental analysis of the first major Warhol retrospective in the United States since 1989. 6 Silver Clouds: Playing with God? MICHEL SÉGARD explores the non-commercial side of Silver Clouds and its possible spiritual underpinnings. 8 Materials: Holes, Emotion, and Water Pope.L exhibitions at the Whitney and MoMA in New York propelled CHICHAN KWONG on a journey of free association. 10 Lacking for Pope.L NOA/H FIELDS critiques the catalogue to the "member: Pope.L 1978–2001" exhibition at MoMA. 13 Works that Caught Our Eye at Art Basel Miami Beach and NADA Our Detroit editor, K.A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party's Crackdown on Religion In
    THE COMMUNIST PARTY’S CRACKDOWN ON RELIGION IN CHINA HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION NOVEMBER 28, 2018 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available at www.cecc.gov or www.govinfo.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 33–238 PDF WASHINGTON : 2019 VerDate Nov 24 2008 20:14 May 14, 2019 Jkt 081003 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 C:\USERS\DSHERMAN1\DESKTOP\33238.TXT DAVID CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Senate House MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Chairman CHRIS SMITH, New Jersey, Cochairman TOM COTTON, Arkansas ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina STEVE DAINES, Montana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio TODD YOUNG, Indiana TIM WALZ, Minnesota DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TED LIEU, California JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon GARY PETERS, Michigan ANGUS KING, Maine EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Not yet appointed ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Staff Director PAUL B. PROTIC, Deputy Staff Director (ii) VerDate Nov 24 2008 20:14 May 14, 2019 Jkt 081003 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 C:\USERS\DSHERMAN1\DESKTOP\33238.TXT DAVID CONTENTS STATEMENTS Page Opening Statement of Hon. Marco Rubio, a U.S. Senator from Florida; Chair- man, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 1 Statement of Hon. Christopher Smith, a U.S. Representative from New Jer- sey; Cochairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China .................. 4 Tursun, Mihrigul, Uyghur Muslim detained in Chinese ‘‘reeducation’’ camp .... 6 Hoffman, Dr. Samantha, Visiting Academic Fellow, Mercator Institute for China Studies and Non-Resident Fellow, Australian Strategic Policy Insti- tute ........................................................................................................................ 8 Farr, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The BG News November 3, 1972
    Bowling Green State University ScholarWorks@BGSU BG News (Student Newspaper) University Publications 11-3-1972 The BG News November 3, 1972 Bowling Green State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/bg-news Recommended Citation Bowling Green State University, "The BG News November 3, 1972" (1972). BG News (Student Newspaper). 2772. https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/bg-news/2772 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Publications at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in BG News (Student Newspaper) by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@BGSU. An Independent Bowling Green, Ohio Student Friday. Nov.mb.. 3, 1972 Voice THe BG news Volum. 56 Number 33 No peace visible until pact signed PARIS (API - The North Vietnamese recognize any cease-fire agreement able" proposals declared yesterday there will be no concluded against its will The Viet Cong argued that in failing further negotiations with Henry A to sign the agreement, the United Kissinger until the United States IN FOUR HOURS of vituperation States shortened the chances for U.S. commits itself to signing the draft between the opposing Vietnamese dele- prisoners of war getting home by peace agreement gations, there was little to show that Christmas North Vietnamese and Viet Cong peace is at hand,' as Kissinger. speakers denounced the Nixon admini- President Nixon's advisor, said last U.S. DELEGATE William J Porter stration for what they called a breach week avoided the polemics of the other three of promise" in failing to sign the Nguyen Xuan Phong of tne South delegations In a brief statement, he accord by Oct 31.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova: Background and U.S
    Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs August 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policymakers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about alleged Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policymakers, including trafficking in persons. From 2009 until March 2012, Moldova suffered a protracted political and constitutional crisis, over the inability of the parliament to secure a needed supermajority to elect a president. The dispute triggered three parliamentary elections in two years. Finally, in March 2012, the Moldovan parliament elected as president Nicolae Timofti, a judge with a low political profile. Prime Minister Vlad Filat has said he is focused on dismantling the country’s Communist legacy and building a state ruled by law. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Living standards are low for many Moldovans, particularly in rural areas. Remittances from Moldovans working abroad amounted to 22% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product in 2010. The global financial crisis has had a negative impact on Moldova.
    [Show full text]
  • Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism
    UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Soiuz and Symbolic Union: Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6mk5f6c8 Author Platoff, Anne M. Publication Date 2020 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism 23 Soiuz and Symbolic Union: Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism Anne M. Platoff Abstract “Soiuz”1 in Russian means “union”—a key word in the formal name of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Once the world’s largest state, the Soviet Union comprised 15 republics and more than 100 distinct ethnic groups. The country celebrated its diversity while at the same time emphasizing the unity of all Soviet peoples. Throughout the 1922–1991 history of the USSR a highly- developed system of symbolic representations was used to portray the strength of the union. For example, the state emblem visually bound the Soviet repub- lics to the state through a heraldic ribbon using all the titular languages of the republics. Likewise, the national anthem celebrated the “unbreakable union of free republics”. The Soviet symbol set also included unique, but visually unifying, symbols to represent the 15 union republics—their flags, emblems, and anthems. There were also flags for the autonomous republics within these union republics, based upon the republic flags. In addition to the symbolic portrayal of the cohesiveness of the Soviet Union, there were two other types of “unions” that were vital to Soviet symbolism—the unity of workers and peasants, as well as the brotherhood of all the world’s communists.
    [Show full text]
  • ROCK MUSIC and NATIONAL IDENTITY in HUNGARY Kathryn Milun
    Document generated on 09/26/2021 9:40 a.m. Surfaces ROCK MUSIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN HUNGARY Kathryn Milun Volume 1, 1991 Article abstract Marxism and nationalism. The political form and meaning of the discourse of URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1065258ar national identity in Hungary as it appears in popular culture. Hungarian rock DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1065258ar and shamanpunk. The debate over the national flag. See table of contents Publisher(s) Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal ISSN 1188-2492 (print) 1200-5320 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Milun, K. (1991). ROCK MUSIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN HUNGARY. Surfaces, 1. https://doi.org/10.7202/1065258ar Copyright © Kathryn Milun, 1991 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ ROCK MUSIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN HUNGARY Kathryn Milun[*] ABSTRACT Marxism and nationalism. The political form and meaning of the discourse of national identity in Hungary as it appears in popular culture. Hungarian rock and shamanpunk. The debate over the national flag. RÉSUMÉ Marxisme et nationalisme. La forme et la signification du discours d'identité nationale en Hongrie tel qu'il apparait dans la culture populaire.
    [Show full text]