Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
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Report 1, Ijc, May 1-14, 2015
Media Monitoring during the Campaign for Local General Elections on 14 June 2015 Report no.1 1–14 May 2015 This report has been produced by the Independent Journalism Center with support of the East Europe Foundation from resources provided by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. The opinions herein are those of authors and may not reflect the opinions of the East Europe Foundation, the Government of Sweden, Sida or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. 1. General information 1.1 Project goal: To monitoring and to provide information to the public about mass media behavior during the election campaign, including candidates’ access to mass media and pluralism of opinions presented. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that might affect mass media performance and compromise their ability to provide correct, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. 1.2 Monitoring period: 1 May–14 June 2015 1.3 Criteria for selecting media outlets to monitor: • Audience-impact: national, quasi-national • Type of mass media: broadcasting, online • Ownership: public, private • Language: Romanian, Russian 1.4 List of mass media outlets monitored: Broadcasting media Moldova 1 “Mesager (Messenger)” newscast at 21:00: public television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV “Primele Ştiri (First news)” newscast at 21:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Canal 2 “Reporter” newscast at 19:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian TV 7 “Ştiri (News)” newscast at 20:30: private television station, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Accent TV “Accent info” newscast at 20:00: private television station, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian. -
Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial. -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
E-Journal, Year IX, Issue 176, October 1-31, 2011
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center Governance and democracy in Moldova e-journal, year IX, issue 176, October 1-31, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS........................................................................................................ 3 GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Events of major importance ...................................................................................................................... 3 Premier’s report regarding assaults on share stocks of some banks ........................................................ 3 2. Nominations. Dismissals .......................................................................................................................... -
Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova's Parliament Attempts to Recapture
www.transatlantic.org Gatekeeping in Action: Moldova’s Parliament Attempts to Recapture its Government from Oligarchy By Max Levites, Fellow, Next Generation of Transatlantic Leaders In their book How Democracies Die, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt note that the responsibility of keeping authoritarians out of power falls on political parties and party leaders, “democracy’s gatekeepers.” They write that “whenever extremists emerge as serious electoral contenders, mainstream parties must forge a united front to defeat them.” Unfortunately, extreme polarization has prevented such bold unions from forming in many of the West’s governments, leading to the electoral and political success of right-wing and authoritarian parties. However, in Moldova, two parties with significant ideological differences have formed a coalition to keep power out of the hands of one of the country’s most powerful oligarchs, setting off a constitutional crisis that could lead to, as one journalist stated, “the world’s first democratic overthrow of a ‘captured state’.” Moldova’s parliamentary elections in February resulted in a hung legislature with no party in the majority, leaving the parliament in deadlock until a surprise announcement on June 8th that the pro-Russian Socialist party of the country’s president, Igor Dodon, had struck a deal with an alliance of liberal pro-EU parties known as ACUM. A coalition was formed on the basis of keeping the Democratic Party, led by the country’s richest man, Vladimir Plahotniuc, from power and to rid the country of oligarchy. Maia Sandu, a former education minister and World Bank advisor, was chosen as the new Prime Minister, promising sweeping reforms and closer relations with the EU. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian
Press release – OSCE Special Representative – 30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian settlement process visits region ahead of official 5+2 talks The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, at a the press conference in Chisinau, 30 January 2014. (OSCE/Igor Schimbator) CHISINAU, 30 January 2014 – The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson- in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, today concluded a four-day visit to the region, which included meetings with the political leadership in Chisinau and Tiraspol. This was the first visit by Bogojević to the region in his role as Special Representative. He took up the position this January and will hold it throughout the consecutive Swiss and Serbian Chairmanships in 2014-2015. In Chisinau, Bogojević met Moldovan President Nicolae Timofti, Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration and Chief Negotiator Eugen Carpov, Deputy Foreign Minister Valeriu Chiveri and Speaker of the Parliament Igor Corman. In Tiraspol, Bogojević met Transdniestrian leader Yevgeniy Shevchuk, Chief Negotiator Nina Shtanski and the Speaker of the Supreme Soviet Mikhail Burla. “Preparations for the next round of the 5+2 talks on the Transdniestrian settlement process to take place on 27 and 28 February in Vienna were the key topic of our discussions, and I was encouraged by the constructive attitude of the sides and their focus -
1 DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova De
DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova de legislatura a XIX-a SESIUNEA a VII-a ORDINARĂ – SEPTEMBRIE 2013 Ședința din ziua de 26 septembrie 2013 (STENOGRAMA) SUMAR 1. Declararea deschiderii sesiunii de toamnă și a ședinței plenare. Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova. (Intonarea Imnului de Stat al Republicii Moldova și onorarea Drapelului de Stat al Republicii Moldova.) 2. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Comuniștilor din Republica Moldova – domnul Vladimir Voronin. 3. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal Democrat din Moldova – domnul Valeriu Streleț. 4. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Democrat din Moldova – domnul Dumitru Diacov. 5. Luare de cuvînt din partea Fracțiunii parlamentare a Partidului Liberal – domnul Ion Hadârcă. 6. Dezbateri asupra ordinii de zi și aprobarea ei. 7. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.341 din 15 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Convenției Consiliului Europei privind accesul la documentele oficiale. 8. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.343 din 26 iulie 2013 pentru ratificarea Acordului cu privire la colaborarea în domeniul pregătirii specialiștilor subdiviziunilor antiteroriste în instituțiile de învățămînt ale organelor competente ale statelor membre ale Comunității Statelor Independente. 9. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului Codului transporturilor rutiere. Proiectul nr.267 din 14 iunie 2013. 10. Dezbaterea proiectului de Lege nr.352 din 2 septembrie 2013 cu privire la locuințe. În urma dezbaterilor, s-a luat decizia de a transfera proiectul pînă la pregătirea raportului comisiei. -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 168 1 European Integration (AIE)
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 168 | 22.04.2015 www.osw.waw.pl An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation Kamil Całus There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and re- sulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghim- pu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM). With control over the state in the hands of Filat and Plahotniuc questions are raised regarding the prospects of Moldova’s real modernisation. It will also have a negative impact on the process of implementation of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU and on other key reforms concerning, for example, the judiciary, the financial sector and the process of de-politicisation of the state’s institutions. From both leaders’ perspective, any changes to the current state of affairs would be tantamount to limiting their influence in politics and the economy, which would in turn challenge their business activities. -
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova's Eastern Orientation Inhibit Its European Aspirations?
“Foreign affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova’s Eastern orientation inhibit its European aspirations?” Liliana Viţu 1 CONTENTS: List of abbreviations Introduction Chapter I. Historic References…………………………………………………………p.1 Chapter II. The Eastern Vector of Moldova’s Foreign Affairs…………………..p.10 Russian Federation – The Big Brother…………………………………………………p.10 Commonwealth of Independent States: Russia as the hub, the rest as the spokes……………………………………………………….…………………………….p.13 Transnistria- the “black hole” of Europe………………………………………………..p.20 Ukraine – a “wait and see position”…………………………………………………….p.25 Chapter III. Moldova and the European Union: looking westwards?………….p.28 Romania and Moldova – the two Romanian states…………………………………..p.28 The Council of Europe - Monitoring Moldova………………………………………….p.31 European Union and Moldova: a missed opportunity?………………………………p.33 Chapter IV. Simultaneous integration in the CIS and the EU – a contradiction in terms ……………………………………………………………………………………...p.41 Conclusions Bibliography 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ASSMR – Autonomous Soviet Socialist Moldova Republic CEEC – Central-Eastern European countries CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States CoE – Council of Europe EBRD – European Bank for Reconstruction and Development ECHR – European Court of Human Rights EU – European Union ICG – International Crisis Group IPP – Institute for Public Policy NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NIS – Newly Independent States OSCE – Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe PCA – Partnership and Cooperation Agreement PHARE – Poland Hungary Assistant for Economic Reconstruction SECI – South East European Cooperation Initiative SPSEE – Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe TACIS – Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States UNDP – United Nations Development Program WTO – World Trade Organization 3 INTRODUCTION The Republic of Moldova is a young state, created along with the other Newly Independent States (NIS) in 1991 after the implosion of the Soviet Union. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
Seize the Press, Seize the Day: the Influence of Politically Affiliated Media in Moldova’S 2016 Elections
This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project February 2018 | No 2 Seize the press, seize the day: The influence of politically affiliated media in Moldova’s 2016 elections Mihai Mogildea Introduction In Moldova, media ownership by oligarchs and political figures has reached the highest level in the last dec- ade. According to a report by the Association of Independent Press (API)1, four of the five TV channels with national coverage are controlled by the leader of the ruling Democratic Party (PDM), Vladimir Plahotniuc. Other media companies are managed by opposition politicians, mayors, former members of the parliament, and influential businessmen, who tend to adopt a restrictive policy on media content and promote specific political parties. The concentration of media resources in the hands of a few public officials has significant influence on the electorate, whose voting preferences can be manipulated through disinformation and fake news. This was visible during the second round of the 2016 presidential elections in Moldova, with powerful media owners undermining the campaign of the center-right, pro-European candidate, Maia Sandu, and helping Igor Dodon, a left-wing candidate and a strong supporter of Russia. This policy brief argues that political control over media Maia Sandu and Igor Dodon, and whether the audiovisual au- institutions in Moldova has an impact on election results. thorities sanctioned possible violations. Finally, this analysis Media concentration allows specific candidates to widely will conclude with a set of recommendations for depoliticiz- promote their messages, leading to unfair electoral ad- ing, both de jure and de facto, the private and public media vantage.