Monthly Forecast
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Conflict's Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions
Policy Note 1, 2015 By Ole Martin Gaasholt Who needs to reconcile with whom? The Conflict’s Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions PHOTO: MARC DEVILLE/GETTY IMAGES While negotiations are taking place in Algiers, some observers insist on the need for reconciliation between Northern Mali and the rest of the country and particularly between Tuareg and other Malians. But the Tuareg are a minority in Northern Mali and most of them did not support the rebels. So who needs to be reconciled with whom? And what economic solutions will counteract conflict? This Policy Note argues that not only exclusion underlies the conflict, but also a lack of economic opportunities. The important Tuareg component in most rebellions in Mali does not mean that all Tuareg participate or even support the rebellions. ll the rebellions in Northern Mali the peoples of Northern Mali, which they The Songhay opposed Tuareg and Arab have been initiated by Tuareg, typi- called Azawad, and not just of the Tuareg. rebels in the 1990s, whereas many of them cally from the Kidal region, whe- There has thus been a sequence of joined Islamists controlling Northern Mali in reA the first geographically circumscribed rebellions in Mali in which the Tuareg 2012. Very few Songhay, or even Arabs, joined rebellion broke out a few years after inde- component has been important. In the Mouvement National pour la Libération pendence in 1960. Tuareg from elsewhere addition, there have been complex de l’Azawad (MNLA), despite the claim that in Northern Mali have participated in later connections between the various conflicts, Azawad was a multiethnic territory. -
Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in Mali
United Nations S/2016/1137 Security Council Distr.: General 30 December 2016 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Mali I. Introduction 1. By its resolution 2295 (2016), the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) until 30 June 2017 and requested me to report on a quarterly basis on its implementation, focusing on progress in the implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali and the efforts of MINUSMA to support it. II. Major political developments A. Implementation of the peace agreement 2. On 23 September, on the margins of the general debate of the seventy-first session of the General Assembly, I chaired, together with the President of Mali, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, a ministerial meeting aimed at mitigating the tensions that had arisen among the parties to the peace agreement between July and September, giving fresh impetus to the peace process and soliciting enhanced international support. Following the opening session, the event was co-chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and African Integration of Mali, Abdoulaye Diop, and the Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Algeria, Ramtane Lamamra, together with the Under - Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations. In the Co-Chairs’ summary of the meeting, the parties were urged to fully and sincerely maintain their commitments under the agreement and encouraged to take specific steps to swiftly implement the agreement. Those efforts notwithstanding, progress in the implementation of the agreement remained slow. Amid renewed fighting between the Coordination des mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA) and the Platform coalition of armed groups, key provisions of the agreement, including the establishment of interim authorities and the launch of mixed patrols, were not put in place. -
Hafete” Tichereyene N-Oussoudare N-Akal, Moukina N-Alghafete Id Timachalene in Kel Tahanite Daghe Mali
Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series Realities and Myths of the “Triple Nexus” Local Perspectives on Peacebuilding, Development, and Humanitarian Action in Mali By Emmanuel Tronc, Rob Grace, and Anaïde Nahikian June 2019 Acknowledgments The authors would like to offer their thanks to all individuals and organizations interviewed for this research. Special appreciation is also extended to the Malians who supported this paper through their translations of the Executive Summary into a number of languages. Finally, sincere gratitude is expressed to the Malians who have lent their time, insights, and perspectives to this work. About the Authors The authors drafted this paper for the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative’s Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA), where Emmanuel Tronc is Senior Research Analyst, Rob Grace is Senior Associate, and Anaïde Nahikian is Program Manager. About the Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series The Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series is an initiative of the Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA) at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (HHI). It aims to respond to the demand across the humanitarian sector for critical context analysis, dedicated case studies, sharing of practice in humanitarian negotiation, as well as overcoming access challenges and understanding local perspectives. This series is oriented toward generating an evidence base of professional approaches and reflections on current dilemmas in this area. Our analysts and researchers engage in field interviews across sectors at the country-level and inter-agency dialogue at the regional level, providing comprehensive and analytical content to support the capacity of humanitarian professionals in confronting and addressing critical challenges of humanitarian action in relevant frontline contexts. -
Algeria–Mali Trade: the Normality of Informality
101137 DEMOCRACY Public Disclosure Authorized AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ERF 21st ANNUAL CONFERENCE March 20-22, 2015 | Gammarth, Tunisia 2015 Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi, Anne Brockmeyer, Public Disclosure Authorized Matthieu Pellerin and Gael Raballand Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi Anne Brockmeyer Mathieu Pellerin Gaël Raballand1 Abstract This paper estimates the volume of informal trade between Algeria and Mali and analyzes its determinants and mechanisms, using a multi-pronged methodology. First, we discuss how subsidy policies and the legal framework create incentives for informal trade across the Sahara. Second, we provide evidence of the importance of informal trade, drawing on satellite images and surveys with informal traders in Mali and Algeria. We estimate that the weekly turnover of informal trade fell from approximately US$ 2 million in 2011 to US$ 0.74 million in 2014, but continues to play a crucial role in the economies of northern Mali and southern Algeria. Profit margins of 20-30% on informal trade contribute to explaining the relative prosperity of northern Mali. We also show that official trade statistics are meaningless in this context, as they capture less than 3% of total trade. Finally, we provide qualitative evidence on informal trade actors and mechanisms for the most frequently traded products. JEL classification codes: F14, H26, J46. Keywords: informal trade, Algeria, Mali, fuel, customs. 1 The authors would like to thank Mehdi Benyagoub for his help on this study, Laurent Layrol for his work on satellite images, Nancy Benjamin and Olivier Walther for their comments and Sabra Ledent for editing. -
Global Information and Early Warning System on Food and Agriculture
Global information and early warning system on food and agriculture FOOD SUPPLY SITUATION AND CROP PROSPECTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA No.2 August 2001 Countries facing exceptional food emergencies: Angola, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Chad, Dem.Rep. of Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Liberia, Niger, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS - ii - INTRODUCTION This is the second of three annual issues of this report prepared by the FAO Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS) on the food supply situation and cereal import and food aid requirements for all countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The report is designed to provide the latest analysis and information on the food situation in these countries to governments, international organizations and other institutions engaged in relief operations. Part I focuses on the serious food supply difficulties that have emerged in parts of Sudan, the bleak food outlook for Zimbabwe and unfavourable prospects for the current “gu” season crops in Somalia. It also highlights the continuing food supply difficulties in Eritrea and parts of Kenya and Ethiopia. In addition, it highlights food supply problems in the Great Lakes region, despite favourable weather, as well as in Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea where international food assistance continues to be needed. Part II contains an assessment of crop prospects and the food supply situation by sub-region, giving the latest estimates of cereal import and food aid requirements of all four sub-regions of sub-Saharan Africa. Part III presents the latest analysis and information on crop prospects and the food supply situation and outlook in each country. -
Relations Between the EU and the Republic of Moldova Moldova-EU Honeymoon Over, but Marriage Is Good, Says Dirk Schuebel “The
Relations between the EU and the Republic of Moldova Moldova-EU honeymoon over, but marriage is good, says Dirk Schuebel “The ‘honeymoon’ in the relations between Moldova and the European Union passed, but the ‘marriage’ is good, at least better than the average,” the Head of the EU Delegation to Moldova Dirk Schuebel said in the meeting of the Chisinau Press Club, quoted by Info –Prim Neo. “This does not mean that these relations do not see good periods and difficult patches. But we are on the way of ultimately becoming a good family,” said the official. According to him, each of the sides should contribute to strengthening the relations and understand that this is very important. Moldova should stimulate the Europeanization reforms in the areas agreed with the EU, while the EU should increase its technical and financial assistance for facilitating these reforms. “This is what I meant when I referred to the ‘more for more’ principle. If a sector of the national economy does well and promotes reforms in a better manner, it will benefit from better support, while the sectors that will not cope with the reforms will receive less,” said Dirk Schuebel. He stressed that he does not work with certain political parties in Moldova, but with the country. “If the reformation strategy agreed by Moldova with the EU is not put into practice, we will not look for the persons or parties to blame. In such a case, it is the final result that counts for us and it would be a pity as the country will suffer. -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status -
E-Journal, Year IX, Issues 166, April 2-15, 2011
Governance and Democracy in Moldova E-journal, year IX, issue 166, April 2-15, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS ..................................................................................... 3 PARLIAMENT ........................................................................................................................... 3 1. Events of major importance............................................................................................... 3 Parliamentary Hearings on the elucidation of the events after April 5, 2009..................... 3 2. Dismissals ......................................................................................................................... 3 3. Legislative acts.................................................................................................................. 4 4. Parliamentary control. Hearings ....................................................................................... -
Mali 2019 Human Rights Report
MALI 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mali, a constitutional democracy, reelected President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita to a second five-year term in August 2018. International observers deemed the elections to have met minimum acceptable standards despite some irregularities and instances of violence. Parliamentary elections, originally scheduled for October 2018, were further delayed from June 2019 until at least May 2020, ostensibly to allow time to enact constitutional and electoral reforms. Security forces include the National Police, the Malian Armed Forces (FAMA), the National Gendarmerie, the National Guard, the General Directorate of State Security (DGSE), and the National Penitentiary Administration (DNAPES). FAMA, the National Gendarmerie, and the National Guard are administratively under the Ministry of Defense, although operational control of the National Guard and National Gendarmerie is shared with the Ministry of Internal Security and Civil Protection. Police officers have responsibility for law enforcement and maintaining order in urban areas, while gendarmes have that responsibility in rural areas. The army occasionally performed domestic security operations in northern areas where police and gendarmes were absent. The National Guard has specialized border security units, which were largely ineffective. The responsibilities of the Ministry of Internal Security and Civil Protection include maintaining order during exceptional circumstances, such as national disasters or riots. The DGSE has authority to investigate any case and temporarily detain persons at the discretion of its director general. It usually did so only in terrorism and national security cases. Civilian authorities did not always maintain effective control over the civilian and military security forces. As of November 6, the Coordination of Movements of Azawad (CMA), a signatory to the Algiers Accord for Peace and Reconciliation, had withdrawn from the national dialogue aimed at implementing the 2015 accord. -
MINUSMA's 2021 in Uncertain Times
MINUSMA’s 2021 Mandate Renewal in uncertain times Arthur Boutellis Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2021 ISBN: 978-82-7002-350-9 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Cover photo: UNPhoto / MINUSMA Investigates Human Rights Violations in Bankass Area MINUSMA’s 2021 mandate renewal in uncertain times Author Arthur Boutellis Data Visuals Jose Luengo-Cabrera EPON series editor Cedric DeConing Contents Acknowledgements 5 List of figures 7 Executive summary 9 Introduction 11 1. Brief history of MINUSMA 13 2. Assessing the effectiveness of MINUSMA since 2019 17 2.1. Supporting the Peace Process 17 2.2. Supporting PoC and the re-establishment of state authority in Central Mali 20 2.3. Supporting the 18-month Malian political transition 25 2.4. The relationship between MINUSMA and other forces 27 3. Implications for MINUSMA’s mandate renewal 33 3.1. The first strategic priority: The Peace Process 34 3.2. The second strategic priority: Central Mali 35 3.3. Supporting the Malian Transition within the framework of existing two strategic priorities 36 3.4. -
MALI Northern Takeover Internally Displaces at Least 118,000 People
1 October 2012 MALI Northern takeover internally displaces at least 118,000 people Few could have predicted that Mali, long considered a beacon of democ- racy in West Africa, would in less than a year see half its territory overrun by Islamic militants and a tenth of its northern population internally dis- placed. Instability and insecurity result- ing from clashes between government forces and Tuareg separatists and pro- liferation of armed groups in northern Mali in the wake of a coup d’état have combined with a Sahel-wide food crisis to force some 393,000 Malians from their homes since January 2012, some 118,800 of whom are estimated to be Malians who fled the unrest in the northeastern city of Gao wait at a bus internally displaced. station in Bamako to return to Gao, September 2012. REUTERS/Adama Diarra Some 35,300 people are displaced across Mali’s vast three northern regions, living in town with host fami- lies or out in the open in makeshift shelters. Most of the 83,400 IDPs who have taken refuge in the south are staying with host families. Both IDPs and host families face severe shortages of food, access to health care and basic necessities. Many IDPs have lost their sources of livelihoods and children’s education has been severely jeopardised. The nascent government of national unity, which took power in August 2012 after prolonged instability, has taken some steps to respond to health, nutrition and education needs but serious concerns remain for the vast majority of the displaced who still lack access to basic services.