Moldova: Background and U.S
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Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian
Press release – OSCE Special Representative – 30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian settlement process visits region ahead of official 5+2 talks The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, at a the press conference in Chisinau, 30 January 2014. (OSCE/Igor Schimbator) CHISINAU, 30 January 2014 – The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson- in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, today concluded a four-day visit to the region, which included meetings with the political leadership in Chisinau and Tiraspol. This was the first visit by Bogojević to the region in his role as Special Representative. He took up the position this January and will hold it throughout the consecutive Swiss and Serbian Chairmanships in 2014-2015. In Chisinau, Bogojević met Moldovan President Nicolae Timofti, Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration and Chief Negotiator Eugen Carpov, Deputy Foreign Minister Valeriu Chiveri and Speaker of the Parliament Igor Corman. In Tiraspol, Bogojević met Transdniestrian leader Yevgeniy Shevchuk, Chief Negotiator Nina Shtanski and the Speaker of the Supreme Soviet Mikhail Burla. “Preparations for the next round of the 5+2 talks on the Transdniestrian settlement process to take place on 27 and 28 February in Vienna were the key topic of our discussions, and I was encouraged by the constructive attitude of the sides and their focus -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 168 1 European Integration (AIE)
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 168 | 22.04.2015 www.osw.waw.pl An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation Kamil Całus There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and re- sulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghim- pu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM). With control over the state in the hands of Filat and Plahotniuc questions are raised regarding the prospects of Moldova’s real modernisation. It will also have a negative impact on the process of implementation of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU and on other key reforms concerning, for example, the judiciary, the financial sector and the process of de-politicisation of the state’s institutions. From both leaders’ perspective, any changes to the current state of affairs would be tantamount to limiting their influence in politics and the economy, which would in turn challenge their business activities. -
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary-General’s Urgent Call for an Immediate Global Ceasefire amid the COVID-19 Pandemic We are deeply alarmed that the United Nations Security Council has not been able to reach agreement on a draft resolution put before it on COVID-19. This draft resolution called for an end to hostilities worldwide so that there could be a full focus on fighting the Covid-19 pandemic. If passed it would have given powerful backing to the call made earlier by the Secretary-General. Yet, agreement could not be reached on the resolution in the Security Council because of its reference to “the urgent need to support…. all relevant entities of the United Nations system, including specialized health agencies” in the fight against the pandemic. The failure to reach agreement saddens us at this time when our world is in crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought about immense human suffering and is having a devastating impact on economies and societies. It is exactly at times like this that the leadership of the Security Council is needed. It should not be silent in the face of the serious threat to global peace and security which Covid-19 represents. Global action and partnership are vital now to deal with the global pandemic and its aftermath. This is the time for the premier institution responsible for leading on global security to show strength, not weakness. We support UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his call for an immediate global ceasefire, in all corners of the world, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. -
Vladimir Voronin, President of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of Interview: May 2015
Vladimir Voronin, president of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of interview: May 2015 ************************ (This interview was conducted in Russian.) Anna Sous: You're not only a former president, but also a working politician, an opposition politician. You've been the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova for more than 20 years. Even at 74 years old, you're very active. How long is your typical workday? Vladimir Voronin: As long as necessary. Longer than people who have a standard working day. From 16 to 18 hours is normal. Anna Sous: Vladimir Nikolayevich, the Communist Party of Moldova is the only Communist party among the countries of the former Soviet Union that has managed to become the ruling party. How do you think Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: In ideological terms, our action plan isn't really any different. We don't differ from them in terms of being Communists, but in terms of the conditions we act in and work in -- the conditions in which we fight. Anna Sous: You were Moldova's minister of internal affairs. In 1989, when the ministry's building was set on fire during unrest in Chisinau, you didn't give the order to shoot. Later you said you wouldn't have given the command to shoot even if the ministry building had burned to the ground . Maybe this is how Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: Of course, the choices we had, and the situation we were in, were such that if I had given the order to shoot, it would have been recognized as constitutional and lawful. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
Republica Moldova. N-Ar Fi Rău Să Fie Bine
RepUblIca MolDova N-ar fi rău să fie bIne RepUblIca moLdoVa N-ar fi rău să fie bIne O colecție de articole, interviuri, emisiuni podcast realizate în cadrul proiectului Moldova-Romania. A network of stories, derulat între septembrie 2018-iunie 2019 de către Asociația de Investigații Media în Balcani – BIRN Romania. E-bookul rezultat în urma acestui proiect își propune să ofere publicului din Republica Moldova și România informație și analiză de context pe o serie de teme de comun interes, din politică, economie, societate. Nu în ultimul rând, sperăm să ajute la o mai bună înțelegere a realităților de dincolo de Prut de către publicul român. Proiectul Moldova-Romania. A network of stories a fost derulat cu sprijin financiar de la The Black Sea Trust for Regi- onal Cooperation – A project of the German Marshall Fund. Opiniile exprimate în cadrul proiectului nu reflectă neapărat poziția The Black Sea Trust sau a partenerilor săi BotcalA moldoVenească ÎN LOC DE INTRODUCERE entru cine nu știe, să spunem întâi de toate că botcală este cuvântul folosit în Republica Moldova pentru drojdia din care se Pfăcea pâinea ”în vremea buneilor”. După ce fermenta vinul, se culegea spuma iar aceasta se amesta cu făina de porumb, după care se usca. Iar apoi, desigur, se folosea ca plămadă pentru făcut pâine. Am zis să folosim acest cuvânt - unul arhaic și plin de semnificații, fără discuție - pentru a încerca să explicăm cum a ”dospit aluatul” proiectului ce a dus la apariția volumului electronic (e-book) pe care îl aveți în față. Întâi de toate, ar fi vorba de o formă de exasperare. -
THIRD SECTION CASE of URECHEAN and PAVLICENCO V
THIRD SECTION CASE OF URECHEAN AND PAVLICENCO v. THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA (Applications nos. 27756/05 and 41219/07) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 2 December 2014 This judgment will become final in the circumstances set out in Article 44 § 2 of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision. URECHEAN AND PAVLICENCO v. THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Urechean and Pavlicenco v. the Republic of Moldova, The European Court of Human Rights (Third Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Josep Casadevall, President, Luis López Guerra, Ján Šikuta, Dragoljub Popović, Kristina Pardalos, Valeriu Griţco, Iulia Antoanella Motoc, judges, and Stephen Phillips, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 4 November 2014, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in two applications (nos. 27756/05 and 41219/07) against the Republic of Moldova lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by two Moldovan nationals, Mr Serafim Urechean (“the first applicant”) and Mrs Vitalia Pavlicenco (“the second applicant”), on 26 July 2005 and 10 September 2007 respectively. 2. The applicants were represented by Mr D. Graur and Mr V. Gribincea, lawyers practising in Chișinău. The Moldovan Government (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent, Mr V. Grosu. 3. The applicants alleged, in particular, that their right of access to a court had been breached on account of the fact that they could not bring libel actions against the then president of the country by virtue of the immunity enjoyed by him. -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Republic of Moldova
AS/Mon(2012)03 rev 14 March 2012 amondoc03r_2012 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Republic of Moldova Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Chisinau (28 November – 1 December 2011) 1 Co-rapporteurs: Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN, Norway, Socialist group, and Mr Piotr WACH, Poland, Group of the European People’s Party 1 This information note has been made public by decision of the Monitoring Committee dated 13 March 2012. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon(2012)03rev I. Introduction 1. After a first visit to Chisinau and Comrat in March 2011 (see doc. AS/Mon (2011) 13 rev), we paid a second fact-finding visit to the Republic of Moldova from 28 November to 1 December 2011. The programme of the visit is appended. We intended to address the implementation of Resolution 1572 (2007) on The honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova, Resolutions 1666 (2009) and 1692 (2009) on The functioning of democratic institutions , the state of play of the election of the President of the Republic, and other current issues, such as the reform of the judiciary, the action taken to combat corruption and organised crime, the legislation and measures to combat discrimination and the latest developments in Transnistria. 2. The support of the Moldovan delegation to the PACE, the Moldovan parliament, and Mr Ulvi Akhundlu, Head of the Council of Europe Office in Chisinau, was again precious for facilitating our meetings, including with the acting President and Speaker, Mr Marian Lupu, the Prime Minister, Mr Filat, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Leanca, the Vice-Speaker of the parliament, Mr Plahotniuc, high-level representatives of the judiciary and enforcement bodies, representatives of the media and NGOs.