Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism
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Lenin and the Russian Civil War
Lenin and the Russian Civil War In the months and years after the fall of Tsar Nicholas II’s government, Russia went through incredible, often violent changes. The society was transformed from a peasant society run by an absolute monarchy into a worker’s state run by an all- powerful group that came to be known as the Communist Party. A key to this transformation is Vladimir Lenin. Who Was Lenin? • Born into a wealthy middle-class family background. • Witnessed (when he was 17) the hanging of his brother Aleksandr for revolutionary activity. • Kicked out his university for participating in anti- Tsarist protests. • Took and passed his law exams and served in various law firms in St. Petersburg and elsewhere. • Arrested and sent to Siberia for 3 years for transporting and distributing revolutionary literature. • When WWI started, argued that it should become a revolution of the workers throughout Europe. • Released and lived mostly in exile (Switzerland) until 1917. • Adopted the name “Lenin” (he was born Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) in exile to hide his activities from the Tsar’s secret police. Lenin and the French Revolution Lenin admired the revolutionaries in France 100 years before his time, though he believed they didn’t go far enough – too much wealth was left in middle class hands. His Bolsheviks used the chaotic and incomplete nature of the French Revolution as a guide - they believed that in order for a communist revolution to succeed, it would need firm leadership from a small group of party leaders – a very different vision from Karl Marx. So, in some ways, Lenin was like Robin Hood – taking from the rich and giving to the poor. -
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ISSN 2520-2073 (print) ISSN 2521-442X (online) TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ‘Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn’ ‒ Benjamin Franklin Vol. 4 Issue 4 2020 Issue DOI: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-4 The quarterly journal published by Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) ISSN 2520-2073 (print) AIMS AND SCOPE TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ISSN 2521-442X (online) Training, Language and Culture (TLC) is a peer-reviewed journal that aims to promote and disseminate research spanning the spectrum of language and linguistics, education and culture studies with a special focus on professional communication and professional discourse. Editorial Board of A quarterly journal published by RUDN University Training, Language and Culture invites research-based articles, reviews and editorials covering issues of relevance for the scientific and professional communities. EDITORIAL BOARD Dr Elena N. Malyuga Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Moscow, Russian Federation FOCUS AREAS Barry Tomalin Glasgow Caledonian University London, London, UK Training, Language and Culture covers the following areas of scholarly interest: theoretical and practical perspectives in language and linguistics; Dr Michael McCarthy University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK culture studies; interpersonal and intercultural professional communication; language and culture teaching and training, including techniques and Dr Robert O’Dowd University of León, León, Spain technology, testing and assessment. Dr Elsa Huertas Barros University of Westminster, London, UK Dr Olga V. Aleksandrova Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation LICENSING Dr Lilia K. Raitskaya Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Moscow, Russian Federation All articles and book reviews published in Training, Language and Culture are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Li- Dr Alex Krouglov University College London, London, UK cense (CC BY 4.0). -
Wendy Red Star: Challenging Colonial Histories and Foregrounding the Impacts Of
Wendy Red Star: Challenging Colonial Histories and Foregrounding the Impacts of Violence Against Indigenous Women Virginia Barrett Hellmann A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of the Arts in Art History with Honors University of Colorado, Boulder Fall 2018 Committee: Annette de Stecher, Thesis Advisor, Art History Robert Nauman, Art History Diane Conlin, Classics 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Annette de Stecher for everything she contributed to this thesis process. From inspiring me in her lecture of Contemporary Indigenous Arts, to supplying endless wisdom and knowledge, to helping me refine my topic, and to contributing so many meaningful edits. This thesis never would have been written without her, so I would like to thank her for all of her support. I would also like to thank Drs. Robert Nauman and Diane Conlin for their contributions to this project, and for the amazing classes I took with them. They have taught me invaluable things about Art History, the field of museums, and the world in general. 3 Abstract In my thesis, Wendy Red Star: Challenging Colonial Histories and Foregrounding the Impact of Violence Against Indigenous Women, I analyze two of Red Star’s photographic series, Four Seasons and White Squaw. I argue that Red Star uses irony, humor, parody, and erasure to challenge stereotypes and misrepresentations of Indigenous lives. In Four Seasons, Red Star uses irony and humor to critique historically marginalized images in museum exhibitions, and the stereotypes created as a result of visions of empty land, ethnographic photography, and commercialization of Indigenous cultures. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
? FIRST and SECOND NATIONAL CONGRESSES of the CHINESE SOVIET REPUBLIC, 1931 and 1934 by Derek John Waller, B*Sc.(Econ.), M.A.(In
? FIRST AND SECOND NATIONAL CONGRESSES OF THE CHINESE SOVIET REPUBLIC, 1931 AND 1934 By Derek John Waller, B*Sc.(Econ.), M.A.(Indiana) Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the University of London, September 1968* ProQuest Number: 10731658 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731658 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 ABSTRACT The early 1930fs, or "Kiangsi soviet" period in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (COP), is one of the most obscure in the entire development of the communist movement* The major significance of the two National Congresses of 1931 and 1934 is that using them as a focal-point for analysis provides new information on the inter-related themes of political processes and power-relations during this period* In 1930, the COP leader Li Li-san attempted to convene the First Congress. The attempt proved abortive when Li fell from power in November 1930* The "Returned Student groupn, as the new Party leadership, continued to press for a Congress in order to assert their authority over that of Mao Tse-tung in the soviet areas. -
Introduction Land Reform in Post-Communist Europe
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87938-5 - The Post-Soviet Potemkin Village: Politics and Property Rights in the Black Earth Jessica Allina-Pisano Excerpt More information Introduction Land Reform in Post-Communist Europe In December 1991, as the flag of the Soviet Union flew its last days over the Kremlin, a small crowd armed with crutches and wheelchair wheels stormed the regional state administration building in an eastern Ukrainian city. The city, Kharkiv, lies fifty miles from the Russian border.1 The protesters were a group of senior citizens and disabled people from the Saltivka housing development in Moskovsky district, an area of the city named for its location on the road to the Soviet metropolis. The group had gathered to demand land for garden plots. The protesters had specific land in mind. The land lay at the eastern edge of the city, bordering the Saltivka housing development to the west and the fields of one of the most successful agricultural collectives in the region to the east. That farm, named Ukrainka, was among the biggest dairy producers in the area. Food supplies in city markets, however, had become unpredictable and expensive. Residents of Saltivka wanted land to grow produce for themselves and their families. In response, the Kharkiv district executive committee ordered that Ukrainka relinquish nearly 300 hectares of land for garden plots, in addition to 75 hectares already alienated for that purpose the previous spring. Members of the Ukrainka collective objected to the proposed plan, 1 This account is based on a series of newspaper articles about the incident in a Kharkiv regional paper: M. -
Best of Moscow Guided Tour CB-31
Tel: +44 (0)20 33 55 77 17 [email protected] www.justgorussia.co.uk Best of Moscow Guided Tour CB-31 This is a short 5 days introductory tour to Moscow visiting the major landmarks of the Russian capital included on UNESCO Heritage list - Red Square, Lenin's Mausoleum, Kremlin, Armoury and former tsars' residence Kolomenskoye. DEPARTURE DATES: 02.10.2021; 09.10.2021; 16.10.2021; 23.10.2021; 06.11.2021; 20.11.2021; 04.12.2021; 18.12.2021; 08.01.2022; 22.01.2022; 05.02.2022; 19.02.2022; 05.03.2022; 12.03.2022; 19.03.2022; 26.03.2022; 02.04.2022; 09.04.2022; 16.04.2022; 23.04.2022; 30.04.2022; 07.05.2022; 14.05.2022; 21.05.2022; 28.05.2022; 04.06.2022; 11.06.2022; 18.06.2022; 25.06.2022; 02.07.2022; 09.07.2022; 16.07.2022; 23.07.2022; 30.07.2022; 06.08.2022; 13.08.2022; 20.08.2022; 27.08.2022; 03.09.2022; 10.09.2022; 17.09.2022; 24.09.2022; 01.10.2022; 08.10.2022; 15.10.2022; 22.10.2022; 29.10.2022; 05.11.2022; 19.11.2022; 03.12.2022; 17.12.2022. ITINERARY TOUR INCLUSIONS AND OPTIONAL EXTRAS Day 1 - Saturday - Moscow Included Arrival in Moscow. Transfer to the Hotel International flights Accommodation Day 2 - Sunday - Moscow Daily breakfasts Moscow City Tour. Red Square, St. Basil's, Lenin English - speaking guides Mausoleum Guided tours & entrance fees Airport transfers Day 3 - Monday - Moscow Visas: checking service Kremlin & Armoury. -
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www.arianespace.com www.starsem.com www.avio Arianespace’s eighth launch of 2021 with the fifth Soyuz of the year will place its satellite passengers into low Earth orbit. The launcher will be carrying a total payload of approximately 5 518 kg. The launch will be performed from Baikonur, in Kazakhstan. MISSION DESCRIPTION 2 ONEWEB SATELLITES 3 Liftoff is planned on at exactly: SOYUZ LAUNCHER 4 06:23 p.m. Washington, D.C. time, 10:23 p.m. Universal time (UTC), LAUNCH CAMPAIGN 4 00:23 a.m. Paris time, FLIGHT SEQUENCES 5 01:23 a.m. Moscow time, 03:23 a.m. Baikonur Cosmodrome. STAKEHOLDERS OF A LAUNCH 6 The nominal duration of the mission (from liftoff to separation of the satellites) is: 3 hours and 45 minutes. Satellites: OneWeb satellite #255 to #288 Customer: OneWeb • Altitude at separation: 450 km Cyrielle BOUJU • Inclination: 84.7degrees [email protected] +33 (0)6 32 65 97 48 RUAG Space AB (Linköping, Sweden) is the prime contractor in charge of development and production of the dispenser system used on Flight ST34. It will carry the satellites during their flight to low Earth orbit and then release them into space. The dedicated dispenser is designed to Flight ST34, the 29th commercial mission from the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan performed by accommodate up to 36 spacecraft per launch, allowing Arianespace and its Starsem affiliate, will put 34 of OneWeb’s satellites bringing the total fleet to 288 satellites Arianespace to timely deliver the lion’s share of the initial into a near-polar orbit at an altitude of 450 kilometers. -
13Th International Conference on Cyber Conflict: Going Viral 2021
2021 13th International Conference on Cyber Confict: Going Viral T. Jančárková, L. Lindström, G. Visky, P. Zotz (Eds.) 2021 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CYBER CONFLICT: GOING VIRAL Copyright © 2021 by NATO CCDCOE Publications. All rights reserved. IEEE Catalog Number: CFP2126N-PRT ISBN (print): 978-9916-9565-4-0 ISBN (pdf): 978-9916-9565-5-7 COPYRIGHT AND REPRINT PERMISSIONS No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence ([email protected]). This restriction does not apply to making digital or hard copies of this publication for internal use within NATO, or for personal or educational use when for non-proft or non-commercial purposes, providing that copies bear this notice and a full citation on the frst page as follows: [Article author(s)], [full article title] 2021 13th International Conference on Cyber Confict: Going Viral T. Jančárková, L. Lindström, G. Visky, P. Zotz (Eds.) 2021 © NATO CCDCOE Publications NATO CCDCOE Publications LEGAL NOTICE: This publication contains the opinions of the respective authors only. They do not Filtri tee 12, 10132 Tallinn, Estonia necessarily refect the policy or the opinion of NATO Phone: +372 717 6800 CCDCOE, NATO, or any agency or any government. NATO CCDCOE may not be held responsible for Fax: +372 717 6308 any loss or harm arising from the use of information E-mail: [email protected] contained in this book and is not responsible for the Web: www.ccdcoe.org content of the external sources, including external websites referenced in this publication. -
Incommensurate Russia
perry anderson INCOMMENSURATE RUSSIA t will soon be a quarter of a century since Russia left com munism behind. Its present ruler has been in power for fifteen years, and by the end of his current term in office will have all but equalled the tenure of Brezhnev. From early on, Western Iopinion of his regime divided sharply. That under Putin—after a period of widespread misery and dislocation, culminating in near state bankruptcy—the country had returned to economic growth and political stability, was evident by the end of his first term; so too the popularity he enjoyed because of these. But beyond such bare data, there was no consensus. For one camp, increasingly vocal as time went on, the pivots of Putin’s system of power were corruption and repres sion: a neoauthoritarian state fund amentally inimical to the West, with a wrapping of legal proprieties around a ramshackle pyramid of klep tocracy and thuggery. This view prevailed principally among reporters, though it was not confined to them: a representative sample could be found inEconomist editor Edward Lucas’s The New Cold War (2009), Guardian journalist Luke Harding’s Mafia State (2012), Standpoint contributor Ben Judah’s Fragile Empire (2013), but expressed no less pungently by a jurist like Stephen Holmes. For Lucas, Putin, having seized power with a ‘cynical putsch’, and maintained it with the ‘methods of terrorists and gang sters’, had ‘cast a dark shadow over the eastern half of the continent’. For Harding, under Putin’s tutelage, ‘Russia has become bullying, violent, cruel and—above all—inhuman’. -
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/4377,The-Polish-Soviet-War-of-1920.html 2021-10-04, 09:59 03.08.2020 The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 Reasons The main reason for the outbreak of the Polish-Soviet war the threat to Poland’s independence by Soviet Russia, as well as the attempt to implement the idea of a permanent revolution, and the export of the communist revolution Europe-wide. The Bolsheviks began carrying out this plan immediately after seizing power in Russia in October of 1917. They undertook the first attempts in Finland already in 1918, where civil war had broken out, as well as in the Baltic nations. In 1919 an attempt was made at provoking an uprising in Berlin, in March of the same year a government coalition was formed in Hungary with the participation communists, and in June of 1919 an attempt was made at a coup in Vienna. With the aim of transferring the revolution to other European countries, in March 1919, the Bolsheviks founded Comintern – the Third International, which was formally an independent organisation, but in practise functioned according to the guidelines of the Political Office of the communist party. One of its “branches” was the Communist Polish Workers Party (later: the Communist Party of Poland), which originated even earlier – in December 1918. From the perspective of Poland’s independence, a highly significant issue in relations with the eastern neighbour, was determining the course of the eastern border. During this time Central Europe was occupied along the belt from the Baltic Sea to the Sea of Azov, by the German army, which only began retreating after entering into a ceasefire in Compiegne on 11 November 1918.